今日综述:本日共全量采集并深度研判来自全球各大主流语系与核心地缘区域的 1 份权威报刊与学术特刊。
北美主流大报 (North America) - 《The New York Times - 10.10.2026.pdf》从加沙废墟中挖掘希望:巴勒斯坦养蜂人尼文·阿尔-阿什卡尔在停火一年后尝试重建生计,通过在屋顶养蜂维持家庭经济。 - 《The New York Times - 10.10.2026.pdf》国土安全部抨击“庇护城市”政策:部长马克韦恩·马林批评纽约市的庇护政策降低了公民安全性,此前联邦特工枪击一名非法移民引发争议。 - 《The New York Times - 10.10.2026.pdf》美国对国际刑事法院实施金融制裁:特朗普政府宣布在六个月宽限期后禁止与国际刑事法院进行金融交易,旨在削弱该机构起诉战争罪的能力。
💡 各大报刊的报道脉络呈现出高度多维的地缘博弈、制度转型、社会痛感与前沿科学突破。读者可通过下方【今日跨报思想雷达总矩阵】快速把握各报最具穿透力的思想理论对话与生活世界痛感切入点,或在【全景报刊分卷】中按区域细读每份大报的具体文章精要、制度权力批判与理性情感辩证。
本矩阵自动系统汇编当日全球报刊最具穿透力的 【思想与文化深思切入点】 与 【生活世界痛感切入点】,为学者提供一站式理论对话与现象学经验索引:
从加沙废墟中挖掘希望
暂无制度批判分析。
暂无情感辩证分析。
“所有值得印刷的新闻”
第CLXXVI卷.... 第61,033号
© 2026 纽约时报公司
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 10, 2026
天气
今日,局部多云,微风,最高气温68. 今晚,多云,微风,最低气温58. 明日,受伊赛亚斯(Isaias)影响有雨,请警惕洪涝,最高气温64. 天气图见B12页。
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战争伤痕中的屋顶蜂箱。停火一年后,巴勒斯坦人正尝试重建他们的生活与生计。A6页。 SAHER ALGHORRA 为《纽约时报》拍摄
从加沙废墟中挖掘希望
本文由 Ed Shanahan, Luis Ferré-Sadurni 和 Hamed Aleaziz 撰写。
国土安全部部长马克韦恩·马林(Markwayne Mullin)周五猛烈抨击了“庇护城市”政策以及纽约市市长佐兰·马姆达尼(Zohran Mamdani)。此前一天,在一名联邦特工枪击一名身在车内的非法移民后,市长对特朗普政府提出了谴责。
在华盛顿举行的新闻发布会上,马林先生严厉批评了禁止地方政府配合移民执法工作的庇护政策,并特别针对纽约市,称这些政策使公民“安全性降低”。他多次将周四被移民局特工枪击的男子奥斯卡·贝尔加尔(Oscar Belgal)描述为“暴徒”和“最糟糕的人”。
周四下午,在纽约市马布尔希尔(Marble Hill)社区,一名联邦特工在移民官员试图逮捕一名来自多米尼加共和国的28岁男子贝尔加尔先生时,将其枪击受伤。据市警察局局长杰西卡·蒂施(Jessica Tisch)称,特工包围车辆时,贝尔加尔先生正与他5岁的儿子在车内。随后,枪击现场以及贝尔加尔先生接受治疗的医院爆发了抗议活动。
周四晚上,民主社会主义者马姆达尼先生指责特朗普政府
续见A16页
马萨诸塞州剑桥市——这门拟议中的麻省理工学院(M.I.T.)课程名称既挑衅且冗长:
比尔·哈里斯,1945-2026
“旨在去殖民化、解放、和平与社区建设的语言学与语言研究——从巴勒斯坦和以色列的河流到大海,到海地的山顶及更远之地。”
RAMONDO BOREA / 美联社 比尔·哈里斯(中),1975, 被捕。一年前,他所属的共生解放军(S.L.A.)绑架了帕特里夏·赫斯特。
比尔·哈里斯(Bill Harris)是一名海军陆战队退伍军人,他曾担任共生解放军(S.L.A.)的高级副手,是绑架继承人帕特里夏·赫斯特(Patricia Hearst)的主要绑架者之一。共生解放军是一个地下激进组织,代表了20世纪70年代革命远左翼的缩影,且在许多人看来,该组织导致了这一阵营名誉扫地。哈里斯于9月10日在旧金山去世,享年81岁。
斯蒂文·威德(Steven Weed)。
哈里斯先生进入美国公众视野的诡谲旅程始于晚上9点左右,Feb. 4, 1974, 当时,他与另外两名来自共生解放军(S.L.A.)的“士兵”闯入了加利福尼亚州伯克利的公寓。当时19岁的加州大学大二学生、被人们称为“帕蒂”的赫斯特女士与她的未婚夫
他的妻子丽贝卡·杨(Rebecca Young)在医院确认了死讯,并表示死因为心脏病发作。
赫斯特女士是加利福尼亚州相当于“皇室”家族的后裔。她是兰道夫·A·赫斯特(Randolph A. Hearst)的女儿,后者是赫斯特公司的董事长。该公司由她的祖父威廉·伦道夫·赫斯特(William Randolph Hearst)创立,这位傲慢的媒体大亨也是电影《公民凯恩》中主角的原型。
“帕特里夏·赫斯特是一个象征性的目标,”哈里斯先生后来补充道,
续见A22页
作者:艾伦·福尔(ALAN FEUER)和格伦·斯鲁什(GLENN THRUSH)
迈阿密 —— 上个月,白宫指派负责调查那些曾调查过特朗普总统的人员——约瑟夫·迪杰诺瓦(Joseph diGenova),正走出佛罗里达州福特皮尔斯海滩附近的查克海鲜餐厅(Chuck's Seafood),走向他的特斯拉汽车,此时他的手机震动了起来。
那是他的上司,司法部长托德·布兰奇(Todd Blanche)。对方正愤怒地咆哮着。
布兰奇先生此前对特朗普先生在4月份决定让81岁的迪杰诺瓦先生结束退休、启动所谓的“大阴谋”案件持谨慎支持态度。该案件是司法部为了追究总统认为其为敌的人员而采取的最广泛的行动。
如今,这位司法部长对迪杰诺瓦先生产生了反感,并对他猛烈抨击两名从华盛顿派来协助推进案件的检察官感到愤怒。据知情人士透露,布兰奇先生命令他于9月11日前往办公室报到——否则后果自负。
迪杰诺瓦先生认为自己将被解雇,于是选择了辞职,这给这项处于总统复仇议程核心且本就困难重重的调查带来了最新打击。而更多的麻烦接踵而至。
不久之后,迪杰诺瓦的一名高级副手库尔特·奥尔森(Kurt Olsen)也辞职了。据两名知情人士透露,事实证明他在关于与外国人接触的测谎测试中未通过,这危及了他的安全许可。奥尔森先生表示,他遵守了所有关于外国接触的要求,并非因安全许可问题而辞职,但拒绝透露更多细节。
该课程的讲师是米歇尔·德-格拉夫(Michel De-Graff),他是麻省理工学院(M.I.T.)一名资深的终身语言学教授。在10月7日哈马斯袭击以色列后的几个月里,他提出了这个想法。他是校园内支持亲巴勒斯坦抗议者的主要教师代表,而抗议者频繁呼喊的追求巴勒斯坦自由的口号“从河流到大海”,被一些犹太人视为反犹主义。
尽管如此,这两次离职揭露了数月以来的功能失调。它们还提供了新的证据,表明特朗普先生的复仇要求已经分化了司法部,转移了其他调查的资源,并继续侵蚀“政治必须与联邦执法严格分离”的原则。
《纽约时报》基于对20多名现任和前任官员的采访,对该调查进行了审查,发现该调查从一开始就注定失败。
“大阴谋”案件的理论是特朗普主义政治的基石:即近十年以来针对特朗普先生的各项调查,全部是一个旨在将其击垮的阴险计划的一部分。也就是说,存在一个持续的阴谋,其范围从调查俄罗斯与他2016年竞选活动之间的联系,一直延伸到由特别检察官杰克·史密斯(Jack Smith)监督的关于他处理机密文件不当以及试图推翻2020年选举结果的两项起诉。
迄今为止,迪杰诺瓦先生及其他参与此案的人员发现,要达到在法庭上证明任何接近“阴谋”的证据标准和管辖权要求,是非常困难且耗时的。
尽管如此,压力并未减轻。目前仍在推进该调查的十几名检察官正快速——
接续 A14 页
接续 A18 页
一个麻省理工学院(M.I.T.)的小组拒绝了这门课程,理由是质疑德-格拉夫博士(一名海地学者及克里奥尔语研究专家)是否具备教授该课程的专业知识。这本应为该事件画上句号。
对德格拉夫博士来说,这更像是一声发令枪。
作者:克里斯托弗·罗兰(CHRISTOPHER ROWLAND)和里德·阿贝尔森(REED ABELSON)
数百万拥有私人医疗保险(Medicare)覆盖的人群被强制要求更改其 2027 年的保险,且将为处方药和医疗护理支付更高费用,这促使一些专家发出警告,称更多美国老年人将面临更大的经济困难。
包括联合健康(UnitedHealth)、Centene 以及各州蓝十字计划(Blue Cross plans)在内的主要保险公司,已经关闭了它们认为在某些市场无利可图的计划,导致部分人在 2027. 年可选择的保单更少,可选择的医生也更加有限。在从俄勒冈州到新罕布什尔州的一些农村县,选购私人医疗保险优势计划(Medicare Advantage plans)的美国老年人会发现,选-
保险公司关闭计划, 选择寥寥
项已完全消失,或缩减至仅剩几个计划。
总体而言,随着本月开放注册的开始,根据健康技术公司 Duos 的估计,大约 500 万人将被迫更换计划,因为他们目前的保单已被取消,或者在其居住的县不再提供。其他估计值较低,但研究该问题的分析师表示,今年的取消人数可能会超过往年,而往年已是记录最高。
依赖社会保障金 续见 A13 页
本文由乔纳森·沃尔夫(Jonathan Wolfe)、奥雷利安·布里登(Aurelien Breeden)、乔纳森·赖斯(Johnatan Reiss)和赞恩·欧文(Zane Irwin)撰写。
一名在人权工作方面拥有长期记录的南非律师——包括领导一个称以色列犯有种族灭绝罪的联合国委员会——于周五获得诺贝尔和平奖。这一决定遭到了以色列的谴责,并凸显了该国在世界舞台上的深度孤立。
这位律师纳瓦内特姆·皮莱(Navanethem Pillay),被称为纳维(Navi),数十年来一直致力于人权问题,为包括未来的总统及诺贝尔奖得主纳尔逊·曼德拉在内的反种族隔离活动人士提供辩护。多年来,她曾担任联合国高级官员,以及国际刑事法院(International Criminal Court)的法官和调查卢旺达种族灭绝事件的法庭成员。

DANIEL KAHMANN / DTA VIA A.P. 纳瓦内特姆·皮莱曾为纳尔逊·曼德拉等活动人士辩护。
但正是皮莱女士去年在联合国以色列委员会的工作,使得诺贝尔委员会周五的宣布成为一个具有强烈政治色彩的决定,因为这使该奖项处于世界上最具分歧的问题之一之中。该委员会称以色列在加沙对巴勒斯坦人实施种族灭绝,以色列否认了这一结论。
在宣布获奖时,诺贝尔委员会没有明确提到加沙,而是引用了皮莱女士在人权领域的长期职业生涯,以及全球向“权力政治”的转变,这种转变破坏了对法律和正义的尊重。委员会主席约根·瓦特内·弗里德内斯(Jorgen Watne Frydnes)称该奖项是“向那些攻击”国际法的人发出的一个信号。
85 岁的皮莱女士是*最受尊敬的国际法学家之
续见 A8 页
制裁 美国宣布对国际刑事法院实施财务处罚。A9 页

国家 A10-18
特使被指卷入债务计划 一名捐赠者称,美国驻希腊大使金伯利·吉尔福伊尔(Kimberly Guilfoyle)要求他帮其偿还信用卡账单。A15 页
飓风“伊赛亚斯”(Isaias)瞄准墨西哥湾沿岸各州,成为两年来首场袭击美国本土的大型风暴。A18 页
受 9 / 11 启发而蓄意坠机 调查人员表示,袭击 FlyDubai 机长的副驾驶在产生极端主义观点后,旨在撞向以色列最大的机场。A8 页
村庄投票决定脱离英国 一项在皮丁顿(Piddington)附近安置 1,250 名寻求庇护者的计划引发了一次象征性的独立投票。A5 页
体育 B8-11
在德克萨斯大学效力两个赛季后,帕克·利文斯通做出了一个“商业决定”,转会至俄克拉荷马大学。B8页

艺术 C1-8
剧院里的混乱之夜 在舞台剧《农场上的汤姆》中,约30磅的舞台粘土增添了神秘感和大量泥泞。CI页
艺术家罗伯特·劳森伯格的基金会计划出售他在曼哈顿的前住所。CI页
商业 B1-7
博格多夫·古德曼(Bergdorf Goodman)这家在六年内经历了两次破产仍能生存的曼哈顿奢华百货公司,正将其顶尖销售代表视为下一个时代的基石。B1页
出于安全顾虑,Meta 将 Muse 的发布推迟了数月。但担心失去竞争优势迫使首席执行官马克·扎克伯格决定推进。B1页
观点 A20-21
斯蒂芬·斯特龙伯格
A20页

讣告 A19, 22
熊队火爆教练 迈克·迪特卡率领的球队在1986年赢得了超级碗。这位口才流畅、风趣且独断的“教练”后来成为一名分析师。他享年86岁。A19页

A.G. 萨尔兹伯格 发行人
成立于1851年
阿道夫·S·奥克斯 发行人 1896-1935
亚瑟·海斯·萨尔兹伯格 发行人 1935-1967
奥维尔·E·德里富斯 发行人 1961-1963
约瑟夫·卡恩 执行编辑
马克·莱西 管理编辑 卡罗琳·瑞安 管理编辑
萨姆·多尔尼克 副管理编辑
莫妮卡·德雷克 副管理编辑 史蒂夫·杜内斯 副管理编辑
马修·埃里克森 助理管理编辑
乔纳森·加林斯基 助理管理编辑
帕特里克·希利 助理管理编辑
卡伦·斯科格 助理管理编辑
迈克尔·斯莱克曼 助理管理编辑
吉姆·亚德利 助理管理编辑
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纳维·皮莱,一位在周五获得诺贝尔和平奖的南非律师。她是在开玩笑,提到去年的获奖者玛丽亚·科里纳·马查多将奖章颁给了长期追求该荣誉的特朗普总统。A1页。
2025年纽约市大都会运输署(MTA)因公交和地铁逃票而损失的金额。一些地铁站新安装的沙龙式车门有助于遏制逃票行为。A17页。
周四一篇关于对沙特阿拉伯进行军事打击的文章,错误地转述了一位巴基斯坦军方的评论。该官员当时正在描述巴基斯坦参与该国与胡塞武装冲突的情况。该官员表示,巴基斯坦战斗机被用于针对胡塞武装的行动,而非专门用于打击行动。
周一一篇关于康奈尔大学校园对正在调查的性侵指控反应的文章,误报了由 2015 年聘请的外部律师事务所调查性指控的女性人数。该人数并非超过 15 人;该事务所的报告并未具体说明调查了多少起案件。
周五一篇关于对被罢免的委内瑞拉领导人尼古拉斯·马杜罗提起指控的文章,误报了一名委内瑞拉前囚犯的姓氏。他是 Gregory David Werber,而非 Weber。
错误在印刷过程中会尽可能予以修正,因此此处记录的部分错误可能并未出现在所有版本中。如需查看最近发布的更正,请访问 nytimes.com / corrections。
a. 庇护申请
b. 气候变化责任
c. 选区划分不公(Gerrymandering)
你关注头条新闻吗? 参加我们的测验来验证一下。
d. 持枪权
e. 宗教教育

a. 欧盟成员身份
b. 外援
c. 医疗保健
d. 高中
e. 失业
a. Carlos
b. Eduardo
c. Flávio
a. 埃博拉
d. Jair Renan
e. Renato
b. 新冠
d. 尼帕病毒
c. 马尔堡病毒
e. 鼠疫
a. 星条旗胜利基金 (Stars & Stripes Victory Fund)
b. 4547 PAC
c. 黄金时代美国基金 (Golden Age America Fund)
d. MAGA Inc.
e. 爱国者崛起 PAC (Patriot Rising PAC)

GIANLIIGI GUERICA / 法新社
a. 44
b. 94℃. 124
d. 194
e. 244
a. 佛罗里达州
b. 佐治亚州
c. 伊利诺伊州
d. 田纳西州
e. 德克萨斯州
[⚠ 低质量翻译,建议复核] ## 报纸及更多内容
填字游戏 C5 讣告 A19, 22
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撰写 OpenAI 安全协议的戴维·罗宾逊(David Robinson)最近因安全顾虑而辞职。在《纽约时报》观点播客节目“埃兹拉·克莱因秀”(The Ezra Klein Show)中,他解释了辞职的原因。请在 nytimes.com / ezra-klein-show 收听。
东方快车的最初起点和终点是哪些城市?阿拉斯加州、夏威夷州以及另外哪两个美国州没有美铁(Amtrak)铁路服务?参加我们的测验,看看你对火车旅行了解多少。nytimes.com / travel
在最新的“场景剖析”(Anatomy of a Scene)中,编剧兼导演亚伦·索金(Aaron Sorkin)解释了他如何在由杰里米·斯特朗(Jeremy Strong)主演的电影《社交清算》(The Social Reckoning)中塑造马克·扎克伯格这个角色。请在 nytimes.com / movies 观看。
a. 安妮·卡森 (Anne Carson)
b. 詹妮弗·克罗夫特 (Jennifer Croft)
c. 莉迪亚·戴维斯 (Lydia Davis)
d. 艾米莉·威尔逊 (Emily Wilson)
e. 残雪 (Can Xue)
a. 克里斯蒂亚诺·罗纳尔多 (Cristiano Ronaldo)
b. 基利安·姆巴佩 (Kylian Mbappé)
c. 大卫·贝克汉姆 (David Beckham)
d. 裘德·贝林厄姆 (Jude Bellingham)
e. 利昂内尔·梅西 (Lionel Messi)
a. 数据中心
b. 稀土金属
c. 太阳耀斑
d. 放射性原子
e. 电鳗的脉冲
a. 《欲望号街车》 ("A Streetcar Named Desire")
b. 《码头风云》 ("On the Waterfront")
c. 《北西北》 ("North by Northwest")
d. 《出埃及记》 ("Exodus")
新闻测验于周五在《早报》(Morning)时事通讯中发布。如需订阅,请访问 nytimes.com / themorning。
e. 《 Bounty 号上的叛乱》 ("Mutiny on the Bounty")
答案:L B: 2 D: 3℃: 4 E: 5 D: 6 D: 7 D: 8 A: 9 E: 10 D: 11 B
1979年10月10日。据《时报》报道,纽约市市长埃德·科赫(Ed Koch)宣布了一项计划,将在市属广播电台广播被判定嫖娼者的姓名。“我们将称之为‘约翰时间’(John Hour),”科赫说。他解释称,其动机源于法律体系的“不公正”,因为法律往往惩罚妓女而非其客户,并将这次广播活动比作美国早期将违法者置于公共枷锁中的做法。10月23日,持续时间略长于一分钟的“约翰时间”在当时的市属电台 WNYC-AM 和 WNYC-TV 播出。一名播音员宣读了由曼哈顿地区检察官罗伯特·M·摩根索(Robert M. Morgenthau)提供给市府的名单。这一做法遭到了民权组织和包括《纽约时报》在内的报纸的质疑,后者的编辑委员会称其为“对政府权力的严重滥用”,随后“约翰时间”被停止。
加拿大在临床研究领域长期以来发挥着超出其规模的影响力,包括发明了世界上第一台手术机器人并完成了首次成功的肺移植。相关报道见:《用手术刀,加拿大研究人员测试人工智能的能力边界》
在纽约市拥有125年历史的奢侈品百货公司 Bergdorf Goodman,其一半的销售额来自每年在店内消费超过 $10,000 的客户,且其中许多人的消费额是该金额的10倍以上。相关报道见:《审视回归商店黄金时代的可能》B1
在导演罗德里戈·波特拉(Rodrigo Portella)执导的戏剧《农场上的汤姆》(Tom at the Farm)中,舞台上覆盖着一块铺有30磅红色粘土的防水布。当防水布被泼水时,演员们被泥浆溅到或覆盖。相关报道见:《舞台上的大泥坑扮演了重要角色》C1
癌症疫苗与新冠疫苗或麻疹、流感等其他疾病的疫苗不同。那些疫苗是为了预防疾病,而癌症疫苗则是攻击已经存在的疾病。相关报道见:《癌症疫苗研发进展详情》A12
埃隆·马斯克曾多次公开谈论他对模拟理论的信念——即人类可能生活在某种更高智能所创造的模拟之中。相关报道见:《埃隆·马斯克权力滔天。这一切是如何发生的?》C8
拉斯维加斯王牌队的 A'ja Wilson 本周赢得了她的第五个 W.N.B.A. 最有价值球员(MVP)奖。此前没有其他球员获得超过三个该奖项。相关报道见:《凭借第5个MVP奖,Wilson 必须调整那顶日益沉重的王冠》Bill

作者:伊恩·利文古德(IAN LIVENGOOD) 编辑:乔尔·法利亚诺(JOEL FAGLIANO) 10 / 16 / 2026
1 扑克游戏入场费 6 多层寺庙 7 能在 $-60^{\circ}\mathrm{C}^{*}$ 温度下生存的鸟类 8 极其出色 9 _ Burgundy,“主播”电影中的自大主播 10 真正让你感到“刺痛”的科学课? 12 古希腊的宽松服装 13 整齐的堆叠
1 绑在头上的布片 2 生产羊羔绒内衬靴子的品牌 3 “干得漂亮,伙计!” 4 “好人”与“坏蛋” 5 小孩的照顾者 6 极少量的包装材料 7 英国人眼中的十足傻瓜 11 _tac-toe(井字棋)


来自编辑部的四个周末推荐
罗曼·穆拉多夫(ROMAN MURADOV)
在孤独流行病和屏幕时间过长的环境下,年轻人正在一种模拟通
在一种模拟通信方式中寻找快乐:蜗牛邮件(传统信件)。在社交媒体上,潜在的笔友们通过寻找彼此并交换信件,希望培养无忧无虑的联系。一个人说道:“没有立即回复或实时维持对话的压力。”详情见 nytimes.com / styles

如果你这个周末需要一个毛茸茸的伴侣,旅游版面汇总了一份你可以与羊驼和阿尔巴卡羊共处的地点清单——是的,你没读错。例如,在加利福尼亚州索诺拉的一家农场,游客可以报名参加90分钟的体验活动,包括带领羊驼散步。前往 nytimes.com / travel 体验一次野性之旅。

乔治·加利福威尔(GEORGE CALIFWELL)
再次审视 组建乐队



你是否厌倦了平时的锻炼方式?也许是时候拓展你的视野了。在健身房之外,人们在社区中锻造力量,且无需任何杠铃。在印度,运动员在古老的运动“马拉坎巴”(mallakhamb)中,在木杆上表演杂技,这项运动考验着握力、耐力和平衡力。而在加纳,竞技臂力赛拥有狂热的追随者。为什么不利用这个周末来测试你的能力呢?nytimes.com / well

追求惊悚与寒意的季节到来了。如果你想感受节日气氛,埃里克·皮彭堡(Erik Piepenburg)可以提供帮助。每月,皮彭堡先生会挑选五部足以让你吓得僵直的新恐怖电影。在最近的一期中,他推荐了《后室》(Backrooms),这部大片讲述了一个由房间和走廊组成的迷宫世界。此外,《迷雾营地的青少年性与死亡》(Teenage Sex and Death at Camp Miasma)也进入了他的名单,这是一部关于一名电影制作人试图重启 20 世纪 80 年代砍杀电影系列的黑色喜剧。快去 nytimes.com / movies 为自己挖掘坟墓吧。

马戈·费雷拉(MARGO FERREIRA) 在美国各地的学校里,音乐教师早已习惯在预算极其匮乏的情况下进行音乐教学。乐器价格昂贵,且学生们使用粗暴。如今,学校音乐项目也加入了被特朗普政府关税挤压的利益群体之列。更换大号、大提琴等进口乐器的价格飞涨,迫使教师们自掏腰包,学区则不得不采取 3-D 打印等临时解决方案。艺术团体警告称,整个学校项目正面临危险。
现在可以在 Netflix 上观看的四部电影
马特·达蒙(Matt Damon)通过这部对罗伯特·卢德伦(Robert Ludlum)小说的优雅改编,开创了一个系列——并启动了除邦德之外最具影响力的间谍系列。达蒙饰演杰森·伯恩(Jason Bourne),尽管电影开始时,他失去了所有关于自身身份的记忆。但枪战、格斗和高速追逐的能力似乎是内置的肌肉记忆。弗兰卡·波滕特(Franka Potente)是一个有趣的旅伴,而克里斯·库珀(Chris Cooper)、布莱恩·考克斯(Brian Cox)和克莱夫·欧文(Clive Owen)则是令人难忘的反派角色。
这部由导演佩顿·里德(Peyton Reed)执导的深受喜爱的热门电影,具备了典型青少年喜剧的所有特征。但在鲜艳的色彩和舞蹈表演之下,是对种族、阶级和文化挪用的辛辣且微妙的评论。克尔斯滕·邓斯特(Kirsten Dunst)饰演的托伦斯(Torrance)表现出色,她是一名首席啦啦队长,发现她在圣地亚哥的获奖队伍“公牛队”(Toros)一直在剽窃洛杉矶一个竞争对手队伍的动作。她遇到了她的对手伊西斯(Isis,加布里埃尔·尤尼恩 饰),后者领导着东康普顿的“三叶草队”(Clovers)。
劳伦·魏斯伯格(Lauren Weisberger)的这部半自传体小说在被改编为电影时就已经引起了轰动;最终的电影(没错,就是原版!)帮助安妮·海瑟薇(Anne Hathaway)完成了向女主角的转型,并给了梅丽尔·斯特里普(Meryl Streep,右上图)一个该 era. 时期最令人难忘的角色之一。海瑟薇饰演

巴里·威彻 / 20世纪福克斯(BARRY WITCHER / 20TH CENTURY FOX)
安迪(Andy),一名理想主义记者,在接受米兰达·普里斯特利(Miranda Priestly,斯特里普 饰)助理的工作时,觉得自己是在委屈求全,而普里斯特利是《Runway》杂志那位迷人但残酷的总编辑。斯坦利·图齐(Stanley Tucci)和艾米莉·布朗特(Emily Blunt)分别饰演安迪的主要保护者和竞争对手,两人在片中抢尽风头。
汤姆·克鲁斯这部对其1986年大热作品期待已久、久而久之的续集,是一次令人震惊的成功尝试,它在两种方向之间取得了平衡。电影制作者为当代观众更新了事件和角色(飞行员团队更加多元化),并处理了那些不再那么符合时代的议题和观点。但它也并非完全的颠覆。《独行侠》满足了原版的所有要素:不仅有惊险的动作戏,以及大量的墨镜和皮夹克,还有处于巅峰状态、酷劲十足的克鲁斯——以及一个令观众满意的怀旧式结局。JASON T. BAILEY
亲爱的,你一直拥有这种力量 “多萝西”奖章 18K金或纯银材质
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纽约时报
纽约时报
摄影:COLE BURSTON 为《纽约时报》拍摄
5月,在多伦多总医院的手术室里,阿明·马达尼博士(左)和蒂莫西·杰克逊博士在视觉人工智能指南的帮助下,为一名患者进行腹腔镜胆囊切除术。左图为马达尼博士及其人工智能手术指南程序的计算机系统。
作者:VJOSA ISAI
多伦多——在一个春日的早晨,在多伦多总医院无影灯的照射下,两名外科医生正在为一名女性切除一个梨形的胆囊。
“请开启人工智能,”内分泌与急诊外科医生阿明·马达尼博士喊道。
在一个大显示器上,来自患者体内的摄像机画面绽放出绿色和红色的斑块,显示出哪里可以安全切割,哪里不可以。该覆盖层由人工智能驱动,马达尼博士一直在训练该模型像顶尖外科医生一样思考。
他的同事蒂莫西·杰克逊博士指出,系统可能需要显示另一种颜色:警示黄,用以代表那些始终需要人类判断、且没有任何算法能够模拟的区域。
手术视野——医生称之为手术中的身体区域——是加拿大人工智能最新的前沿领域之一。加拿大在人工智能的早期开发方面赢得了全球声誉,并且是一些先驱者的故乡。
加拿大的医疗保健支出高于大多数发达国家,但其全民、主要由税收资助的医疗系统正受到家庭医生候诊时间过长和医院床位短缺的困扰,这使得人工智能在降低成本的同时改善护理的承诺对政府而言极具吸引力。
总理马克·卡尼在多伦多总医院(该院被评为世界顶尖医院之一)的一次活动中公布了加拿大的国家人工智能战略,将该计划描述为一种“利用人工智能来改善生活,而且确实能挽救生命”的方式。
加拿大试图走出硅谷阴影的动力,部分源于该国与美国贸易关系的破裂,以及在数字世界中维护主权的愿望。这也建立在加拿大在临床研究领域表现出强于其实力的历史基础之上,包括发明了世界上第一个手术机器人并完成了首次成功的肺移植。
现在,凭借手术刀,加拿大研究人员正在测试人工智能能力的边界。
外科医生长期以来一直采用学徒制模式进行培训:他们在亲自操作之前观察他人的工作,并最终熟练掌握相关技术,直到能够指导同行。美国外科先驱威廉·斯图尔特·哈尔斯特德(William Stewart Halsted)医生将其称为“看一次,做一次,教一次”。
在过去的几年里,40岁的马达尼(Madani)医生对外科医生的学习方式产生了浓厚兴趣——包括他们的认知过程、行为心理学,以及在手术室中成为顶尖专家的必要条件。在疫情期间,由于手术室大部分时间关闭,他设计了一套工具来训练住院医师通过视觉方式解读手术视野,就像让飞行员进入飞行模拟器一样。
随后,人工智能进入了医学领域。
“我之前所做的所有工作,就像是为训练人工智能算法像专家外科医生那样思考和行动而搭建的完美基础,”马达尼医生说道。他在多伦多的一家名为 U.H.N. 的公共研究与教学医院集团——大学健康网络(University Health Network)创立了外科人工智能研究学院。“这一切都非常偶然。”
腹腔镜手术通过插入一个小切口处的摄像头进行记录,生成的视频被用于训练马达尼医生的 AI 模型。他的实验室推出的首批算法之一是针对常见的胆囊切除术,旨在提高精准度以避免胆管损伤。根据 2025 年的一篇同行评审期刊文章,这种罕见的并发症是加拿大、美国和英国普外科医生面临医疗事故诉讼的主要原因。
法国斯特拉斯堡图像引导手术研究所(Institute of Image-Guided Surgery)的科学主任尼古拉斯·帕多伊(Nicolas Padoy)表示,尽管胆囊手术是常规操作,但外科医生可能会因为注意力不集中或过度自信而误判解剖结构,而 AI 工具正是为了填补这一空白。该研究所也在进行类似的研究。
马达尼医生的工具——名为 GoNo-GoNet ——其功能就像手术台上的 GPS:识别解剖模式并预测“禁区”(no-go zones),即一旦切开会导致严重并发症的区域。它像红绿灯一样,绿色表示可以切割,红色表示禁止。
但 U.H.N. 普外科手术室医疗主任杰克逊(Jackson)医生表示:“那里还有一个黄色区域,而这正是手术的艺术,目前还无法在 AI 模型的 0 和 1 之间计算出来。”
在手术室里,在时长约 40 分钟的手术过程中,这名 44 岁患者的心电监护仪稳定地发出嘀嘀声。(该患者同意让《纽约时报》观察她的手术过程。)在外科医生向她的腹腔充入二氧化碳以给手术器械创造空间后,杰克逊医生在马达尼医生身边就位。
两台监视器——一台带有 AI 叠加层,一台没有——通过腹腔镜(一种带有微型灯光和摄像头的管状手术器械)显示患者腹腔内部的相同视野。外科医生在观察不带 AI 的监视器时,对与胆囊相连的导管和动脉进行了暴露、结扎和电凝,因为他们表示,有时会觉得红色和绿色的叠加层干扰注意力。外科医生始终可以使用这两种选项。一旦器官被分离,他们将其滑入一个袋子中以防止破裂。
“我个人没预料到这一切,但我发现自己身处一个我认为与 互动不可避免的世界,”杰克逊医生说。
已经渗透到北美医疗保健的几乎每一个角落,在自动处理临床记录和患者通信等文书工作的同时,加快了诊断速度并确定了个性化治疗方案。在美国,特朗普政府正推动将其整合到医疗护理中的速度令该领域的一些人士感到不安。
多伦多的外科医生表示,GoNo-GoNet 的准确率相当高。
“我对我的 模型感到非常自豪,”马达尼医生在手术后 beaming(面带笑容)地说道。作为一项需要参与者同意的临床试验的一部分,他每月使用该工具引导进行大约两次胆囊切除术。
多伦多大学生物伦理联合中心代理主任杰伊·肖(Jay Shaw)医生表示,患者在同意将其用于护理之前需要了解多少关于 的信息——以及他们如何同意其数据被使用,特别是如果这些模型随后被商业化——是该领域主要的伦理问题之一。
另一个担忧是,手术室中的 是否会使外科医生更加依赖工具而非技能。安大略省伦敦市西安大略大学的血液学家兼教授本杰明·钦-伊(Benjamin Chin-Yee)医生研究新技术如何影响患者护理,他表示,即使是自动生成临床记录也可能削弱批判性思维。
“我担心如果我们如此迅速地将其外包给 ,推理过程中许多重要的步骤将会丢失,”他说。
在这种情况变得紧迫之前可能还需要一段时间。一项 2023 年的同行评审研究发现,急诊外科医生在是否让 指导手术决策的问题上存在分歧。马达尼医生仍然能看到早期采用者与怀疑者之间的差距。但他说,“我们大多数人对手术的数字化时代感到相当兴奋。”

今年 2 月,不列颠哥伦比亚省坦布勒里奇中学发生大规模枪击事件,受害者纪念活动。这次杀戮摧毁了这个宁静的小镇。 ALAMA PATERSUN 为《纽约时报》拍摄
作者:VJOSA ISAI
多伦多——美国当局逮捕了一名 30 岁的华盛顿州居民,指控其共谋在不列颠哥伦比亚省农村地区实施校园枪击案。在此次逮捕的八个月前,一名加拿大青少年杀害了 8 人。
2 月 10, 18 岁的杰西·范·鲁茨拉尔(Jesse Van Rootselaar)在不列颠哥伦比亚省宁静的山区小镇坦布勒里奇枪杀了她的母亲和 11 岁的继弟。随后,她前往当地学校,枪杀了五名学生和一名
教育指导员。她在学校内因自杀性枪伤死亡,她的死促使加拿大皇家骑警宣布无需搜寻其他嫌疑人。
但周二下午,美国联邦调查局、加拿大皇家骑警和美国司法部(DOJ)的官员宣布,另一个人在数月间一直与范·鲁特斯拉尔女士接触并策划此次枪击。这包括向范·鲁斯拉尔女士发送现金——约 100 美元用于购买一双乐福鞋,以及 15 美元用于购买一个打火机——并就如何实施袭击提供技术建议。
当局在西雅图举行的新闻发布会上表示,该嫌疑人为来自华盛顿州贝灵汉的詹姆斯·科迪·布莱恩特(James Cody Bryant),已于周二上午被逮捕。官员们表示,该嫌疑人为生理男性,当局在称呼其时使用男性代词,但其自我认同为女性,与枪手范·鲁特斯拉尔女士相同。
嫌疑人的律师,来自西雅图联邦公设辩护人办公室的格雷戈里·默菲(Gregory Murphy)拒绝发表评论。
范·鲁特斯拉尔女士与该嫌疑人大约在三年前通过 Omegle(一个连接陌生人的聊天网站)相识。联邦调查局(F.B.I.)西雅图分局主管特工迈克·哈林顿(Mike Harrington)表示,在 2023 年该网站因被指是性虐待的避风港而关闭后,两人仍保持联系。
他们的友谊在关于策划枪击的对话中发展,这些对话至少在袭击发生前六个月就开始了,包括在社交媒体平台 Discord 上的沟通。范·鲁特斯拉尔女士在其他多个社交媒体账号上也十分活跃,她在其中记录了自己对枪械的痴迷以及心理健康问题;针对这些问题,她服用处方药,并尝试使用迷幻药和其他非法物质。
当局表示,该嫌疑人帮助范·鲁特斯拉尔女士测试直播设备,承诺帮助分发并扩大枪击期间拍摄的视频的影响力,并就如何启动范·鲁特斯拉尔女士从家中前往学校所使用的汽车提供了建议。
“如果没有布莱恩特那种错位的忠诚以及操作直播的意愿,我们最终无法确定枪手是否会实施这起犯罪,”哈林顿先生说道,并补充说两人之间的信息令他感到不安。他表示,这些信息很难读下去,“部分原因是这两个人在讨论大规模夺走无辜生命时所使用的语气过于随意。”
华盛顿西区代理美国检察官查尔斯·尼尔·弗洛伊德(Charles Neil Floyd)表示,该嫌疑人致力于协助范·鲁特斯拉尔女士,并在熬夜值班后保持清醒以测试直播。但在实际袭击过程中,直播仅持续了 20 秒便中断,且仅由该嫌疑人观看。
坦布勒里奇(Tumbler Ridge)的枪击事件震惊了这个拥有 2,400 人的安静社区,该学校随后被拆除。除了 8 人被杀外,两名学生受重伤但幸存,其中包括一名在近距离被击中三次的女孩。
枪击事件发生后的几个月里,已有 30 多起诉讼被提起,被告是总部位于旧金山的人工智能公司 OpenAI。此前,《华尔街日报》披露,该公司内部曾将范·鲁特斯拉尔女士的 ChatGPT 账号因暴力言论而标记。尽管内部就如何处理该问题存在争议,但该公司选择不将投诉上报给加拿大当局,而是关闭了范·鲁特斯拉尔女士的账号,不过她随后能够激活另一个账号。
不列颠哥伦比亚省上个月在加利福尼亚州起诉了 OpenAI,声称如果该公司能及时采取行动,这次枪击事件本可以被避免。OpenAI 首席执行官萨姆·奥特曼在袭击发生后的几个月里向该省表达了歉意,并再次强调其公司对人工智能安全监管的承诺,但不列颠哥伦比亚省省长大卫·埃比表示,此后的相关对话已经陷入停滞。
作者:梅根·斯佩西亚 (MEGAN SPECIA)
英格兰,皮丁顿 (PIDDINGTON) —— “这是多么不平凡的一周啊,”蒂姆·麦克纳利 (Tim McNally) 在皮丁顿的村公所里对数十名邻居得意地说道。
“我告诉过你们,我们要把皮丁顿这个小村庄,变成地球上最大的村庄,”身为教区委员会主席的麦克纳利先生在9月下旬的一个周二晚上说道,“我们要让它名声大噪。”
他们确实做到了。
这个仅有350多人的村庄在9月15日投票决定脱离英国独立,以抗议政府计划在附近的一个前军事基地安置1,250名男性寻求庇护者。
事实上,皮丁顿并没有脱离英国,因为这次全民公投没有法律依据。但它让这个位于牛津郡的乡村村庄登上了各大新闻网站和社会媒体动态的顶端。麦克纳利先生将这次宣传上的成功比作一个“蓝图”,可供其他面临寻求庇护者可能到来的地区参考。
皮丁顿迅速成为了一个典型案例,展示了一个小地方如何就居民认为被忽视的担忧向国家政府发起挑战。在这种情况下,一个没有商店或酒吧的小村庄,如何能应对突然出现在其郊区的一千多名失业男子?
这场运动有时会放大极右翼关于移民的论调,同时也说明了移民问题是如何导致分歧的—。
在欧洲各地均有发生。在英国,尽管寻求庇护的申请量较去年底的峰值有所下降,但仍持续高于 2021 年之前的平均水平。
跨越英吉利海峡抵达英国的移民(几乎全部申请庇护)其抵达过程极具可见度,已成为一个冲突爆发点,尽管这些乘坐小船抵达的人数自 2022 年的最高水平以来也有所下降。
皮丁顿(Piddington)的投票凸显了许多欧洲政府面临的困境:在申请处理期间,且反移民情绪变得更加强烈和普遍的情况下,寻求庇护者应该被安置在哪里?
反对该计划的当地居民中包括 59 岁的梅莉丝·威特金(Melise Witkin),她表示该地点靠近村庄绿地——禧年保护区(Jubilee Reserve),这令人担忧。
“任何神志清醒的人都不会想在禧年保护区散步时,还得担心走在路上可能会遇到他们中的 20 个人,”威特金女士(59 岁)在谈到寻求庇护者时说道。“他们可能是最最可爱的人,但如果他们不是呢?”
这种认为大量失业男性的到来会对妇女和儿童构成威胁的认知,是村庄投票的焦点。在英国,寻求庇护者自 21 世纪初以来就被禁止工作,而政府在申请处理期间有法律义务提供住宿。
根据方案,位于村庄郊外的这座前军事基地将安置 18 至 65 岁的男性。他们将被允许在白天自由出入。
54 岁的瑞秋·马什(Rachel Marsh)同样反对该计划,她认为该地点不合适,且军事化的布置不人道。但在对该运动的基调感到不安后,她是 26 名投票反对独立(independence)的居民之一。
“他们完全陷入了恐惧的修辞之中,”她在谈到一些邻居时说道。她表示,看到关于移民具有不成比例的暴力或犯罪倾向的误导信息被用来“将人们煽动到这种激进的狂热状态”,她感到很悲哀。(尽管数据有限,但研究人员表示,几乎没有证据表明移民会对整体犯罪率产生影响。)
由麦克纳利(McNally)先生等人运营的独立运动 Facebook 账号分享了一段 AI 生成的动画。视频描绘了一个由白人居住的田园诗般村庄,当赤裸上身的黑人男性行进并对着年轻女孩色眯眯地看,而戴头巾的男性将孩子们从操场上吓跑时,村里的白人显得惊恐且沮丧。
该运动,特别是麦克纳利先生,标记并感谢了右翼活动人士和人物,例如埃隆·马斯克(Elon Musk),后者经常利用社交媒体试图影响英国政治。在一次采访中,麦克纳利先生表示,马斯克先生转发该运动的帖子是一个积极的转折点。
“我想,好吧,我们这次绝对抓到重点了,”他说,并补充道这有助于推动关于社区风险的“叙事”。当被问及运动视频中使用排外和种族主义意象的指控时,他表示自己没有制作这些片段。“我完全不认为这是种族主义,”他说,并补充道,“这是在讲述皮丁顿的故事,在我看来,这就是准确的呈现。”
在更广泛的英国境内,近年来对移民的愤怒在增长,针对寻求庇护者的抗议活动已变得具有破坏性,有时甚至演变为暴力事件。
9 月,数百名戴着巴拉克拉法帽(balaclavas)的反移民示威者聚集在英格兰南部的朴茨茅斯(Portsmouth),封锁港口入口数小时。本周,另一组人群在戈斯波特(Gosport)与警方发生冲突,该沿海城镇此前有一艘救援船将移民送上岸。
针对使用军事基地的抵制情绪,此前已出现过一次抗议,当时是前保守党政府为了遵守社交距离规定而将酒店用作寻求庇护者的安置点。疫情结束后,乘坐小船跨越英吉利海峡寻求庇护的人数迅速增加,而申请处理速度却有所下降,导致积压严重,工党政府目前仅部分削减了这些积压量。
负责移民政策的工党内政大臣沙巴娜·马ห์穆德(Shabana Mahmood)采取了强硬手段,旨在表明政府已听到选民的担忧。使用前军事基地而非酒店——以营造一种不那么慷慨且管控更严的印象——便是其中一部分。
伦敦研究机构“英国未来”(British Future)主任桑德·卡特瓦拉(Sunder Katwala)表示,将军事基地转换为安置点的尝试可能成本高昂、备受关注且极具争议。他指出,这些举措还为煽动者提供了聚集地,并造成一种当地人的担忧被忽视的局面。
“这正是我们应该努力去做的一件事:将真正的担忧与煽动及挑事区分开来,”他说。“我认为我们不希望看到的是情况变得混乱,导致那些参加教区委员会会议的理性居民,现在接收到了来自极右翼的极端阴谋论。”
毫无疑问,皮丁顿(Piddington)的居民确实反对该基地。一个名为“错误的计划,错误的地点”(Wrong Plan, Wrong Site)的独立倡议组织正在针对该提案发起基于证据的法律挑战。但该倡议在独立运动更具挑衅性的论点面前显得较为低调。
“在这种考量中,完全没有考虑到这种平衡,”马什女士(Ms. Marsh)说道。不过她补充说,工党政府未能倾听担忧,从而为刻薄的声音创造了空间,她表示:“工党拒绝就此事与民众沟通,这相当于将其拱手让给了极右翼。”
她和丈夫在皮丁顿生活了二十年,并在这里抚养孩子。她原籍新西兰,而她的公婆属于二战后合法移民到英国的加勒比地区“风信子一代”(Windrush generation)。
在全民公投当天,马什女士接受了英国广播公司(BBC)的采访,随后她和家人遭到了猛烈的网络攻击。一名反移民活动人士来到她家中,对其进行拍摄并发布了视频,其中泄露了她的住址。该片段被极右翼煽动者转发,她随后与警方会面讨论她的安全问题。
尽管如此,马什女士表示,提供另一种视角仍然很重要。“我认为这里存在一个让我们分而治之的议程,”她说。
皮丁顿此前经历过类似情况。2001年,一项在村庄外开发寻求庇护者安置点的计划也引起了激烈反对。后来政府认定该计划在经济上不可行,遂将其废弃。
首相安迪·伯纳姆(Andy Burnham)上周表示,考虑使用军事基地是因为选民希望人们搬出酒店。
“但我听到了皮丁顿以及其他受影响地区人们的说法,”他说。“我没有忽视他们的担忧。”
英国内政部在一份声明中表示,计划关闭难民申请人酒店,并将人员转移至替代住所,其中包括前军事基地,这些基地“旨在实现自给自足,并配备 24 / 7 全天候安保和闭路电视监控,以减轻对当地社区的影响”。
作者:克里斯·卡梅伦(CHRIS CAMERON)和伊万·彭恩(IVAN PENN)
华盛顿——特朗普总统周五表示,他已与俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·V·普京达成协议,立即向美国市场进口俄罗斯柴油,此举削弱了美国的制裁措施。
克里姆林宫发表声明称,普京在与特朗普的电话通话中表示愿意向世界供应更多石油和其他燃料。但该声明提供的细节很少。
在特朗普宣布消息几分钟后,财政部表示,将取消对俄罗斯柴油出口的制裁,“以允许俄罗斯柴油供应全球市场”。该公告给予俄罗斯能源生产商一项通用许可证,允许其在4月之前销售柴油。
克里斯·卡梅伦在华盛顿报道,伊万·彭恩在洛杉矶报道。艾伦·拉佩波特(Alan Rappeport)在华盛顿参与报道;伊万·内切普伦科(Ivan Nechepurenko)在格鲁吉亚第比利斯报道;瓦莱丽·霍普金斯(Valerie Hopkins)在柏林报道。
美国在2022年该国入侵乌克兰后,对俄罗斯能源出口实施了制裁,以限制普京为这场战争提供资金的能力。
俄罗斯是全球其他地区柴油的关键供应商。上周,在乌克兰对炼油厂和其他燃料基础设施进行毁灭性打击的情况下,俄罗斯将柴油出口禁令延长至10月底。这些袭击以及出口禁令,导致美国中期选举前的燃料价格维持在高位。特朗普最近批评乌克兰的这些袭击,称其推高了价格。
但特朗普在周五的一篇社交媒体帖子中表示,普京已批准在未来几个月内运送潜在数百万吨的柴油。
“双方达成协议,”特朗普说,“俄罗斯将立即向美国和全球市场供应超过300,000吨柴油,11月期间再供应500,000吨,随后立即供应1,000,000吨。此外,根据其柴油炼油厂的情况,俄罗斯将在短时间内交付3,000,000吨柴油。”
俄罗斯柴油重返国际市场将是普京的胜利,多年来他一直试图打破美国对莫斯科能源部门制裁的僵局。
尽管俄罗斯正遭受数十年来最严重的汽油危机,莫斯科周边及全国许多加油站无法满足需求,但俄罗斯拥有过剩的柴油供应。不过,对外关系委员会高级研究员爱德华·费什曼(Edward Fishman)表示,他怀疑俄罗斯能否供应像特朗普所称的承诺那样多的柴油。
“俄罗斯实施出口禁令的原因是乌克兰的袭击降低了其炼油产量,导致国内使用必须实行燃料配给,”费什曼说。“在我看来,这是典型的普京——用空头支票旨在进一步制造跨大西洋联盟的分裂。”
乌克兰总统弗拉基米尔·泽连斯基周五批评了这项柴油协议,同时指出乌克兰谈判代表正在佛罗里达州与美国官员会面,讨论结束与俄罗斯战争的问题。
“这只会为普京的战争努力提供燃料,并使他能够更激进地发动战争,”泽连斯基说。
即便普京真的出口了特朗普所称的那么多柴油,相对于全球对该燃料的需求而言,其数量依然很小。柴油被用于卡车、船舶、巴士、农机和发电机。全球每天消耗大约3000 万桶柴油及相关燃料。根据特朗普的说法,俄罗斯本月将出口的300,000吨柴油相当于约220 万桶,不足全球日需求的十分之一。
这是特朗普政府为了降低能源价格而采取的最新举措,旨在放宽对俄罗斯的制裁。在与伊朗战争开始之初,财政部长斯科特·贝森特(Scott Bessent)取消了对海上俄罗斯石油的制裁,称此举将为全球市场增加数亿桶原油并抑制价格。
根据美国汽车协会(AAA)的数据,周五美国加油站的柴油平均价格为每加仑 $6.28,高于一年前的 $3.68。全国平均价格在 9 月 22 达到了 $6.53 的最高点。
柴油价格的飙升已成为特朗普先生以及共和党候选人在下个月国会选举中的重大政治负担,尤其是在爱荷华州、堪萨斯州和内布拉斯加州等农村州,那里的许多农民严重依赖柴油。
上个月,特朗普先生提议禁止美国出口柴油,以帮助降低农民、卡车司机和企业的成本。但石油和天然气行业表示,禁令不会给企业和消费者带来缓解,反而会导致全球短缺,从而引发价格上涨。
随后在周一,在内布拉斯加州大岛(Grand Island)的一次竞选集会上,特朗普先生通过签署一项行政命令,允许扩大使用所谓的“红色染料柴油”(red-dyed diesel),再次尝试降低柴油价格。由于这种柴油旨在用于拖拉机等非公路车辆,因此无需缴纳联邦燃料税。
但石油行业专家表示,与出口禁令一样,临时使用红色染料柴油对于降低美国国内或海外的柴油价格可能影响极小或根本没有影响。
全球对柴油的需求导致美国柴油出口量创下历史新高,近几个月每天高达 160 万 桶。在 2 月 28, 美以对抗伊朗的战争开始之前,美国平均每天出口 110 万 桶。
中东战争
摄影:SAHER ALGHORRA 撰文:AARON BOXERMAN
去年10月的停火协议表面上结束了以色列在2023年10月7日哈马斯领导的袭击后在加沙发动的战争。
然而一年后,以色列的袭击虽然频率降低,但并未停止。据当地卫生官员称,自停火协议签署以来,加沙已有1,400多人丧生。以色列方面表示,其目标仍是哈马斯武装分子。
加沙的巴勒斯坦人正试图重建他们的生活和生计,试图从碎片中榨取一份常态。一些人尝试利用任何能搜集到的材料进行重建。另一些人则尝试恢复原有的生意或创办新企业。数千名在战争中遭受改变一生命运之伤的儿童正努力重建生活。
三年来,巴勒斯坦人的生活被死亡与毁灭所吞噬。但炸弹、饥饿和流离失所并未抹去他们对更好生活的向往。
赛义德·卡法尔内(Saeed Kafarneh)与内尔敏·阿卜杜勒·哈迪(Nermeen Abdul Hadi)结婚。下方照片为他们进行简易版的传统婚礼沐浴仪式。
在战争之前,加沙的婚礼可以是极其奢华的盛事,包括丰盛的烤羊肉大餐以及穿梭在蜿蜒街道上的游行队伍。
对于许多加沙人来说,这样的享乐现在感觉像是遥远的奢侈品。
一对夫妇在挤满了流离失所者的联合国学校里举行婚礼。另一对则在海滩上低调地结为夫妻。
为了支付婚礼费用,21岁的赛义德·卡法尔内打了几个月的零工,并出售从救援组织那里获得的燃气罐和援助纸箱,筹集了约$2,000。
“我们为了能让婚礼举行而非常努力,”卡法尔内先生说,“但感谢上帝,我们做到了。”
上个月,卡法尔内先生在加沙地带中部的一个难民营与妻子内尔敏·阿卜杜勒·哈迪结婚,他的家人此前一直在此避难。在仪式当天,卡法尔内先生及其亲属装饰了一个由巴基斯坦援助组织捐赠的大帐篷,安装了灯光并布置了鲜花。他们还租了一个大型扬声器。
根据巴勒斯坦的一项习俗,新郎在婚礼前要在浴室或朋友家中沐浴,这一仪式标志着向婚姻生活的过渡。而这一次,朋友和邻居们在帐篷里向面带笑容的卡法尔内先生泼水,同时欢呼起舞。
这对夫妇举行了他们的 zifaf(婚礼仪式)。许多朋友和家人无法到场。在燃料价格极高的加沙,即使是短距离的出行也可能极其昂贵。卡法尔内先生表示,其他人则因为担心天黑后返程途中可能遭到以色列袭击而避免出行。
“甚至只有几公里远的人也没来,”他说,“所以我们和身边的人一起庆祝。”
尼文·阿尔-阿什卡尔(Nivin al-Ashqar)在走进她位于加沙北部贾巴利耶(Jabaliya)镇家中的屋顶时,能听到两种持续不断的嗡嗡声。
一种来自她和丈夫为了生产蜂蜜和蜂蜡销售而养殖的蜂箱。另一种则来自在头顶盘旋的以色列无人机,这提醒着他们,自家的房子距离以色列军队驻守的分界线仅有几百码之遥。
特朗普政府的停火计划设想的是以色列逐步撤军,同时哈马斯解除武装,但这两者都没有实现。
在战争之前,除了在家里养的一口蜂箱外,阿尔-阿什卡尔女士的家人大约拥有400口蜂箱,大部分位于现在由以色列军队控制的区域。她说,几乎所有的蜂箱在冲突期间都被摧毁了。
战争初期,阿尔-阿什卡尔女士带着家人逃离了贾巴利耶的战火。一年多后,当他们返回试图清理严重受损的房屋时,她听到了一种持续不断的嗡嗡声。
“我们爬上屋顶,看到一群蜜蜂从瓦砾中飞出,”阿尔-阿什卡尔女士说,“那是一种难以置信、无法用语言形容的感觉。”
阿尔-阿什卡尔女士成了家中的主要经济支柱,因为她的丈夫和一个儿子在战争期间受伤。她重新开始养蜂,希望通过销售蜂蜜来维持生计。
“由于他们两个都受伤了,我成了负责操持家务的人,”阿尔-阿什卡尔女士说,“我的丈夫凭借经验提供帮助,但必须由我来管理。”
加沙的经济在战争中遭到毁灭性打击。像阿尔-阿什卡尔女士这样少数的人,正在缓慢地尝试让自己的生意恢复生机。
渔民们正出海捕鱼,但他们担心如果出海太远,会触犯以色列对该地带的海上封锁。曾经拥有自己店铺的理发师,现在在临时搭建的理发店里执业。
阿尔-阿什卡尔女士的蜜蜂现在分布在六个蜂箱中,但产蜜量相对较少。即使是喂养蜜蜂所需的糖等基本必需品也贵得多,而其他材料——如杀螨剂——则可能根本难以获得。



现在,加沙的一半以上地区对阿尔-阿什卡尔女士来说实际上也是禁区,对于居住在那里的绝大多数两百万巴勒斯坦人来说也是如此。但她说,她经常看到她的蜜蜂飞向以色列控制区,前往她再也无法访问的地方。
“有时,我希望自己是一只蜜蜂,”阿尔-阿什卡尔女士说,“这样我就能从这里飞走,去其他国家,而不是被困在这里。”
上方,一家临时理发店。左侧,尼文·阿尔-阿什卡尔恢复了养蜂,希望生产蜂蜜进行销售。


左侧,为失去肢体的人提供的游泳课程。上方,工人从瓦砾中拉出铁条,用于其他建筑。
贾法尔·阿塔拉(Jaafar Atallah),28岁,曾在他家位于加沙地带北部阿尔-瓦哈(al-Waha)地区附近的富粘土矿床工厂里,通过制作碗和花瓶维持生计。他的家在以色列的军事行动中被夷为平地。于是,阿塔拉先生和他的家人在加沙中部的城镇阿尔-扎瓦伊德(al-Zawaydeh)重新建立了他们的事业。
为了有个住处,阿塔拉先生用自家窑炉烧制的红砖建了一栋简陋的房屋。他说,他们不再拥有从地下提取粘土所需的大型机械,但他们找到了几乎一样好的替代方案。
“我们会去以色列轰炸留下的弹坑,因为在那里可以挖到粘土,”阿塔拉先生说,“我们把它挖出来,净化,然后开始工作。”
这栋房子只有一个房间,他现在与怀孕的妻子一起住在里面。墙壁由掺入干草的砖块建成,在加沙酷热的夏季能提供天然的冷却效果。
阿塔拉先生希望这些墙壁在冬天也能让他们保持温暖。
联合国表示,加沙约 80% 的建筑在战争中被摧毁或损坏。根据加沙卫生官员(他们不区分平民和战斗人员)的数据,在该地区遭受的毁灭性攻击中,大部分领土被夷为平地,至少 74,000 人丧生。此次攻势是由哈马斯领导的 2023 年 10 月 7 日对以色列南部的袭击引发的,当时约 1,200 人被杀,250 人被劫持为人质。
少数加沙人足够幸运,拥有依然屹立的房屋,或者足够富有能够支付房租。其余大多数人则住在该地区规模庞大的帐篷营地中。
以色列限制重型机械、混凝土和水泥进入加沙,并指出依然控制该地区部分区域的哈马斯利用这些材料构建了庞大的军事隧道网络。
一些巴勒斯坦人正尝试利用该地区最丰富的资源——建筑废墟。一位机智的建筑工人将破碎的混凝土板转化为砖块来盖房子。
另一位名叫哈桑·阿尔-胡韦希(Hassan al-Huweihe)的 34 岁男子,则将敲开受损建筑的混凝土以提取内部铁支撑杆发展成了一门生意。这些金属被拉直后,用作新建或修复建筑的框架。
“我们正尝试用废墟创造出新的东西,”阿尔-胡韦希先生说。
穆罕默德·阿卜杜勒哈迪(Mohammad Abdelhadi)与他 9 个月大的儿子马哈茂德(Mahmoud)在他们的帐篷里,这是这个孩子唯一知道的家。下方,他们正前往卡车处取水。
39岁的穆罕默德·阿卜杜勒哈迪(Mohammad Abdelhadi)长期从事木工工作。他拥有自己的工作室,在那里制作家具,并曾在土耳其工作过一段时间。他的职业让他进入了加沙的中产阶级。
入侵将他击回原点。但阿卜杜勒哈迪先生表示,他决心为他的九个孩子提供更好的生活,其中最小的孩子——9个月大的马哈茂德(Mahmoud)——出生于战争爆发之后。
他们没有自来水。因此,每天早晨,他和妻子希塔姆(Khitam)以及孩子们一起离开他们现在居住的帐篷,从附近的一辆卡车中用大型塑料容器接水。他们没有电,所以他们通过付费使用几百码外的一台发电机来给手机充电。
他们经常食用由援助组织提供的简单食物,如软白奶酪和面包。午餐和晚餐,他们依赖于社区厨房,那里准备着大锅的米饭和扁豆等主食。
他的大多数孩子仍然无法接受正规教育,阿卜杜勒哈迪先生有时会为他们的前途感到焦虑。“他们在这里的命运会怎样?醒来,接满水壶,去救济厨房,没有学校?”他问道。
天黑后,他的家人必须面对鼠群的袭击,这些老鼠聚集在如今遍布加沙地带的巨大垃圾堆中。战争在很大程度上摧毁了由哈马斯运行的政府,这意味着垃圾收集等公共服务极其匮乏。
阿卜杜勒哈迪先生试图安慰他的孩子们。在一天结束时,他点起火堆,为他们煮茶。
他陪马哈茂德玩耍,这个孩子除了帐篷,从未见过其他形式的家。
从社交媒体获取并经《纽约时报》核实的视频截图中,显示利雅得机场发生爆炸。 社交媒体,经路透社提供
作者:EUAN WARD
黎巴嫩,贝鲁特 —— 沙特当局周五表示,前一天对利雅得国际机场的袭击造成三人死亡。在伊朗支持的也门胡塞武装发起的一周升级袭击中,这是最新的伤亡情况。
胡塞武装曾誓言对沙特阿拉伯发起长期攻势,他们在周四承认对此次袭击负责,并表示还袭击了该国南部的基础设施,包括纳季兰的一个机场和哈米斯穆谢特附近的一个空军基地。
沙特当局未回应关于胡塞武装主张的提问,但在声明中表示,他们拦截了向首都利雅得和哈米斯穆谢特发射的导弹。
据沙特当局称,本周早些时候,胡塞武装对利雅得和该国南部城市阿布哈机场的袭击导致另外三人死亡,数十人受伤。
不断升级的暴力行为已将也门冲突带到了沙特首都的门前,扩大了美国与胡塞武装主要支持者伊朗之间战争所引发的地区影响。
伊朗还加强了对霍尔木兹海峡及其周边油气运输的袭击,过去一周至少有八艘油轮成为目标。据伊朗官方媒体报道,伊斯兰革命卫队周五表示,其目标是另一艘试图通过该海峡的天然气轮船。
数月来,胡塞武装与沙特阿拉伯之间日益恶化的冲突使得通过红海出口石油变得更加危险,而红海此前一直为沙特的运输提供除霍尔木兹海峡之外的替代方案。
胡塞武装对利雅得的袭击凸显了该组织打击沙特重大基础设施的能力,这增加了沙特事实上的领导人王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼停止袭击的压力。
伦敦研究机构查塔姆研究所(Chatham House)的也门和波斯湾专家法里亚·穆斯利米(Farea al-Muslimi)表示,在伊朗的资金和军事支持下,胡塞武装近年来在武器制造方面投入巨大。他补充说,这使得该组织能够发起更复杂的袭击。
“胡塞武装只需要让一枚——仅仅一枚——导弹或无人机击中目标,”穆斯利米先生在谈到该民兵组织的导弹和无人机袭击时表示,“这就会动摇沙特在全球的形象。”
沙特通用航空管理局表示,除了周四利雅得机场袭击中死亡的三人(均为沙特国民)外,还有不确定数量的公民和外国居民受伤。沙特领导的也门军事联盟发言人图尔基·马利基(Turki al-Maliki)少将誓言将对这类袭击做出坚决回应。
在利雅得国际机场遭到袭击几小时后,沙特空袭了也门首都萨那。据胡塞武装管理的卫生部称,袭击造成六人受伤,其中包括妇女和儿童。沙特官员未立即回应置评请求。
沙特航空监管机构周五表示,前一天在利雅得发生的两次袭击目标是哈立德国王国际机场的设施以及一架隶属于国家航空公司——沙特阿拉伯航空(Saudi)的飞机。
该航空公司在声明中表示,一名员工被杀,一架停在地面上的飞机受损,机上无乘客。沙特阿拉伯航空确认该员工为哈穆德·阿里·阿尔-卡尔萨米(Hamoud Ali Al-kalthami)机长,并表示其在机场的航班和运营随后已恢复正常。
尽管如此,仍有几家国际航空公司暂停了飞往利雅得的服务,且在周日开始的 WPC 能源大会(一次能源官员和高管的大型集会)之前,这座首都的安全感已受到冲击。本月晚些时候,该市还计划举办未来投资倡议(Future Investment Initiative),这是一个通常会吸引世界领导人、亿万富翁和全球顶尖高管的年度会议。
分析人士表示,沙特阿拉伯在恢复其经济雄心所依赖的稳定性方面,几乎没有简单的选择。该王国面临着一项艰巨任务:在停止胡塞武装袭击的同时,避免与该民兵组织再次爆发战争,而后者已经在沙特的多年轰炸中幸存下来。
由于冲突没有出现任何立即外交解决的迹象,沙特官员本周宣布在也门发起新一轮轰炸行动,而胡塞武装则誓言通过打击机场和能源基础设施进行反击。
在沙特战机的支持下,隶属于国际认可的也门政府的部队发起了一场反攻,旨在夺回红海沿岸具有战略意义的领土。胡塞武装上个月在一次闪电攻势中夺取了该海岸的部分地区,使该民兵组织能够更好地控制全球贸易的关键航道——曼德海峡。
2015年,沙特阿拉伯领导了一场针对胡塞武装的灾难性轰炸行动,试图恢复已被赶出首都萨那的也门政府。这场战争导致数十万人死亡,并在 2022 年达成一项脆弱的停火协议之前,造成了全球最严重的 humanitarian 危机之一。
据联合国称,自上个月战斗重新爆发以来,已有近 200,000 名也门人流离失所。

纳维·皮莱曾援助反种族隔离活动人士,曾任国际刑事法院法官,并领导联合国人权委员会。 FAIRICE COFFRIGN / 法新社 — 盖蒂图片社
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委员会表示,她在这个时代“在确保战争罪、反人类罪和种族灭绝罪得到起诉方面发挥了关键作用”。
以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡的办公室迅速发表声明谴责该委员会,称其成员被误导,并表示该委员会已经“失去了道德指南针”。声明还谴责了皮莱女士的工作,指责她对犹太人持有偏见。
以色列外交部则措辞更激烈,称诺贝尔奖的决定是“将奖项荒诞地武器化,以使反以色列的仇恨和偏见合法化”。
在得知获奖后,皮莱女士在德国纽伦堡举行的一次人权律师会议上表示,她在职业生涯中一直试图仅遵循法律和事实,而非政治。
“讲述真相为什么需要勇气?”她说。“你解读法律,审视所有事实。所以这是一个公正的,你知道,公正的决策过程。”
不过,诺贝尔委员会主席弗里德内斯先生告诉记者,她关于以色列和加沙的工作是“她获得该奖项的重要理由之一”。
特朗普总统一直是以色列的坚定支持者,并公开表达过自己想获得诺贝尔和平奖的意愿,他没有立即对周五的颁奖发表评论。不过,他在自己的社交媒体平台上分享了一篇帖子,称皮莱女士是“一个毫不掩饰的美国和以色列仇恨者”,并称特朗普先生才是那个应该获奖的人。
大赦国际负责人阿格内斯·卡拉马德发布的一段视频显示,皮莱女士在纽伦堡的会议上得知消息后,受到了一百多名与会同行的掌声欢迎。
“如果你们再多鼓一点掌,我也许会和特朗普分享这个奖项,”皮莱女士开玩笑说,这显然是指去年的获奖者——委内瑞拉反对派领导人玛丽亚·科里纳·马查多,后者在1月份将她的奖章呈交给美国总统。
玛丽斯·西蒙斯、阿曼达·托布和林赛·丘特参与了报道。
在一次简短的新闻发布会上,皮莱女士沉思道,她在纽伦堡收到这个消息“也许是命中注定”,因为这座城市著名的战后纳粹领导人审判,是建立现代国际司法体系的基石。
她说:“我们正生活在一个国际法和人权遭受严重政治攻击的时代。”她表示,这种企图“在针对国际刑事法院的攻击中尤为明显”,而特朗普政府已誓言要将该法院“一块砖一块砖地”拆除。
皮莱女士出生于一个印度泰米尔裔家庭,父亲是公交车司机,母亲是家庭主妇。她是生长在南非东海岸德班市贫困环境中的七个孩子之一。她在一个实行种族隔离的城市中长大,就读于一所面向南非印度裔人士的学校。
皮莱女士说,在青少年时期,她经历了种族隔离制度下的日常不公正,并目睹了警察部队和民团对南非黑人抗议者及其支持者的暴力镇压。
“政府是压迫性的,法律是压迫性的,法院则配合这些法律,”她在国际刑事法院(I.C.C.)2017年发布的一段视频中说道。“我们没有任何救济手段,作为一个15岁的人,我希望我们可以向更高层级的法律体系、更高的机构申诉,这样我们这些受害者才能获得公正。”
皮莱女士攻读了法学学位,随后为包括纳尔逊·曼德拉在内的被监禁的反种族隔离活动人士提供辩护,其中许多人面临恐怖主义指控并被监视。种族隔离制度结束之后,皮莱女士成为了南非高等法院的法官,并在那里倡导女性权利和平等。
不久后,皮莱女士被卷入国际人权危机。1995年,时任南非总统的曼德拉先生任命她为卢旺达国际刑事法庭的法官。
皮莱女士是第五位获得和平奖的南非人,此前获奖者包括曼德拉先生、活动人士阿尔伯特·卢图利、前总统F.W.德克勒克,以及帮助推翻种族隔离制度的牧师德斯蒙德·图图。
皮莱女士对国际法的一项贡献是她在卢旺达冲突期间关于性暴力严重性的开创性工作。在法庭的一次审判中,她在法官席上推动将针对妇女和儿童的强奸定义为战争武器。
1998年,当该法庭裁定一名卢旺达前市长犯有种族灭绝罪时,强奸首次被定义为种族灭绝的一部分。此后,性暴力已被纳入国际法,被视为潜在的战争罪、反人类罪或种族灭绝行为。
二十年后,在2019年,皮莱女士在国际法院担任临时法官,审理了一起指控缅甸对罗兴亚穆斯林少数群体实施种族灭绝的案件。缅甸政府否认了这一指控,称该行动为“清理行动”。
即便她的工作扩展到了南非之外,她依然是该国人权领域的重要发声者,公开反对2015年在德班爆发的针对移民的暴力行为,并责备南非政府在2016年考虑退出国际刑事法院(I.C.C.)。
作者:亚当·拉斯贡 (ADAM RASGON)
特拉维夫 —— 据两名获悉相关沟通情况的巴勒斯坦官员透露,位于以色列占领的约旦河西岸的巴勒斯坦权力机构本周告知法国,原定于 11 月 28 日在该地区举行的立法选举将推迟数月。
官员们表示,这一信息是通过一封信函传达给法国外交部长让-诺埃尔·巴罗 (Jean-Noël Barrot) 的,发信人是巴勒斯坦权力机构主席马哈茂德·阿巴斯 (Mahmoud Abbas) 的副手胡赛因·谢赫 (Hussein al-Sheikh)。路透社率先报道了这封信。
选举的推迟正值巴勒斯坦权力机构的执政党法塔赫 (Fatah) 深陷分裂之际,尤其是针对阿巴斯先生日益增强的——
亚伦·博克斯曼 (Aaron Boxerman) 参与了报道。
独裁统治。以色列控制着投票箱或选举观察员能否进入加沙,且几乎没有表现出准备就绪的迹象。据三位西方外交官称,这种缺乏参与的态度使巴勒斯坦权力机构选举委员会的工作变得复杂。
由于未获授权就这些敏感问题公开发表评论,相关巴勒斯坦官员和西方外交官在接受《纽约时报》采访时要求匿名。
推迟举行选举将不利于阿巴斯先生说服欧洲国家和美国,证明他能够推动巴勒斯坦政治体制的变革。欧盟是巴勒斯坦权力机构最大的支持者之一,一直敦促巴勒斯坦官员推进民主改革,包括举行选举。
2025 年 9 月,法国总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙 (Emmanuel Macron) 在联合国大会年度会议上承认巴勒斯坦国,理由是阿巴斯先生向他做出的一系列承诺,其中包括“对巴勒斯坦治理进行彻底改革”。
大约三个月前,阿巴斯先生曾致信马克龙先生,承诺在一年内通过国际监督举行选举,以“使巴勒斯坦治理焕发活力”。
上个月,巴罗先生在《华尔街日报》发表的一篇文章中再次强调了巴黎对巴勒斯坦选举的承诺,文章结尾写道:“现在就举行巴勒斯坦选举。”
驻华盛顿近东政策研究所的法国外交官皮埃尔-阿尔诺·布兰查德 (Pierre-Arnaud Blanchard) 表示,法国国内存在“深刻的失望和沮丧”。
他说:“人们还感觉到,一次为巴勒斯坦权力机构注入新生命和合法性的机会被错过了。”
管理约旦河西岸部分地区的巴勒斯坦权力机构多年来一直饱受腐败指控,美国官员表示,只有在进行重大改革的情况下,该机构才能在战后的加沙发挥有意义的作用。
现年 90 岁的阿巴斯先生在继任者亚西尔·阿拉法特 (Yasir Arafat) 去世后的 2005 年初当选。作为巴勒斯坦权力机构的领导人,阿巴斯先生通过排挤对手、边缘化司法机构以及在安全问题上与以色列合作来巩固权力。
分析人士表示,推迟选举的决定部分是因为巴勒斯坦权力机构的高级官员担心,投票可能会导致他们本已衰落的合法性进一步被削弱。
巴勒斯坦政治专家吉哈德·哈尔布 (Jehad Harb) 表示:“选举对总统及其身边的人构成了威胁。”
巴勒斯坦人上一次参加全国选举是在 2006 年,那次选举导致了治理机构的脆弱、国际上的孤立,并最终引发了暴力冲突。
在当年的投票中,代表哈马斯 (Hamas) 的竞争政党击败了法塔赫,导致随后一年多时间里出现了不稳定的权力分享局面。
美国和大部分西方国家拒绝与统一政府合作,因为被许多国家指定为恐怖组织的哈马斯不愿接受诸如放弃暴力等要求。
随后,法塔赫与哈马斯在加沙地带爆发了一场短暂的内战。这场冲突于2007年6月结束,哈马斯在击溃效忠于阿巴斯先生的部队后夺取了该地的控制权,将其权力限制在约旦河西岸的部分地区。
作者:普拉纳夫·巴斯卡(PRANAV BASKAR)
阿联酋调查人员周五表示,上周袭击迪拜航空(FlyDubai)航班机长的副驾驶在数年间产生了极端伊斯兰主义观点,并意图效仿 11 日事件,将飞机撞向以色列最大的机场进行自杀式袭击。
这些由阿联酋总检察长披露的细节,提供了迄今为止关于该副驾驶动机和准备工作最详尽的官方说明。该报告还引发了更深层的质疑:在他被允许飞行如此敏感的航线之前,其激进化迹象为何被忽略。
上周,迪拜航空 1073 号航班上载有 170 多名乘客(其中大部分是以色列人)。当时,副驾驶开始用飞机上的应急斧袭击飞行员,随后试图让客机坠毁。机长斯米特·马奇哈尔(Smit Machchhar)成功解锁了驾驶舱门,乘客们得以制服袭击者,从而勉强避免了一场灾难。
机上随行的备份飞行员最终稳定了飞机,并使其在沙特阿拉伯紧急着陆。
阿联酋总检察长哈马德·赛义夫·阿尔·尚西(Hamad Saif Al Shamsi)表示,这名 29 岁的阿曼籍副驾驶计划将飞机撞向特拉维夫本古里安机场的客运航站楼,“旨在造成尽可能最大的人员伤亡”。
阿联酋的声明未指明该副驾驶的身份,但知情人士透露其名为哈曼·阿尔-哈马米(Hamam al-Hammami),且他对比激进伊斯兰主义观点的认同曾促使阿曼当局早前对其进行审查。
阿联酋的调查发现,该副驾驶在近十年前就已开始“向极端主义和恐怖主义偏移”,当时他还是澳大利亚墨尔本的一名学生。皇家墨尔本理工学院在的一份声明中表示,该副驾驶在 2015 年至 2017 年期间就读于该大学,但未完成其工程学学位。
阿联酋的声明称,在澳大利亚期间,阿尔-哈马米先生对极端主义文学和“美化恐怖组织及自杀行动”的网络内容产生了痴迷。声明还提到,他曾获得与国际伊斯兰运动“穆斯林兄弟会”相关团体的“支持”,但未作进一步阐述。
阿联酋的声明称,该副驾驶从 11, 2001, 的袭击以及“塔克菲尔”(takfir)意识形态(一种实际上允许一名穆斯林宣布另一名穆斯林为叛教者的观点)中汲取灵感,对实施类似袭击产生了日益浓厚的兴趣。
据调查人员称,他向当局承认,实现这一愿景“与他决定从事航空业的决定有关”。调查发现,在 2026, 1 月加入迪拜航空之前,他曾在阿曼航空工作四年,并在摩洛哥航空公司(Royal Maroc Air)短暂任职。
调查人员表示,该副驾驶告诉当局他是单独行动,但调查人员补充说,他们仍在对此问题进行核实。阿联酋的声明称,为了准备此次行动,他曾利用两次飞往特拉维夫的航班来熟悉航线,阅读了更多“宣传恐怖主义的资料”,并接受了拳击训练。
但此次披露留下了疑问:阿尔-哈马米先生是如何获得飞行如此敏感航线的许可的。目前尚不清楚阿曼调查人员是否将其担忧告知了以色列、阿拉伯联合酋长国(航班起飞地)的安全官员或航空公司。
阿尔-尚西先生表示,该副驾驶“符合迪拜航空的专业和安全雇佣要求”,包括完成了必要的审查并提供了“良好行为”证明。他补充说,没有任何步骤揭示出“其极端观点或实施恐怖阴谋的任何迹象”。
该航班的乘客大多是以色列人,其中一些人表示,这次危机唤起了他们自2023年10月7日哈马斯领导的袭击以色列事件以来久违的恐惧感,在那次袭击中,约有1,200人丧生。
在针对飞机的袭击失败后,一个以阿尔-哈马米先生命名的LinkedIn个人资料页上出现了两条帖子。其中一条配有艾曼·扎瓦希里的照片,扎瓦希里在奥萨马·本·拉登死后领导基地组织,并于2022年被美国击毙。目前尚不清楚这些帖子是由谁发布的,或者是否是预先设定好定时发布的。
维多利亚·金(Victoria Kim)参与了此次报道。
美国的新制裁将禁止与国际刑事法院进行金融交易。
作者:爱德华·王(EDWARD WONG)和珍娜·斯米莱克(JEANNA SMIALEK)
希腊,雅典 —— 特朗普政府周五宣布,将对国际刑事法院实施严厉的金融制裁。这是其最新一次试图瘫痪该全球机构的努力,该机构旨在起诉被指控犯有战争罪、种族灭绝和其他谋杀性犯罪行为的人员。
由国务卿马可·鲁比奥(Marco Rubio)和国务院公布的新制裁规定,在六个月的宽限期后,将禁止与该法院进行交易。此后任何与该法院开展业务的公司都可能受到美国政府的处罚。
这一威胁可能会限制该机构执行日常运营的能力。
尽管国务院已经准备这些制裁数月之久,但鲁比奥先生的宣布恰好发生在挪威的一个委员会宣布将诺贝尔和平奖授予纳维·皮莱(Navi Pillay)几个小时之后。皮莱是一位南非律师,曾在国际刑事法院担任法官九年,并曾担任联合国的最高人权官员。
这些制裁是特朗普政府削弱该法院行动的升级。2025年2月,在就职仅几周后,特朗普总统就签署了一项行政命令,指示各机构制定针对该法院的制裁措施。
当时他表示,该法院试图侵犯美国主权,并破坏“美国政府及其盟友(包括以色列)在国家安全和外交政策方面的关键工作”。
鲁比奥先生在周五的一份声明中表示,特朗普先生绝不允许该法院起诉美国人。“我们将禁止与这个流氓法院进行交易,切断其资源并瘫痪其运作能力,”他说道。
鲁比奥先生在7月宣布,美国计划“系统性地禁用”该法院,特朗普先生长期以来将该法院描述为对美国人的威胁。
该政府此前已对法院的法官和检察官实施了金融制裁和签证禁令,但周五宣布的措施范围更广。
国际刑事法院(I.C.C.)在一份声明中表示,美国的举动是“对法治以及国际法律秩序基石的攻击,它打击了‘没有人凌驾于法律之上’这一简单原则”。
国务院表示,在接下来的180天内,许多与该法院有业务往来的公司将被授予许可证,以便在不受金融处罚的情况下继续工作。
该部门在声明中表示,在此期间,特朗普政府将评估其对国际刑事法院的担忧是否得到了解决。随后,政府可以据此调整许可证。
财政部正在协助执行这些制裁,并维护一份受到金融限制处罚的实体名单。
在全球近200个国家中,有125个签署了《国际刑事法院罗马规约》并受其裁决约束。美国从未批准建立该机构的条约,美国和以色列均属于不受该规约约束的国家。
(照片来源:POOL PHOTO BY REMED DE WAAL)
然而,考虑到该法院的成员国数量(包括美国的密切盟友),从理论上讲,对美国公民的起诉可能会使这些人在世界许多地方面临被逮捕和引渡的风险。但专家经常表示,外国官员采取这些行动的可能性较低。
鲁比奥先生在结束欧洲三国的访问次日宣布了这些制裁,在这次访问期间,他一直试图加强盟友关系。他访问的三个国家 —— 冰岛、希腊和葡萄牙 —— 均为国际刑事法院的成员国。
该法院于2002年正式成立,总部设在荷兰海牙,其使命是调查并起诉种族灭绝、战争罪和其他严重罪行。特朗普政府过去曾抵制该法院调查美国士兵在阿富汗行为的能力,并且一直对该法院针对以色列采取的行动持高度批评态度。
2024年11月,该法院对以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡以及在以色列加沙战争大部分时间担任国防部长的约阿夫·加兰特(Yoav Gallant)发出了逮捕令。检察官此前已就这些官员在加沙行动中的战争罪和反人类罪进行了调查,在这些行动中,数千名巴勒斯坦平民被杀,部分人员被饿死。以色列是在2023年10月哈马斯对以色列发动致命袭击后,开展了空袭和地面行动。
特朗普政府已经制裁了该法院的多名法官。鲁比奥先生表示,由于该法院有可能起诉美国公民,特别是美国军人,因此有必要采取更为广泛的惩罚措施。
鲁比奥先生在今年夏天发表于《华尔街日报》的一篇评论文章中写道,此类行动将“意味着美国作为一个主权独立国家的死亡”。
该法院的支持者经常指出,它没有自己的警察部队,只有在成员国执行逮捕的情况下,才能逮捕并审判美国公民。
特朗普政府并非第一个挑战国际刑事法院(I.C.C.)的政府:在乔治·W·布什时期,美国也曾抵制该法院追究美国人责任的能力。
然而,特朗普政府试图拆除该机构的努力——根据鲁比奥先生的说法,是“必要时一块砖一块砖地拆除”——是一种升级,是从怀疑和修辞转向彻底的肢解。
“这令人极其不安,”法律组织开放社会正义倡议(Open Society Justice Initiative)执行主任詹姆斯·A·戈尔斯顿(James A. Goldston)表示,他称这些制裁是对国际司法的一次“精心策划的攻击”。
他说,美国对国际刑事法院的攻击是否会使该机构瘫痪,部分取决于其成员国的反应,以及他们是否支持该机构。
“我们知道该法院一直在为这一传闻已久的可能性做准备,”他说,“我们将拭目以待。”
欧盟的执行机构(其27个成员国同时也是该法院的成员)在一份声明中表示,“欧盟将与国际刑事法院密切合作,以确保其继续有效运行”,并称美国的举动“令人深感遗憾”。
欧盟的声明强调,六个月的延迟留下了“对话的空间”。加拿大、丹麦、德国、法国、意大利、日本、荷兰和英国周五也发表了共同声明,为该法院辩护。
该法院此前已处于动荡状态。该机构的首席检察官卡里姆·A·A·汗(Karim A. A. Khan)在今年早些时候被撤职,此前一项调查针对他涉嫌性骚扰下属的指控。汗先生否认了这些指控。
在最近接受《纽约时报》的一次采访中(该采访在最新制裁宣布前进行),该法院院长赤根智子(Tomoko Akane)表示,面对特朗普政府的威胁,该机构一直在采取“加强韧性的措施”。
“像国际刑事法院这样的永久机构绝不能被关闭,”她说,“其影响远超法院本身。”
本文由 Somini Sen-gupta, Pragati K.B. 和 Suhasini Raj 撰写。
新德里 —— 周五,印度的执法部门采取了非常措施,以防止抗议者在首都集结,命令取消前往德里的火车,并暂停市内的公共交通。他们还实际上将数名潜在的抗议者实施了软禁。
这些举措是为了应对一个被称为“蟑螂人民党”(Cockroach Janta Party)的 Z 世代运动发起的号召。该运动号召全国各地的人们在周六聚集在德里市中心,抗议他们所称的具有政治动机的印度选民名册清洗。
周六的集会原定于一个名为“詹塔尔-曼塔尔”(Jantar Mantar)的纪念碑前举行,那里多年来一直是抗议活动场所,但目前正被安全部队封锁。
执法部门实施的限制导致印度最高法院在周五下午发布了一项罕见的紧急命令,敦促政府重新考虑这些限制,并为抗议活动提供替代空间。在回应一名反对党政治人物的申诉时,法院还表示,该市的地铁服务不应完全关闭。
“你必须防止某些事情发生,”最高法院首席大法官苏里亚·坎特(Surya Kant)表示。
“但这并不意味着你应该用锤子来拍苍蝇,”他补充道。
(正是坎特先生在无意中引发了“蟑螂运动”,当时他将失业青年比作蟑螂。作为回应,当时住在波士顿的研究生阿比吉特·迪普克(Abhijeet Dipke)在社交媒体上写道:“如果所有的蟑螂都聚集在一起会怎样?”这便诞生了“蟑螂人民党”。)
总理纳伦德拉·莫迪(Narendra Modi)尚未对本周的抗议活动发表评论。
周六计划中的抗议活动是在一周全国性示威之后进行的。示威者要求印度选举委员会负责人吉亚内什·库马尔(Gyanesh Kumar)辞职。该机构长期以来因运行公正的选举而备受推崇,但最近因选民名册修订而遭到公众的强烈批评。这项清理选民名单的工作始于去年夏天,最终删除了 1.3 亿 个名字。批评者称,这是为了巩固莫迪先生的权力。
在首都,反对党和其他活动团体在过去一周内每天举行抗议,但随后遭到警方的强力制止并被拘留。周五,社交媒体上流传的视频显示,在全国各地的不同地区,警察将准备前往德里的年轻抗议者从火车上强行拉下。
周五,德里市中心有大量警察部署。
在詹塔尔-曼塔尔周围,高大的黄色警察路障被锁在一起。交通圆环处架起了扩音器,播放警告人们不要聚集的公告。公告称:“违者可能会面临法律行动。”
印度长期以来一直以一个繁荣的民主国家自豪,尽管在莫迪先生 12 年的任期内,异议空间有所萎缩。
政府本周采取的强硬手段比近期阻止反政府骚乱的尝试要激进得多。今年夏天,“蟑螂党”的抗议活动释放了一代人对功能失调的大学入学考试制度的愤怒,并罕见地促使一名政府部长下台。政府在今年夏天没有阻止抗议者集结,但采取了武力应对。
周五,德里警方表示,他们已拒绝批准此次集会,理由是组织者申请许可的时间不够提前,且在上次抗议时违反了规定,但并未提供违反了哪些规定的证据。在一次新闻发布会上,高级警官努普尔·普拉萨德(Nupur Prasad)表示,已经实施了“合理的预防性限制”。她警告称,将对违反命令的人采取法律行动。
蟑螂党(Cockroach party)的一名领导人阿舒托什·兰卡(Ashutosh Ranka)在周五晚间发给《时报》的一条语音消息中表示,抗议活动将继续进行。“政府完全陷入了恐慌,”他在语音消息中说道,“他们不知道如何应对和平抗议者,这就是为什么他们采取绝对独裁手段的原因。”
“在世界上规模最大的民主国家,你竟然得通过抗议才能去到指定的抗议地点进行抗议,这真是件可耻的事,”他补充道,并提及了詹塔尔-曼塔尔(Jantar Mantar)。
在一定程度上,警方的战术成功阻止了抗议者抵达德里。
26岁的库纳尔·乔杜里(Kunal Choudhary)原计划带领一个约30人的代表团,从一个乘巴士需三小时车程的小镇前往德里。但他表示,周四晚上,警察出现在他家中且一直未离开,并未出示逮捕令。
“他们给我看了一个WhatsApp群组,里面有一份名单,我的名字也在其中。他们接到的命令是去所有这些人的家中,”他说。
当他通过免提电话讲述这些经过时,一名叫曼文德拉·辛格(Manvendra Singh)的警察在旁倾听,并在通话中表明了身份。他拒绝透露出现在此的原因,仅表示乔杜里先生将被软禁在家直到周六晚上。
乔杜里的母亲米蒂卡(Mitika)为这名警察准备了早餐茶和奥利奥饼干。“我母亲现在习惯了。她以前挺害怕的,”他说。这是一个月内警察第三次出现在他家中。
人们在周五巴拿马南部海岸附近发生地震后,聚集在巴拿马城的一栋建筑外。 摄影:ENEA LEMRON / 路透社

估计震级为 7.7 级的地震发生后出现了一系列余震,其中包括一次震级为 6.9 级的余震。
作者:马克·沃克(MARK WALKER)和詹姆斯·瓦格纳(JAMES WAGNER)
根据美国地质调查局(U.S. Geological Survey)的数据以及社交媒体上发布的视频,周五一场初步震级为 7.7 的地震袭击了巴拿马,导致建筑坍塌,并震动了这个中美洲国家的首都。
美国地质调查局表示,地震发生于东部时间下午 1:56 左右(1 时 56 分)。震中位于皮塔洛萨-阿里巴(Pitaloza Arriba)西南约 9 英里处。
在接下来的几个小时里,发生了一系列强烈的余震,其中包括下午 4:25(4 时 25 分)发生的一场初步震级为 6.9. 的地震。地质学家表示,这是目前该地区面临的主要风险。
地质学家称,远在哥斯达黎加也能感受到主震。但根据美国太平洋海啸预警中心的数据,目前该地震已不再会对周边地区引发海啸构成威胁。
震中位于阿祖埃罗半岛(Azuero Peninsula),这是一个风景优美的突出地带,距离该国首都巴拿马城有数小时车程。虽然该半岛地处偏远,但其野生动物和海滩吸引了国际游客。据靠近震中的佩达西(Pedasi)镇镇长米格尔·巴蒂斯塔(Miguel Batista)称,在海滨小镇埃尔-韦纳奥(El Venao),埃尔-西蒂奥酒店(El Sitio Hotel)发生了坍塌。社交媒体上发布的其他视频显示道路受损。
Jack Nicas, John Keefe, Annie Correal, Paulina Villegas and Ryley Ober contributed reporting.
巴蒂斯塔先生告诉巴拿马电视台 Telemetro,酒店坍塌没有造成人员受伤。他表示,该地区的一些房屋出现了裂缝,一座桥梁也受损。他称该地区目前处于断电状态。
“但目前最重要的是:到目前为止没有人员伤亡,”巴蒂斯塔先生说。
根据社交媒体发布的视频片段,在位于震中东北方向的巴拿马城,建筑物剧烈摇晃,人们撤离到街道上。首都地区约有 200 万 人居住。
目击者和当局表示,以摩天大楼林立的天际线著称的巴拿马市中心基本没有遭受重大破坏。但社交媒体上的视频显示,随着高层建筑的摇晃,屋顶泳池的水溅落在下方的街道上。
周五,亚历克斯·埃尔南德斯(Alex Hernandez)在巴拿马城的厨房里伸手去拿一杯水时,突然感到眩晕。随后摇晃变得更加剧烈,他意识到这不是他个人的问题,而是脚下的地面在震动。
“我们不习惯这样的地震,”埃尔南德斯先生说,他是一名记者,他匆忙跑到室外,发现数十人聚集在一起,看着建筑物摇摆。“我们从未经历过如此强烈的地震。”
埃尔南德斯先生表示,首都似乎没有重大损失,尽管市中心一些办公楼的屋顶发生了坍塌。他庆幸自己街道上的建筑依然屹立,但担心最严重的破坏发生在更南边、更靠近震中的地方。
巴拿马当局向 Telemetro 证实,佩诺诺梅(Penonomé)镇约有 12 栋建筑坍塌,阿瓜杜尔塞(Aguadulce)有 6 栋建筑受到严重损坏。
Telemetro 展示了佩诺诺梅的一段现场画面,画面中一家名为“两大洲”(Dos Continentes)的酒店坍塌,建筑的一侧压在了停放的车辆上。
巴拿马科塞省(Cocé province)的一名高级警官豪尔赫·桑切斯(Jorge Sánchez)告诉该网络,省政府办公室和一座大教堂也受损。但他补充说,到目前为止,当局仅获悉有人员受伤,没有人员死亡。
该国的主要机场托库门国际机场(Tocumen International)暂停了飞行运营并开始疏散乘客,机场管理局在社交媒体上表示。官员们称,在完成对机场及其空中交通管制塔的安全检查后,航班将恢复。
机场管理局表示,大多数飞往巴拿马城的航班被分流至哥伦比亚的巴兰基亚(Barranquilla)和卡塔赫纳(Cartagena),或在周边区域盘旋。
巴拿马运河管理局在社交媒体上表示,作为国际海运贸易最至关重要的通道之一,运河在地震后继续正常运行。
“我应该更关注这些,但很难跟上进度。” 塞巴斯蒂安·科维(SEBASTIAN COVEY),24岁, 他在2024年投票给了特朗普,但不确定11月是否会投票。
“人们只是更关注日常生活。”林赛·克罗内迈尔(LINDSAY KRONEMEYER),35岁,一名有两个孩子的保守派基督教母亲。
作者:萨布丽娜·塔韦尼塞(SABRINA TAVERNISE)
密歇根州戈布尔斯(GOBLES, Mich.)—— 如果民主党在下个月的中期选举中取得重大进展,这可能不仅仅是因为他们最忠诚的选民大规模出面,或者是因为他们的候选人将共和党选民争取到了自己的阵营。
相反,民主党梦寐以求的“蓝色浪潮”可能来自那些对特朗普总统感到失望而选择留在家中的共和党人。这种现象已经有了一个名称:“红色潜流”(the red undertow)。
在全国范围内,民主党与共和党之间正出现热情差距的迹象,甚至在那些认为自己很可能会投票的人群中也是如此。密歇根州西南部的一片农村地区——长期以来一直是共和党的堡垒——就说明了这一点:这里的蓝莓和鸡蛋广告牌比政治候选人的广告牌还要多。志愿者们不再上门敲门拉票。许多选民表示,他们正对此次选举采取屏蔽态度。
“人们更关注日常生活,”35岁的林赛·克罗内迈尔(Lindsay Kronemeyer)说道,她是一位在建筑行业工作的保守派基督徒母亲,有两个孩子。“我在共和党这边没听到什么‘特朗普如何如何’的议论。他已经不在我的脑海里了。”
吉姆·帕塞克(Jim Pasek)住在密歇根州戈布尔斯这个小镇上,他是一名退休的制药厂维护工人,他对这位自己曾两次投票支持的总统感到困惑。
“他说话没逻辑,”80岁的帕塞克先生说。“这让我很困惑,然后我就感到厌恶,不再关注了。”
“红色潜流”这一概念由政治分析师查理·库克(Charlie Cook)在上个月提出。他认为,民主党的品牌形象虽然依然低迷,但这次选举并非关于民主党潮水的上涨,而是关于特朗普品牌的沉没。
库克先生写道,在品牌沉没之后,潜流将“把许多共和党人也拖入水中”。
在对西密歇根州进行的近三十次采访中,一种疲惫感始终存在,而且这种感觉超出了该地区。
“特朗普总统一直说,‘投票时要把我当成在选票上一样’,而这正是我打算做的——不投票,”24岁的布兰登·特雷曼(Brandon Tremaine)说道,他是德克萨斯州的一名研究生,曾在2020年投票给特朗普先生。“你不能一边以‘和平之票’进行竞选,一边发动一场选择性战争,这场战争直接伤害了国内的美国人,并导致美国人在海外丧生。”
民调可能不可靠,情绪也可能是短暂的。特朗普的忠实支持者也以不接民调机构的电话而闻名,这可能会夸大民主党的优势。随着民主党获胜的可能性临近,心灰意冷的特朗普选民可能仍会集结起来投票,而且许多美国人依然热爱特朗普先生。
“我会一直支持特朗普,”67岁的杰夫·吉尔伯特(Jeff Gilbert)说,他是帕塞克先生在戈布尔斯的朋友。
数据上的差距并不剧烈。上个月一项《纽约时报》 / 锡耶纳大学(Siena University)的全国民调发现,民主党人表示绝对确定会投票的可能性高于共和党人,比例分别为61%和56%。虽然在登记选民中,民主党在全国范围内领先共和党7个百分点,但在可能投票的选民中,这一优势上升到了9个百分点。
但在势均力敌的竞争中,微小的差距可能具有重要意义。
“人们累了,”共和党人、前密歇根州众议员阿尔·普肖尔卡(Al Pscholka)在谈到特朗普先生时说。“这种‘首席分裂者’的做法,已经到了让人精疲力竭的地步。”
这种担忧出现在了一些意想不到的地方。罗布·波考克(Rob Pocock)是一名退休的共和党政治顾问,曾在该地区参与竞选,他表示,西密歇根州的共和党众议员比尔·胡伊曾加(Bill Huizenga)此前四次赢得众议院席位均具有舒适的领先优势,但现在他正面临着“人生中最艰难的战斗”,对手是来自卡拉马祖(Kalamazoo)、资金充足的中间派民主党人肖恩·麦肯(Sean McCann)。
当地共和党州代表南希·德博尔(Nancy DeBoer)同样面临一场艰苦的战斗,她的对手是约瑟夫·麦克卢斯基(Joseph McClusky),后者毕业于密歇根州荷兰市的希望学院(Hope College)——一所保守派基督徒文理学院,且麦克卢斯基公开承认自己是同性恋。
“如果约瑟夫赢了,我会很震惊,但我不敢相信他能取得现在的成绩,”波考克先生说道。他在霍普学院任教,麦克卢斯基先生曾是他的学生。他说,在渥太华县,他看到了前所未有数量的民主党院子标牌。
西密歇根州——杰拉尔德·福特的故乡——可能正见证着总统 MAGA 运动的退潮。该运动曾在一个以稳健、带有基督教色彩的保守主义著称的地区迅速崛起。在新冠疫情后,热情的特朗普支持者在渥太华县委员会 11 个席位中占据了 8 个。亲-
纽约时报
“他正与美国人民脱节。”吉姆·帕塞克,80. 曾两次投票给特朗普总统。 “我会一直追随特朗普。” 杰夫·吉尔伯特,67, 他在 2024, 投票给特朗普,并坚持这一选择。
摄影:简·凯尔特·戴夫,为《纽约时报》拍摄 密歇根州波波的一幅壁画。该地区几乎看不到任何形式的竞选标牌,在如此接近选举的时间点,这很不寻常。
特朗普势力还赢得了州党组织的控制权。
如今,MAGA 派在渥太华县仅剩三个席位。他们在贝里安县和肯特县也失去了职位。
“我认为党内出现了一种转变,回到了‘我们需要一些建制派人士’的状态,”身为保守派基督教母亲的克罗内迈尔女士说道,“他们的存在是有原因的。”
如果说有人会对这次选举感到热情,那应该是克罗内迈尔女士。她在 2022. 竞选州议员。她在 2016 和 2020. 为特朗普先生挨家挨户敲门宣传。但她说,最近当一个朋友问起她所在地区的选情时,她不得不承认自己没有密切关注。她住在深红色的阿利根县,她说那里“传统上在选举年,院子标牌会遍布各处”。
但她说,今年她看到的唯一标牌是关于一名法官的。
距离特朗普先生
“共和党方面的活力非常低。” 道格·库普曼, 肯特县共和党执行委员会成员。
席卷全国已经过去了十年,他带来了经济民粹主义的信息,吸引了数百万美国工人阶级。
“他曾是一个能量球,”帕塞克先生在戈布尔斯与他的朋友吉尔伯特先生共进早餐时说道,“你能感觉到,你能看到。”
现在,帕塞克先生说,特朗普先生似乎迷失了方向。他发起了他曾说不会发起的战争,导致汽油价格飞涨。而且他谈论舞厅和拱门的次数似乎比谈论如何降低物价的次数更多。
“他正与美国人民脱节,”帕塞克先生说。
吉尔伯特先生说,他已经不再密切关注新闻,而是选择花更多时间陪他的狗梅贝尔在户外活动。但他在 2024 年投票给了特朗普先生,并表示他坚持这一选择。他说他相信特朗普先生对伊朗有一个计划。
帕塞克先生反驳道:“他说他有计划,但又不告诉我们计划是什么。”
帕塞克先生举了汽油价格的例子:“他说那是小钱。不,不是的!这在杀死人们。”
他说,他注意到在开车进城经过的一个停车场里,有人住在车里。他担心他 28, 孙女,她毕业于密歇根州立大学,目前打三份工——一份全职和两份兼职——但找不到她能负担得起的房子。
这些顾虑在地方党组织层面也能感受到。肯特县共和党执行委员会成员道格·库普曼表示,要让中期选举的基层人员——志愿者敲门员和拉票员——拿起宣传册进行挨家挨户的分发一直很困难,导致大量宣传册袋子被遗留在党总部周围。
“共和党方面的活力非常低,”他说。
2024年,在选举前夜,人们在格兰拉皮兹的雨中排起了近一英里的长队,只为听特朗普先生演讲。他的竞选活动在社交媒体上占据主导地位,触达了从未投票的年轻人,比如塞巴斯蒂安·科维,他记得特朗普先生曾“弹出”在他的信息流中。在2024年之前,科维先生从未投票;但那一年,他为这位总统投了票。
现在到了24年,他说他的关注点在其他地方。他住在距离哈德逊维尔(格兰拉皮兹正西侧的一个繁华郊区)园林绿化工作岗位一小时多车程的地方,因为那里的房租更便宜,但上涨的油价让他的通勤变得痛苦。他把皮卡车换成了小轿车,但之前一直和他拼车的同事刚刚找到了另一份工作。他和女朋友一直在寻找离工作地点更近的租赁房,但到目前为止,他们还没有找到能负担得起的房子。
他说他还没考虑过是否会投票。
“我应该更关心一些,但很难跟上节奏,”他在一家温蒂(Wendy's)餐厅的午休期间说道。
甚至那些身在政坛的共和党人也说他们累了——在亲MAGA的政治人物与传统共和党人之间的斗争中精疲力竭。76岁的鲍勃·哈里森是贝里安县的一名共和党县委员,在该县,MAGA势力赢得了对县共和党(G.O.P.)的控制权。他表示,这些势力剥夺了像他这样的当地民选官员对党内决策的投票权。
哈里森博士是一位退休的社区学院院长,他表示,这些官员“几乎全部离开了贝里安县共和党”,转而为他们自己的政治候选人筹集资金。
哈里森博士在2024年投票给了特朗普先生,他表示,核心的特朗普支持者没有改变,但“他们失去了像我这样温和派的支持,即那些会思考、会选择,且可能会分散投票的人”。
69岁的沃伦·斯图尔特住在密歇根州史蒂文斯维尔,从事旧房修复工作。他说,他倾向于认为特朗普先生正在致力于恢复这个国家,但他开始产生怀疑。
他说,客户在项目进行到一半时经常会感到紧张,但他会向他们保证,他始终有一个让房屋恢复原貌的计划。他想知道特朗普先生是否也有这样的计划。
“他真的知道自己在做什么吗?”斯图尔特先生说道。
他说,他绝不会投票给民主党人;他觉得在网上被自由派人士攻击得体无完肤。但他也不确定是否会投票给共和党人。
“我刚花了60美元买了价值30美元的杂货,而且马上要去加每加仑5美元的油,”他拎着两袋杂货走向汽车时说道,“感觉他们是在对我们进行压力测试。”

上图为美国参议院候选人肯·帕克斯顿(Ken Paxton)在休斯顿举行的2026年德克萨斯州共和党州代表大会上的样子。左图为帕克斯顿在2015年宣誓就任德克萨斯州总检察长后的样子。当时,帕克斯顿是共和党中一颗迅速崛起的新星。 ANTRANK TAVITIAN 为《纽约时报》拍摄

SON DAÉMMBRECH,经由路透社
他在欺诈调查中的 过往证词 暗示了一种模式
作者:劳伦·麦考基(LAUREN MCGAUGHY)
德克萨斯州奥斯汀 —— 肯·帕克斯顿在沃思堡的一栋联邦大楼里坐了几个小时,政府律师在宣誓后就他不断增长的财富和可疑的投资历史对他进行了严厉质询。
当时是2014年12月,帕克斯顿是共和党中一颗迅速崛起的新星。他刚刚当选为下一任德克萨斯州总检察长。但在公众视野之外,他因一项关于可能存在欺诈行为的联邦调查而受到审查。
《纽约时报》获得的该案证词,是帕克斯顿后来十年行为模式的最早篇章之一:腐败和其他非法行为的指控反复出现,但最终在没有定罪的情况下得到解决。
现在,随着帕克斯顿陷入德克萨斯州激烈的参议院竞选,这份证词提供了一份此前从未公开的关于其财务状况、金钱观以及他如何利用在州议会的人脉积累财富的记录。
自2002年首次当选公职以来,帕克斯顿通过商业投资和房地产购买增加了财富,其个人财产报告价值高达2300万美元。他的资产目前包括多项共同基金、一座手机信号塔以及分布在六个州的15处房产。
帕克斯顿很少在公开场合回答关于他如何靠政府薪水积累这些财富的问题。他的财务状况多次成为地方、州和联邦当局调查涉嫌贿赂、欺诈和自我交易的对象。这一问题一直是其政治对手的频繁攻击点,包括代表民主党竞选参议员、与他竞争的州议员詹姆斯·塔拉里科(James Talarico)。
2014年的证词是美国证券交易委员会(S.E.C.)对Servergy Inc.调查的一部分。这是一家总部位于德克萨斯州麦金尼(McKinney)的科技初创公司,而该地正是帕克斯顿担任州议员时代表的选区。该初创公司的创始人威廉·马普三世(William Mapp III,简称比尔)被指控向投资者做出虚假陈述。
美国证券交易委员会的律师想要知道,帕克斯顿是否隐瞒了其因招募投资者而获得该公司补偿的事实。
美国证券交易委员会最终对帕克斯顿提起民事欺诈指控,但随后被驳回。除联邦调查外,帕克斯顿在2015年被大陪审团以州证券欺诈罪起诉。2024年,他达成了一项协议以避免审判,同时并未承认任何过错。
在2014年的宣誓证词中,帕克斯顿告诉联邦律师,他在多家公司投资了超过$400,000。但他表示,在立法工作和竞选活动之间,他没有时间跟踪自己的投资。事实上,帕克斯顿说,他无法找到可能价值$200,000.的股票证书。
他在证词中说:“我太忙了,并不总是跟踪这类事情。”
这份证词还进一步揭示了他如何应对证券欺诈指控,而他随后花了一十年的时间与这些指控作斗争。在回答问题时,帕克斯顿使用了超过200次诸如“我不记得”或“我不回想起来”之类的措辞。他还试图将问题转移到与其共同投资的其他男性以及他的妻子安吉拉(Angela)身上。
“我已经很久没有亲自准备纳税申报表了,因为我没时间,所以通常——实际上是我妻子在处理,”当被问及纳税申报表中一项似乎与其证词部分相矛盾的记录时,帕克斯顿先生说道。
帕克斯顿先生的高级顾问尼克·马杜克斯表示,公开这份证词旨在转移人们对选举以及帕克斯顿先生对手的注意力。
“这是一份关于一起最终未被定罪案件的 12 年前的证词,在选举日之前不到一个月被政治对手交给媒体,”马杜克斯先生说。“就像特朗普总统一样,总检察长多年来因为敢于对抗建制派而遭受政治迫害,而德克萨斯州的人民每次都能看穿这一切。”
《纽约时报》从一名反对帕克斯顿先生竞选参议员的人士那里获得了这份 2014 年 12 月的证词。《纽约时报》独立确认了其真实性。
在过去十年中,帕克斯顿先生至少三次在宣誓后接受质询,但这些证词均未公开。
塔拉里科的竞选团队一直寻求公开帕克斯顿先生在另一起案件中提供的两份证词。一名代表帕克斯顿先生财富管理师的律师正努力争取维持其密封状态。
帕克斯顿先生对 Servergy 交易的叙述始于麦金尼的一家 Dairy Queen 餐厅。在证词中,他说他打算向 Servergy 投资 $100,000,并在那里与马普先生会面以交付支票。帕克斯顿先生说,马普先生拒绝了这笔钱,而是赠送给他 100,000 股股票。
帕克斯顿先生将马普先生的慷慨归功于其宗教信仰。
根据证词,帕克斯顿先生告诉政府律师:“我说,那么我支票抬头写谁?他说,我不能拿你的钱。上帝不希望我拿你的钱。”
根据证词中描述的马普先生发给帕克斯顿先生的电子邮件,这些股票的价值最终增长到了 $200,000。
政府律师询问,既然马普先生当时正在积极寻找其他投资者,为什么会免费把股票给帕克斯顿先生。
“这不合逻辑,”帕克斯顿先生在证词中回答道,随后补充说“比尔是一个有灵性的人”。
帕克斯顿先生表示,他没有询问律师接受这些股票是否“合适”。
他在提交给州伦理监管机构的年度财务报告中,将这些股票列为持有或获得的股票。德克萨斯州伦理法专家安德鲁·凯茨表示,帕克斯顿先生可能因为没有披露这些股票是赠礼而违反了州法规。
帕克斯顿先生告诉政府律师,他不记得证明其拥有该股票的证书放在哪里了。他说他当时太忙于陪女儿参观大学以及准备就任总检察长。
帕克斯顿先生的证词为他所谓的“放手式”投资方法提供了新的见解,他称这种方法在他担任州议员期间帮助他积累了财富。
帕克斯顿先生表示,鉴于其繁忙的日程,他会将投资推介委托给一名立法助手处理。
帕克斯顿先生说,助手会查看推介内容并决定是否考虑;他还说,他经常将想法交给拜伦·库克讨论,库克当时是德克萨斯州众议院的一名共和党议员,并创办了一家成功的电子游戏公司,此外还会咨询他认识的其他共同投资的商人。
“这就是我的策略,”帕克斯顿先生说,“依赖那些比我更懂这些东西的人。”
在提供证词时,帕克斯顿先生在二十多家不同的企业中拥有投资。他在证词中讨论了其中几家企业,称他在每家企业中投资了 $50,000 到 $175,000 不等。其中一项投资获得了 $250,000 的回报。
在潜在利益冲突问题被提出后,帕克斯顿先生最终将其许多资产放入了盲信托。
库克先生与帕克斯顿先生的关系并未持久。2015年,库克先生指控帕克斯顿先生引导他及他人投资 Servergy 公司,却未披露自己已收取报酬。
该指控是州法院刑事起诉书的一部分。帕克斯顿先生在 2024 年与检察官达成协议,向库克先生和另一名投资者支付约 $300,000 的赔偿金,并进行社区服务。库克先生通过律师表示不回应置评请求。
Servergy 公司最终支付了 $200,000 的罚金,以解决一项与帕克斯顿先生无关的独立联邦民事欺诈指控。马普先生失去了工作,此后一直淡出公众视野。未能联系到他以获取评论。
联邦律师就其欺诈案中的核心电子邮件询问了帕克斯顿先生,在这些邮件中,马普先生似乎向他提供招募新投资者的佣金。帕克斯顿先生表示他不记得读过马普先生的许多邮件,并坚称他没有为该公司提供服务。
当面对一份自己的纳税申报单副本时——政府律师称帕克斯顿先生在其中披露了向 Servergy 公司提供“法律服务”的 $100,000 收入——帕克斯顿先生将律师引导至他的妻子那里,称是她准备的表格。
现任州参议员的帕克斯顿夫人于 2025 年申请离婚,指控帕克斯顿先生通奸。她拒绝就本文发表评论。
一名联邦法官在 2017 年驳回了美国证券交易委员会(S.E.C.)针对帕克斯顿先生的欺诈案,裁定他没有义务告知投资者他从马普先生那里获得了有价值的物品。
帕克斯顿先生在证词中表示,他从未有理由怀疑马普先生关于公司会取得成功的说法。
“我倾向于信任人们,直到他们证明并非如此,”帕克斯顿先生说。“一旦他们撒谎,那就变成了完全不同的问题。这就是人们不诚实所带来的困难之处。”
缅因州、密歇根州和佐治亚州充满敌意
本文由 Lisa Lerer, Reid J. Epstein 和 Patricia Mazzei 撰写。
周四晚上在关键参议院选区举行的三场辩论凸显了中期选举已变得多么紧张,缅因州、密歇根州和佐治亚州的候选人们互相进行了激烈的个人攻击。
在密歇根州,民主党人阿卜杜勒·埃尔-赛义德(Abdul El-Sayed)博士称共和党前众议员迈克·罗杰斯(Mike Rogers)为战争贩子,而罗杰斯先生则试图将身为穆斯林的埃尔-赛义德博士与恐怖主义联系起来。
在佐治亚州,民主党参议员乔恩·奥索夫(Jon Ossoff)称共和党众议员迈克·柯林斯(Mike Collins)为“偏执狂”。
而在缅因州,参议员苏珊·柯林斯(Susan Collins)在她的民主党对手特洛伊·杰克逊(Troy Jackson)指责她及其丈夫从伊朗战争中获利后,要求对方公开道歉。
以下是这 3 个可能决定参议院控制权之州的辩论的五个要点。
在所有三场辩论中,民主党人都表示共和党人与这位不受欢迎的总统步调一致。
杰克逊先生一次又一次地指责柯林斯女士未能利用其权力反对损害缅因州的特朗普政府政策,包括伊朗战争和关税。在谈到能源价格时,他说:“我们现在处于危机之中,因为她和她的共和党同事不敢挺身反抗唐纳德·特朗普。”
在佐治亚州,奥索夫先生反复询问柯林斯先生,特朗普总统的关税如何帮助了佐治亚州人,一度将其称为“迈克·柯林斯-唐纳德·特朗普关税”。奥索夫先生认为,农民承受的经济痛苦和消费者医疗保险费的上涨都是“可以预见的”,但柯林斯先生仍然投票支持导致这些结果的特朗普支持的政策。
“无论唐纳德·特朗普说什么,迈克·柯林斯就做什么,”奥索夫先生说。“不管是什么。他没有独立思考能力。”
而在密歇根州,埃尔-赛义德博士指责罗杰斯先生是“一个想成为特朗普政府傀儡的人”,尤其是在导致汽油价格上涨的伊朗战争问题上。
通常可以通过问题来判断谁在辩论中占据上风。处于进攻方的候选人能够讨论对他们有利的议题,而处于防御方的候选人则试图将话题转移到更有利的地盘。
周四辩论中共和党候选人——以及在全国各地竞选公职的同僚们——面临的问题是,今年选民关注的核心议题对他们不利。主持人询问了高昂的油价、特朗普的关税、伊朗战争以及移民突击搜查——所有这些话题都迫使共和党人不得不为不受欢迎的特朗普政府政策辩护,或者解释为什么他们现在对自己此前支持的立场持怀疑态度。
在三场辩论中,没有任何关于青少年体育运动中跨性别运动员的问题,而这一话题经常导致民主党内部产生分歧,且特朗普及其控制的超级政治行动委员会(super PACs)一直将其用于攻击民主党候选人。

亚特兰大新闻第一台 / WAMP
在密歇根州的辩论中,埃尔-赛义德博士没有被问及他与哈桑·皮克(Hasan Piker)的关系,后者是一位左翼主播,曾在初选期间为其助选,但此后保持距离。在缅因州,杰克逊先生没有被问及他是否是美国民主社会主义者(Democratic Socialists of America)的成员,该组织已背书支持他的竞选,并在今年早些时候支持他竞选州长。
在关于联邦燃油税的第一个回答中,埃尔-赛义德博士仅用了 20 秒就攻击罗杰斯先生支持对伊朗的战争。
在整个辩论过程中,没有一次交锋是不包含人身攻击的,两人频繁地互相打断。两人就第二套房产展开争论——罗杰斯先生的房产在佛罗里达州,而埃尔-赛义德博士的房产在海外。埃尔-赛义德博士反应更敏捷,口才更流畅,在许多次交锋中占据了上风,令这位前国会议员感到沮丧。
即便在节目下播后,他们的交锋仍在继续。
“在我主持辩论的 30 年里,我从未见过在广告期间还继续争论的情况,但这次确实发生了,”大急流城 NBC 附属台的主持人里克·阿布林(Rick Ablin)说道。
最恶劣、最私人化的交锋可能发生在罗杰斯先生试图将埃尔-赛义德博士与恐怖组织联系起来的时候。他说,这位竞选参议院首位穆斯林议员的人“被哈马斯、真主党、基地组织收买了,正是这些人支持你,将资金注入你的竞选活动”。
没有证据表明埃尔-赛义德博士得到了恐怖组织的支持。
当他获得不被打断的发言机会时,他称罗杰斯先生为走投无路之徒。
“他希望讨论任何事情,只要不是他的个人记录,”埃尔-赛义德博士说。
奥索夫先生在佐治亚州参议院辩论开始时表示,这将是“对迈克·柯林斯的审判”。随后,他开始陈述其指控。
他指责这位共和党国会议员雇佣了“半个第三帝国”,指的是柯林斯过去的助手们曾持有白人至上主义和反犹太主义观点。他猛烈抨击柯林斯在 2024 年转发了一段视频,视频中白人男学生在嘲讽和讥笑一名黑人女学生时发表了种族主义和亵渎性言论。
“如果约翰·刘易斯今天还在从塞尔玛向蒙哥马利进军,”奥索夫先生说,“迈克·柯林斯一定会拿着警棍在场。”
在佐治亚州,参议员乔恩·奥索夫离开时称众议员迈克·柯林斯为“顽固偏见者”。柯林斯先生则表示他“谴责种族主义、反犹主义和仇恨”。
柯林斯先生表示他已经“谴责了种族主义、反犹主义和仇恨”。他还试图反将一军,通过批评犹太裔的奥索夫先生支持埃尔-赛义德博士来攻击对方,柯林斯声称埃尔-赛义德“仇恨以色列”且“热爱伊朗”。
奥索夫先生是一名更成熟的辩论者,他将每一个政策问题都与特朗普先生联系起来;而拥有一家卡车公司的柯林斯先生则依托自己的经验,暗示自己更了解普通的佐治亚州民众。
在当周第二次缅因州参议院辩论中,杰克逊先生改变了策略。他大幅减少了对柯林斯女士支持堕胎权以及她投票确认大法官布雷特·卡瓦诺(Brett Kavanaugh)的质疑——卡瓦诺加入了推翻“罗诉韦德案”的保守派最高法院多数派。相反,他将攻击重点集中在生活成本上涨(包括取暖油价格的剧烈上涨)上,并指责柯林斯女士利用职权谋取私利。
“从我还是个小男孩起,我就目睹了权力和腐败如何阻碍人们的发展,”杰克逊先生在谈到有关联邦调查局(F.B.I.)去年关闭了一项针对柯林斯女士一名顾问腐败指控的调查报告时说道。
这引发了柯林斯女士的激烈回应。她反复指责杰克逊先生——在整个辩论过程中她称他为“特洛伊”——对其记录撒谎。“这些指控完全是虚假的,而且已被证明是虚假的。”她还指责杰克逊先生就该问题投放了“虚假广告”。
德宾在离任之际留下的一个巨大遗憾
作者:卡尔·赫尔斯(CARL HULSE)
华盛顿 —— 40年前,作为众议院的一名初级成员,参议员理查德·J·德宾(Richard J. Durbin)在出人意料地击败强大的烟草游说团体并赢得飞机禁烟令时,学习了大量关于立法的艺术。
在参议院任职五届、众议院任职七届,准备离开国会之际,德宾先生担心这正成为一门失传的艺术。
“我真的很怀念我们还在进行立法的时候,”这位来自伊利诺伊州的民主党人、老派立法者德宾先生说道。他曾在议事厅的修正案之争中,通过推动自己的优先事项取得了显著成功。而现在,随着两党领导人通过操纵手段,以避免其成员进行具有政治风险的投票,参议院几乎已经放弃了这种做法。

塞斯·珀尔曼 / 美联社 1996年,参议员理查德·J·德宾离开伊利诺伊州的一个投票站,那是他首次赢得参议院席位的一年。
如今,领导人们在闭门会议中决定哪些提案可以进入辩论和投票阶段。德宾先生感叹道,如果你的提案能入选,那你就“运气好”了。“我在职业生涯中能通过最重要的法案,是因为我在议事厅有机会争取。”
现年81岁的德宾先生将成为伊利诺伊州历史上任职时间最长的参议员,且自2005年起一直担任参议院民主党二号人物——党鞭。他是将于年底结束职业生涯的几位著名资深国会议员之一,这一过渡将显著改变众议院和参议院的面貌。
与他一同离任的还包括一些知名人物,如肯塔基州共和党人、前领导人参议员米奇·麦康奈尔(Mitch McConnell),以及分别担任民主党前议长和多数党领袖的加利福尼亚州众议员南希·佩洛西(Nancy Pelosi)和马里兰州众议员斯坦尼·H·霍耶(Steny H. Hoyer)。
作为司法委员会的民主党高层及其2021年至2025年期间的主席,德宾先生一直处于令参议院精疲力竭的司法确认之战中心。他同时也是参议院和众议院拨款委员会的成员,为他的家乡州争取了数十亿美元的资金。
正是作为众议院拨款委员会的一员,德宾先生在1986年开始推动航空公司禁烟令,其动力源于父亲死于癌症,以及他在一次飞行中被两名吸烟者夹在中间的经历 —— 这在今天几乎是不可想象的。
在那个办公室烟灰缸仍是标配的机构里,障碍是巨大的。在接近委员会批准时,他发现自己需要众议员马丁·萨博(Martin Sabo)的投票,后者是来自明尼苏达州的民主党人,且资历更深,有能力否决他的提案。萨博先生并不倾向于支持他,因为他很享受在回家飞行途中抽根烟来放松。
“我去找他,我说:‘马蒂,我能问你一个问题吗?’他说:‘什么?’我说:‘你最长能多久不抽烟?’他说:‘两个小时。’我说:‘很好。那么这项禁令仅适用于两小时或两小时以下的航班。’”
该修正案获得通过并成为里程碑式的法律,引发了连锁反应,最终导致全国范围内实施广泛的禁烟限制。
“我当时完全没想到那是转折点,”德宾先生说。“它对这个国家的改变可能比我想象的要大得多。”
德宾先生在2010年看到了另一个机会,但当他推动限制银行向接受借记卡的商家收取“刷卡”手续费的提案时,遭到了华尔街和银行界的强烈反对。
一项重大银行改革法案的支持者抵制德宾先生加入修正案的努力,担心这会增加通过的难度。当其他提案仅凭简单多数就顺利通过时,他被迫集结起绝对多数票。

肯尼·休斯顿 / 纽约时报
“我是议事厅上的第24个修正案,”德宾先生回忆道。“我不在银行委员会。他们点名表决,而我赢了。”
他仍在为这一结果感到欣喜:“每年让华尔街损失 80 亿美元。”
德宾先生还建立了跨党派联盟,与来自爱荷华州的共和党参议员查尔斯·E·格拉斯利(Charles E. Grassley)合作,通过了一项全面的刑事司法改革方案,尽管保守派持有异议,但该方案最终由特朗普总统签署成为法律。他还与来自缅因州的共和党参议员苏珊·柯林斯(Susan Collins)在多项烟草相关措施上开展合作,其中包括一项旨在取消 1997 年被偷偷塞进一项法案中的 500 亿美元行业税收减免的举措。
“当时我是一名新任参议员,而他的经验比我丰富得多,我们共同努力废除了那项规定,”柯林斯女士在回忆他们的修正案时说道,该修正案最终以 95 比 3 的投票结果获得通过。“他一直是一位优秀的合作伙伴,因为他真心在乎能否让法案最终通过。”
然而,一项重大胜利在数十年间一直与他失之交臂,这让他感到心痛。德宾先生一直无法通过立法,为童年时期被带入美国的非法移民(即所谓的“追梦人”)建立永久性的遣返保护和入籍路径。自 2001 年起,他在每一届国会都提出了《追梦法案》(Dream Act)。尽管该立法得到了公众和国会的广泛支持,但它反复被卷入更大规模的移民之争中,从未能够独立通过。
在德宾先生的敦促下,总统—。
参议员理查德·J·德宾(RICHARD J. DURBIN)谈及 DACA 受益者,他一直试图保护这些人免受拘留威胁,但至今尚未成功。
总统巴拉克·奥巴马——他曾在伊利诺伊州参议院共事的同事——于 2012 年通过行政命令设立了“童年抵美者暂缓遣返”(DACA)计划。该计划使数万名符合条件的移民能够合法就学和就业。如今,由于法院判决的不确定性以及特朗普政府的移民打击行动,该计划正遭受攻击;特朗普政府已宣布 DACA 不能提供免于遣返的保护。这导致数百名受益者被拘留,部分人被遣返。
在立法途径受阻的情况下,德宾先生转而利用议会发言机会,讲述个体“追梦人”的故事,以及他们的成就与挫折。上个月底,他讲述了第 153 个故事,并配以惯例的大尺寸照片。
这是一个关于卡伦·蒙特斯·加加(Karen Montes Gaga)的故事。她是一名 DACA 受益者,拥有教育学学士和硕士学位,并担任了近十年的小学教师。但德宾先生表示,特朗普政府在更新她的工作许可方面拖延不前,导致她不得不 在学年之中离开教室。
德宾先生对惩罚一名“致力于向学生灌输坚定价值观和职业道德的教师”这一做法的明智程度提出了质疑。
“我想问我的共和党同事们:如果你们出去寻找‘最糟糕的人’,你们会选择卡伦吗?”德宾先生在参议院议事厅说道,“如果你们想将强奸犯、杀人犯、恐怖分子、儿童猎食者从美国驱逐出去,你们会将卡伦认定为这些人之一吗?当然不会。”
德宾先生表示,每当他揭开 DACA 受益者的背景资料时,旁听席上的观众和参议院勤务员们都全神贯注地倾听,这让他感到些许慰藉。
“为了在最后几个月促成这项法案通过,我唯一能做的就是不断讲述他们的故事,”德宾先生说,“如果有什么能触动我的情感,那是因为我已经了解了这些孩子——现在已是成年人——以及他们的生活状态。”
他补充道:“我想告诉你们,我遗憾在离职前没能完成这件事。”
作者:吉娜·科拉塔 (GINA KOLATA)
美国国家癌症研究所所长安东尼·莱泰 (Dr. Anthony Letai) 博士表示,一种新型癌症治疗方法——疫苗——展现出了极高的前景,因此需要一项国家级的努力来加速相关发现。
在谈到美国国立卫生研究院 (N.I.H.) 提供的最新资源时,他表示:“我们可以做一些原本无法完成的事情。我们可以对新想法进行大规模投注。”
这项“大规模投注”是一项计划中的公私合作伙伴关系,涉及 N.I.H.、非营利组织 N.I.H. 基金会、研究人员、制药和生物技术公司、倡导团体、慈善机构以及患者,所有各方将共同协作开发并测试这些疫苗。
这类疫苗是针对每位患者的个体化治疗,通过促使免疫系统攻击患者特定的癌症。注射药物会引导免疫系统的 T 细胞精准定位患者肿瘤上存在且在其他部位均不存在的异常蛋白。
N.I.H. 基金会高级临床官员斯泰西·亚当 (Stacey Adam) 在提到促成冠状病毒疫苗快速研发的公私合作伙伴关系时说:“我们希望这能像新冠疫苗那样。”
她表示,疫苗计划预计将于 12 月启动,初期将重点关注胰腺癌、肝癌和结直肠癌,以及一部分儿童肿瘤。
一份由《纽约时报》独家获取的未发表白皮书报告解释了这项疫苗计划,并指出,疫苗目前所能实现的成果在“十年前在很大程度上还处于理论阶段”。
该项目仍是一次博弈:癌症疫苗早期的前景并不保证最终能获得成功。医学史上充满了此类故事——某些疗法在早期研究中看似不可思议,但在更大规模的测试中却以失败告终。
然而,人们对疫苗的热情依然高涨。
帕克研究所 (Parker Institute) 首席执行官凯伦·克努森 (Karen Knudsen) 表示:“这是一个完全崭新的前沿领域。”该研究所目前有两名代表参与 N.I.H. 的计划,同时也在资助疫苗研究,并将其定位为主要优先事项之一。
克努森博士表示,针对黑色素瘤、胰腺癌、肾细胞癌,甚至包括迄今为止对所有治疗形式均有耐药性的脑癌——胶质母细胞瘤的疫苗研究初步结果“令人极其鼓舞”。
癌症疫苗与新冠疫苗或麻疹、流感等其他疾病疫苗不同。那些疫苗是为了预防疾病,而癌症疫苗则是攻击已经存在的癌症。
但它们与新冠疫苗相似之处在于,大多数采用了 mRNA 技术,而这项技术此前在特朗普政府时期已不再受到青睐。
到目前为止,只有一项疫苗研究的规模足够大,能够显示出决定性的结果。该研究涉及 1,137 名晚期黑色素瘤患者。
默克 (Merck) 和 Moderna 公司,它们
开展了这项研究的人员在8月份报告称,该疫苗延长了癌症复发前的时间,并延长了癌症扩散前的时间。这两家公司计划在本月晚些时候公布完整的数据集。
亚当博士(Dr. Adam)对此持乐观态度:“科学基础已经具备,技术手段也已经具备,”她说道。
“一切都到了关键时刻,”她补充道,“现在就是启动时机。”
尽管这一公私合作伙伴关系将从新冠疫苗的全球研发中汲取灵感和经验,但癌症疫苗的时间表将远没有那么快。莱泰博士(Dr. Letai)表示,该计划的第一阶段将由小型研究组成,预计耗时约三年,并旨在提供“关于疫苗不同技术方案的参考信息”。
Phase 2 的大规模试验预计将耗时至少四年,涉及一个全国性的临床试验站点网络,并得出决定性结果。亚当博士表示,最终目标是“在7到10年内,任何走进诊所的人都能接种疫苗”。
亚当博士说,这仍然比没有该计划的情况要快,因为在没有该计划的情况下,获得美国食品药品监督管理局(F.D.A.)的批准可能需要8到15年。而且,相关工作将会是碎片化且缺乏协调的。
正是那些结果具有前景的小规模、碎片化研究激发了这一计划的诞生。
例如,其中一项研究涉及肾癌患者,由丹娜-法伯癌症研究所(Dana-Farber Cancer Institute)的凯瑟琳·J·吴博士(Dr. Catherine J. Wu)及其同事领导。研究人员在晚期肾癌患者进行首次手术时提取了肿瘤细胞。然后,他们为每位患者创建了一种旨在攻击肿瘤独特突变的疫苗。
在如此小规模的研究中,无法得知患者是否被完全治愈,但所有9名患者在40个月后均未发现癌症。通常情况下,30到50%的患者会在两年内复发。
吴博士及其同事目前正在为胶质母细胞瘤患者以及卵巢癌患者开发疫苗。
另一项令人鼓舞的研究聚焦于胰腺癌。纪念斯隆-凯特林癌症中心(Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center)的维诺德·巴拉钱德兰博士(Dr. Vinod Balachandran)表示,即使采用最好的治疗方法,近90%的患者会在五年内死亡。
他的团队在2017年构思了一项小型研究,并于2019年开始实施。当患者通过手术切除胰腺癌时,研究人员收集肿瘤组织并将其发送给基因泰克(Genentech)和BioNTech(该公司后来生产了新冠疫苗)。这两家公司精准定位了患者癌症特有的突变,随后制作了定制疫苗。
研究人员治疗了16名患者,并对其进行了长达六年的随访。在对疫苗有反应的8名患者中,有7人仍然在世;相比之下,在没有反应的8名患者中,仅有2人幸存。
不过,那项初步研究虽然前景光明,但并非决定性的。
“我们无法证明疫苗能延长患者的寿命,”巴拉钱德兰博士说。他的团队及其工业合作伙伴在2023年启动了一项规模大得多的研究,招募了260名患者。
基于他所见的情况,巴拉钱德兰博士对疫苗疗法的未来充满希望。在面对胰腺癌时,他挑战的是一种被认为对免疫系统攻击免疫的癌症:“如果我们能啃下这块最硬的骨头,”他说,“我们就能解决剩下的所有问题。”
作者:APOORVA MANDAVILLI 和 DANI BLUM
随着麻疹在全国范围内继续传播,医院和卫生官员正投入更多资金,以加强疫苗接种、检测以及对该疾病的监测。这些资金包括最近几周美国疾病控制与预防中心(C.D.C.)向各州意外注入的 1亿美元。
截至 Oct. 2, 美国已记录近 4,000 例麻疹病例,为数十年来最高水平。其中约四分之一的病例发生在宾夕法尼亚州,该州官员表示已有 5 人死于该病毒。但今年几乎每个州都报告了病例,包括纽约州,该州州长周一宣布麻疹为全州卫生紧急状态。
一些州政府官员对 C.D.C. 分别在 8 月和 9 月分两批发放的 5000万美元 资金表示欢迎,认为这是抵御未来疫情暴发的堡垒。
“我们的州尚未像宾夕法尼亚州或南卡罗来纳州那样出现大规模暴发,但我们完全预计这里会出现更多病例,”阿拉巴马州公共卫生部的州卫生官员斯科特·哈里斯(Scott Harris)博士说道。他表示,阿拉巴马州获得了 $300,000 用于麻疹免疫计划,以及 $600,000 用于监测和诊断。
这笔资金旨在用于免疫计划以及改善麻疹监测的努力,包括对严重感染病例以及孕妇和婴儿病例的诊断。在美国,出生时感染麻疹的情况极其罕见,但宾夕法尼亚州的两起死亡病例被认为是由此类情况导致的。
代表州和地方官员的免疫管理人员协会(Association of Immunization Managers)执行主任克莱尔·汉南(Claire Hannan)表示:“资金的注入正值公共卫生资金和人员被削减之际,因此非常急需。”
“如果没有准备,很难举办特别疫苗接种诊所、提醒公众、阻止传播并开展其他应对活动,”她说道,并补充说一些卫生部门可能会利用这笔资金来确定哪些地方的免疫率最需要提升。一个社区中至少 95% 的人需要接种疫苗才能遏制麻疹的传播。
一些公共卫生专家指出,C.D.C. 尚未开展其在疫情暴发期间通常会采取的那类旨在增加接种率的宣传活动。
“在正常时期,C.D.C. 甚至更高层级的 H.H.S.,人们都会讨论麻疹——它是一种多么严重的疾病,预防起来多么简单,以及疫苗多么有效且安全,”一位博士说道。

BRYNS ANDERSON / 美联社 C.D.C. 正面临数十年来美国最严重的麻疹病例数量。
安德鲁·帕维亚(Andrew Pavia)是犹他州的一位儿科传染病专家,该州今年报告的病例数已超过 500 例。
“我们并没有看到这种情况,”帕维亚博士说道。
一些专家将麻疹疫情归因于官员们关于疫苗安全性的误导信息,这加剧了疫苗接种率的下降。
今年 8 月,特朗普总统呼吁将麻疹、腮腺炎和风疹疫苗(通常作为单一注射剂共同接种)拆分为独立的组成部分。他在没有任何证据的情况下声称,“如果放在一起,有可能具有相当强的致命性。”
卫生部长小罗伯特·F·肯尼迪(Robert F. Kennedy Jr.)也多次质疑麻疹、腮腺炎和风疹联合疫苗的安全性,并错误地声称该疫苗可能是致命的,且含有胎儿碎片。
在周三举行的一场《华尔街日报》活动中,美国疾病控制与预防中心(C.D.C.)的新任主任埃里卡·施瓦茨(Erica Schwartz)博士否认肯尼迪先生曾发表过此类言论。她补充道,“麻疹、腮腺炎、风疹疫苗绝对安全,绝对有效。”
然而,除此之外,施瓦茨博士尚未发表明确的公开声明敦促家长为孩子接种疫苗。
随着病例在全国各个角落出现,各医院已升级了针对潜在疫情的准备工作。
特拉华州卫生总监尼尔·霍克斯坦(Neil Hockstein)博士表示,该州卫生部门正在当地企业的停车场设立移动接种单元,并延长州立诊所的营业时间,以便更多人能够接种疫苗。
在其他州,医院正在进行模拟麻疹患者护理的演习,并培训员工识别相关症状。
“我们确实在高度警觉地等待病例的出现,”巴尔的摩马里兰大学戈利萨诺儿童医院(University of Maryland Golisano Children's Hospital)的儿科传染病专家伊丽莎白·哈默沙姆(Elizabeth Hammershaimb)博士说道。她补充说,该医院从今年夏天开始采购更多麻疹疫苗以增加库存。
康涅狄格州的耶鲁-纽黑文医疗系统(Yale New Haven Health)也对其麻疹疫苗库存进行了盘点,该医疗系统的传染病医生斯科特·罗伯茨(Scott Roberts)博士表示,这主要是为了确保有足够的剂量,以降低那些已接触病毒但尚未接种疫苗的人员的风险。
医院还表示,他们正在评估免疫球蛋白的供应情况。这是一种抗体治疗药物,可降低无法接种疫苗者(包括婴儿、孕妇和部分严重免疫缺陷个体)患严重疾病的风险。
“你可能从几乎从不使用它,突然变成比如某家诊所有 15 名婴儿接触了病毒,你在一夜之间需要 15 剂,”帕维亚博士说,“这可能会是一个挑战。”

2009年的胡德堡,当时一名枪手杀害了13人。陆军表示,对该枪击案被定罪军官的公开处决将通过行刑队执行。 NICOLE BENGYENO / 纽约时报
参议员称直播想法“令人极度厌恶”
作者:ROBERT JIMISON
周五,国会中少数几位共和党人与民主党人一起,批评国防部长皮特·赫格塞斯(Pete Hegseth)计划直播处决2009年胡德堡大规模枪击案责任人的方案,将其比作恐怖组织、独裁政府和没落帝国的手段。
“我绝对支持死刑判决,但直播处决是圣战分子才会做的事,”来自佐治亚州的共和党众议员奥斯汀·斯科特(Austin Scott)周五上午在社交媒体上写道。“美国比这更高尚。”
北卡罗来纳州参议员汤姆·蒂利斯(Thom Tillis)是一名即将退休且对特朗普总统及其政府日益持批评态度的共和党人,他表示这一决定“令人极度厌恶”。他将其比作美国一些最残暴的敌手的行为。
“公开处决是像伊朗和阿富汗这样的压迫性独裁政权所做的事。这不应该发生在美利坚合众国,”他在社交媒体的一篇帖子中写道。
此前,五角大楼宣布将广播对尼达尔·马利克·哈桑(Nidal Malik Hasan)少校的处决。哈桑曾是一名陆军精神科医生,在2009年德克萨斯州胡德堡的一次枪击狂暴事件中杀害了13人,并导致32人受伤。此次处决将于12月3日执行,将由二战以来军方首支行刑队执行,也将是自1961年以来军方首次以任何方式执行死刑。
这一决定出在国会共和党人一个极其紧张的时刻,在期中选举前仅剩几周的时间里,他们正努力维持在两院的微弱多数优势。由于选民对与伊朗战争的不满,以及涉及赫格塞斯先生的一系列争议,共和党议员们一直试图与他的好战立场保持距离。
相反,直播军事处决的想法将其中一些人推入了另一场政治上令人不安的争论中。
“处决不应该成为一场直播的奇观,”来自宾夕法尼亚州的共和党众议员小罗布·布雷斯纳汉(Rob Bresnahan Jr.)在社交媒体帖子中写道,他是该党最危险的在任议员之一。“重点应该是为受害者及其家属寻求正义,而不是将处决变成娱乐。他们的痛苦值得被尊重,而不是成为一场公开表演。”
犹他州共和党参议员约翰·柯蒂斯(John Curtis)引用古罗马哲学家塞内卡(Seneca)的话警告称,将处决变成公开活动有腐蚀社会的风险。
“当一个文明培养出将处决作为一种娱乐形式的胃口时,它就开始瓦解了,”他写道,并补充说广播哈桑先生的死亡“贬低了我们,且并非有效的威慑手段”。
甚至副总统JD·万斯(JD Vance)也对这一想法表示怀疑,周五他告诉记者,他不确定广播处决的计划“是否真的会实施”。虽然他强调了哈桑先生袭击的残暴性,但他补充说,如果最终通过“直播”展示其处决,“我不会观看”。
哈桑先生在2013年被定罪并被判处死刑。特朗普先生本周批准了他的处决,为军方在今年晚些时候执行判决扫清了障碍。
建议使用行刑队的赫格塞斯先生表示,公众应该能够见证哈桑先生的处决,以了解攻击美国军人的后果。
“我们会确保人们能够观看,确保它是公开的,”赫格塞斯先生周四在航空母舰“亚伯拉罕·林肯号”上接受保守派媒体《真实美国之声》(Real America's Voice)采访时表示。他说,他主张公开执行死刑,“因为人们需要明白,这类行为会带来严重的后果。”
民主党人对此举表示强烈谴责。武装部队委员会的首席民主党人、罗德岛州参议员杰克·里德(Jack Reed)指责赫格塞斯先生在搞一场 publicity stunt(噱头),这将给哈桑先生提供他所追求的那种殉道者形象。
“直播执行死刑是一场野蛮的奇观,”里德先生在的一份声明中表示。“这是给反美恐怖分子招募人员送礼。”
尽管如此,这一公告赢得了总统在国会中一些最坚定盟友的赞赏,包括那些处于最安全的共和党选区的人员。
“这就是对待每个穆斯林恐怖分子的正确方式。我们将分享直播流,”代表佛罗里达州一个坚定的共和党选区的众议员兰迪·法恩(Randy Fine)在社交媒体帖子中写道,并补充道:“开火吧!”
田纳西州众议员安迪·奥格尔斯(Andy Ogles)在 8 月份初选失败后不再寻求连任,他分享了赫格塞斯先生宣布此消息的采访,并称其为“极好的”。
“公开执行死刑是这个恐怖分子应得的,”他写道。“我们将拭目以待。”
民主党人提出了哲学和法律上的双重反对。
华盛顿州众议员、武装部队委员会首席民主党人亚当·史密斯(Adam Smith)表示,这一决定“令人不安,且是对我们法律制度的嘲弄”。
“我们对待司法执行必须保持应有的严肃,这是有原因的,”他在一份声明中说。“我们是一个民主国家,应该严肃对待法治,而不是将其变成一场奇观。”
没有提供任何 Medicare Advantage 计划的县
在 187 个县,保险公司明年将不再提供任何 Medicare Advantage(联邦医疗保险优势计划)。人口稀少、医院较少且成本较高的农村县失去计划的情况尤为严重。

参考排序 / 纽约时报 来源:KFF
(接第 AI 页)
以及其他固定收入者,明年在需要处方药或就医、住院时,受益人的自付费用也将大幅增加。
美国部分地区出现的动荡与混乱,与特朗普政府关于 Medicare Advantage 计划“稳定”且明年平均保费将降低的说法形成了鲜明对比。保险经纪人、行业分析师和专家表示,目前约有 3500 万美国老年人参加了联邦医疗保险的私人计划,其中许多人将面临一个可能充满波动的投保期。
这些干扰可能会在期中选举前激怒老年选民。许多选民表示,他们无法承受医疗保健、食品和汽油价格的上涨。本周发布的一项 KFF 民意调查发现,在潜在选民中,信任民主党处理医疗成本能力的人数几乎是信任共和党人数的两倍。
特朗普总统宣布,政府将向 2000 万名传统 Medicare 受益人发放至少 90 美元的选前款项——但不包括参加私人计划的人员。民主党人称,在面对选民不满的情况下,此举是“绝望的”尝试。
医疗分析师表示,Medicare Advantage 的变化将要求成员仔细审查计划选项的细则,因为成本正在以多种方式上涨——从就医和处方药的共付额到免赔额。
在夏威夷大岛的帕霍阿,安·卡尔伯和米克·卡尔伯上周收到一封挂号信,通知他们所参加的计划将被终止。
78 岁的卡尔伯先生曾患喉癌并进行过颌骨手术,目前依赖喂食管生存。今年他在附近的希洛住院了两次。这对夫妇每月支付的保费合计不足 300 美元。现在,他们正准备面对数百美元的额外支出。这对夫妇的首要任务是能够继续就诊于佛罗里达州的一位梅奥诊所(Mayo Clinic)外科医生,该医生曾为卡尔伯先生的颌骨进行手术。
当被问及在依靠社会保障金、遗产以及从事火山喷发视频制作职业所积攒的储蓄生活时,是否能负担得起任何涨价,卡尔伯女士说:“不能——但我们不能不负担。”
共和党人和许多民主党人长期以来一直支持 Medicare 的私有化,但一些支持者担心 Medicare Advantage 正在失去其吸引力。多年来,Medicare 计划的私人市场对保险公司来说似乎像是一场“淘金热”,它们提供低成本计划以及传统计划中没有的视力检查和牙科护理等福利。到 2023 年,超过一半的有资格投保的人员已签署私人计划。
但保险公司很快因过度向该计划计费而受到严厉批评,促使政府官员降低了报销额度。医疗成本也开始更剧烈地攀升,一些保险公司表示它们难以盈利。
在多个州运营非营利性蓝十字(Blue Cross)计划的医疗保健服务公司(Health Care Service Corporation)正在大幅削减提供计划的地点,并退出约六个州。
与其他保险公司一样,该公司将退出美国各地区的原因归结为多种因素,包括政府政策的变动、某些社区的医疗成本以及其计划的参保人数。
该公司表示,其依然致力于该市场。负责政府项目的斯蒂芬·哈里斯表示:“Medicare Advantage 对我们非常重要。”
住在夏威夷帕霍亚的米克·卡尔伯和安·卡尔伯在收到上周的一封信告知其计划将被终止后,正准备为医疗保险支付更多费用。 布鲁斯·奥莫尔 为《纽约时报》拍摄
为该保险公司负责。
全美最大的保险公司联合健康(UnitedHealth)的削减计划正导致约 390,000 人更换保单。
该公司强调,94% 符合该计划条件的个人仍将能够使用其计划之一。“该计划目前正在提供真正的价值,”联合健康保险(UnitedHealthcare)总裁鲍比·亨特表示。
一些额外的福利(如牙科护理)曾使联邦医疗保险优势计划(Medicare Advantage)格外受欢迎,且多年来一直被保险公司用来吸引新客户并扩大市场份额,而现在这些福利正在被削减。
在公布 2027 年可用计划时,特朗普政府强调了该计划的稳定性。政府表示,人们整体支付的保费将降低,并指出全国大部分地区将有大量计划在竞争业务。
联邦医疗保险和医疗补助服务中心(CMS)管理员梅赫梅特·奥兹博士表示,联邦医疗保险“正努力为数百万依赖联邦医疗保险优势计划和 D 部分处方药计划的受益人,确保高质量的护理选择是可负担且可获得的”。他说,通过“削减对大型保险公司的补贴”,政府“正使保费保持稳定”。
“个人计划每年都会就参与地点和方式做出商业决定,但这些决定不应与 M.A. 的不稳定混为一谈,”奥兹博士在的一份声明中说道,此处 M.A. 指的是联邦医疗保险优势计划。
但行业专家估计,数百万人将无法再使用他们之前选择的计划,尤其是那些不收取保费的计划。
“在我从事该行业的十年中,我从未见过官方公告与市场整体经历的情况如此脱节,”帮助人们办理联邦医疗保险的 Duos 公司总裁詹妮·克福特表示。“我们正看到该计划变更所产生的复合影响。”
许多预算固定且年长的美国人将看到月保费上涨——而且他们必须支付的医疗和药物费用也将增加。据一项估计,典型计划的平均自付限额将从 2024 年的约 \$5,000 上升至 \$6,600。
住在加利福尼亚州圣巴巴拉的 74 岁米歇尔·哈里斯-帕德龙可以保留她的计划,但明年每月必须多支付 \$30 的保费。她的自付费用也可能增加。她看专科医生的费用将从每次 \$45 上涨到 \$60。
两年前,由于她的加州蓝盾(Blue Shield of California)计划不再涵盖她的医生,她和丈夫将计划转到了联合健康保险(UnitedHealthcare)。
“我真的在努力寻找是否有其他选择,但我并不认为有,”哈里斯-帕德龙女士说。
一些州受到的打击比其他州更严重。根据 Duos 的数据,明尼苏达州的保险公司在 2026 年削减了计划,并计划在 2027 年再次削减,另有 387,000 人被困在即将终止覆盖的计划中,原因是公司关闭了该计划或离开了某个县。
根据非营利健康政策组织 KFF 的数据,在全美 3,069 个县中,2027 年完全没有可用计划的县数从今年的 118 个增加到 187 个。2027 年首次出现没有计划县的州包括新罕布什尔州、北达科他州和俄克拉荷马州。阿拉斯加州广阔的农村地区和极少的人口,多年来一直使联邦医疗保险优势计划的保险公司难以进入。
在所有计划都已枯竭的地方中,明尼苏达州的克罗温县(Crow Wing County)就是其中之一,该县位于州中心,距离明尼阿波利斯有两小时车程。RG保险公司的经纪人尼科尔·康弗斯(Nicole Converse)表示,她正在建议当地的 Medicare Advantage(联邦医疗保险优势计划)受益人,他们必须转回传统的 Medicare(联邦医疗保险)并购买一份补充性的 Medigap 计划,她称该计划的每月保费将为 $330。此外,他们还必须购买一份独立的 Medicare Part D 药物计划。她表示,该公司在该县约有 1,000 名 Medicare Advantage 客户将受到影响。
“到目前为止,向人们解释这件事相当困难,”康弗斯女士说。“最大的担忧是他们将难以负担这笔费用。”
农村地区的州正经历着更多的动荡,因为在这些地方支付医疗费用对保险公司来说可能更为昂贵。为健康计划提供咨询的 Rebellis Group 产品与战略副总裁罗尚·德赛(Roshan Desai)表示,城市地区以外的医院和医生数量有限,这使得保险公司难以协商出有利的合同。
“波动性很大,”他说。“以前,计划永远不会缩减服务区域。而现在这已变得很普遍。”
对于许多参加传统 Medicare 的人来说,他们名为 Part D 的独立处方药福利保险也将发生变化。大约 400 万原本无需支付月保费即可获得此类药物保险的人现在将被要求付费,因为特朗普政府正在取消临时补贴。
根据 Duos 的数据,独立 Part D 计划的数量已下降了三分之二,从 2021 年的近 1,000 个减少到 316 个。
Medicare Advantage 的萎缩和成本上升在明年之后是否会持续,取决于多种因素,包括政府的任何应对措施。
“这不必成为新常态,也不应该是新常态,”代表私人保险公司的 Better Medicare Alliance 公共事务高级副总裁丽贝卡·巴克(Rebecca Buck)说。“这一切始于为 Medicare Advantage 提供充足资金以及制定良好且稳定的政策。”
第 47 任总统
右侧为司法部长托德·布兰奇(Todd Blanche),与佛罗里达州南区联邦检察官杰森·A·雷丁·基尼奥内斯(Jason A. Reding Quiñones)在一起,这项规模庞大的调查就设立在该地区。 MARCO BELLO / REFUTERS
ERIC LEE / THE NEW YORK TIMES TOM WILLIAMS / CQ ROLL CALL, VIA AP IMAGES 81 岁的约瑟夫·迪杰诺瓦(Joseph diGenova)在 4 月被召回退休岗位以启动这项调查。他于上个月辞职。
律师迈克·戴维斯(Mike Davis)一直推动扩大此案,将前总统巴拉克·奥巴马和希拉里·克林顿纳入其中。
据知情人士透露,目前的工作重点已转向针对部分主要目标的更窄范围案件,以便能够快速起诉。该行动的领导权已回归华盛顿,目前由布兰奇先生的高级副手之一阿卡什·辛格(Aakash Singh)直接监督。
一名司法部官员表示,华盛顿的领导层对目前负责此案的检察官们具有“充分信心”,并且一旦“出现不当行为的证据”,将采取行动维护法律。
即便最终从未提起指控,特朗普先生已经让潜在目标感到恐惧,并让他们承担了沉重的经济成本;在他看来,这让他们体会到了他当年在接受调查时所经历的滋味。
有两个目标承受了特别沉重的打击:詹姆斯·B·科米(James B. Comey),被特朗普先生在俄罗斯调查初期解雇的前联邦调查局(F.B.I.)局长;以及约翰·O·布伦南(John O. Brennan),在促成该调查中发挥作用的前中央情报局(C.I.A.)局长。
在司法部内部,人们正在付出另一种代价。
检察官们带着尴尬和恐惧地看着此案的发展。许多人如此不愿参与调查,以至于身为陆军预备役人员的雷丁·基尼奥内斯(Reding Quiñones)先生被迫引入军事律师来勉强填补人员空缺。
该办公室刑事部门的主管已被边缘化。该办公室的医疗保健欺诈部门已遭到毁灭性打击。许多检察官表示,该办公室感觉失去了领导,并担心一个曾以处理重大毒品和白领犯罪案件而闻名的地方已经转向了政治。
该办公室曾拥有 200 多名律师。在经历了一波解雇和辞职潮后,现在的规模仅为当时的一半多一点。
甚至连办公家具也被重新利用,用于布置该调查的两个工作空间:一个位于迈阿密主办公室的五楼,另一个位于沿海的皮尔斯堡(Fort Pierce)。
据现任和前任检察官透露,这项调查颠覆了美国佛罗里达州南区联邦检察官办公室,这是美国最重要的办公室之一。在特朗普任命的负责人杰森·A·雷丁·基尼奥内斯(Jason A. Reding Quinones)领导下,该办公室一直饱受人员流失和士气低落的困扰。这起大规模阴谋案出现的问题,加剧了华盛顿官员所描述的——其上级对雷丁·基尼奥内斯先生日益缺乏信心的情况。
此案曾被移交给特朗普任命的费城联邦检察官大卫·梅特卡夫(David Metcalf),但由于检察官们难以取得进展,案件很快陷入停滞。职业检察官们威胁称,如果该办公室继续推进,他们将发起反抗。
到秋天,时任司法部二把手的布兰奇先生将此案从梅特卡夫先生手中接管,交给了雷丁·基尼翁斯先生。后者与那些叫嚣着要对总统对手进行广泛起诉的右翼影响力人物关系密切。
目前尚不清楚“大阴谋”这个词是谁创造的,也不清楚它何时成为了这项全方位调查的代称。2025年7月是一个合适的起点。
在这些人中声音最大的是迈克·戴维斯,一位精通媒体的律师。他一直不遗余力地宣传此案,认为这是证明特朗普先生自就职之日起就一直受到建制派破坏的最佳方式。
就在那时,C.L.A.局长约翰·拉特克利夫向F.B.L.提交了对布伦南先生的刑事移交,指控他在2017年初关于俄罗斯干预2016年选举的情报评估问题上向国会撒谎。
戴维斯先生曾任参议院助手,擅长在社交媒体上发布能引起特朗普先生注意的惊人之语,他的目标定得很高。他推动这样一种观点,即调查范围应扩大到包括前总统巴拉克·奥巴马和希拉里·克林顿等目标。
戴维斯先生是主张将此案移交给总统家乡州雷丁·基尼翁斯先生的人员之一。此举在战术上具有合理性。检察官可以使用福特皮尔斯法院的大陪审团,那里唯一的在任法官是艾琳·M·坎农,她是由特朗普任命的,曾做出过几项有利于总统的裁决,尤其是在针对他的机密文件案中。
包括前国家情报总监詹姆斯·R·克拉珀二世、前F.B.L.副局长安德鲁·G·麦凯布、前F.B.L.反情报特工彼得·斯特罗兹克以及该局前律师丽莎·佩奇。
特朗普先生急于看到轰动性的结果,在场外喝彩并指导,甚至发布了一段显示奥巴马先生在椭圆形办公室被逮捕的伪造视频。
但他绝非唯一的问题。
据听取相关交流情况的人士透露,很难将此次搜查作为证明华盛顿与佛罗里达之间存在阴谋的证据。
在布兰奇先生的助手看来,一个大问题是雷丁·基尼翁斯先生。他们认为他是一个软弱且缺乏经验的管理人员,无法处理办公室的日常运作,更不用说处理这个“大阴谋”案件了。
但移交给佛罗里达州的举措并未立即转化为成功。
此外,他们认为雷丁·基尼翁斯先生在华盛顿花费的时间过多,而在佛罗里达的时间太少。据两名知情人士透露,为了解决这一问题,辛格先生最近将他从在司法部总部开会的总检察长顾问委员会中除名,以便他将精力重新集中在迈阿密。
他们还发出传票,要求丹尼尔·C·里奇曼(科米先生的长期心腹)以及几名参与2022年8月搜查海湖庄园(特朗普先生在棕榈滩的俱乐部和住所,这是机密文件案中的关键调查步骤)的F.B.I.特工出庭作证。
(图上)前F.B.I.局长詹姆斯·B·科米和(图上)前C.I.A.负责人约翰·O·布伦南因在俄罗斯调查中的角色而成为目标。
迪杰诺瓦先生对此表示反对——他认为这一点在法律上无关紧要——一名知情人士表示,他随后致电帕特尔先生,后者将埃肯罗德先生从该案中撤出。
检察官已要求其他与俄罗斯调查相关的官员提供文件。
检察官还希望布伦南先生出庭作证。但由于近期的动荡,他们将其出庭日期从最初的10月15日推迟到了至少12月初。
到那时,迪杰诺瓦先生也开始对分配给其调查的资源感到沮丧。他告诉华盛顿,律师人数一直不够,而且他手下的律师太年轻,以至于他必须专门抽出时间教他们基础知识,比如如何向大陪审团进行陈述。
接下来登场的是迪杰诺瓦先生。四十年前,他担任华盛顿美国检察官,曾领导针对以色列间谍乔纳森·波拉德和该市市长马里昂·巴里的调查。
到2026年初,此案落到了玛丽亚·梅德蒂斯·隆的办公桌上。她是迈阿密一名受人尊敬的国家安全检察官,在处理此次调查时持开放态度。据熟悉其情况的人士透露,她最终认定证据不足以起诉布伦南先生。4月,她将调查结果以书面形式提交。随后,她突然被撤出此案。
自那时起,调查范围已扩大到布伦南先生之外。自去年以来,大陪审团发出的一系列传票被亲特朗普的新闻媒体誉为“重磅炸弹”,这暗示了调查的广度。
他曾在首都经常出现,以在年度格里德艾恩俱乐部(Gridiron Club)晚宴的音乐短剧中表演最为甜美的情歌歌手之一而闻名。
但在近年来,迪杰诺瓦先生已将自己塑造成为一名坚定且激进的特朗普捍卫者,他支持其好友鲁道夫·W·朱利安尼所主张的关于2020年大选未经证实的说法。
迪杰诺瓦先生在入职第一天就带来了一份长达190页的行动备忘录,列出了他想要调查的阴谋中的50多项“公开行为”。这些行为始于他认为的最初的“深层政府之罪”——即2016年12月在白宫举行的一次会议,他认为这次会议是针对特朗普先生阴谋的关键环节。
2025年初,在戴维斯先生的帮助下,他获得了在迈阿密担任该办公室民权部门负责人的任命,他打算在那里调查特朗普先生的对手。
但据两名部门前官员称,时任总检察长帕姆·邦迪否决了他的聘用。一年后当他的名字再次被提及时,部门官员认为他年纪太大,无法胜任如此艰巨的工作。当时正处于被解雇边缘的邦迪女士主张,他已经很多年没有进入过法庭了。
当时79岁的特朗普先生却不这么认为。
他指示其幕僚长苏西·威尔斯和布兰奇先生签署聘用协议。
在那次会议上,奥巴马先生及其助手授权了一项情报评估,该评估最终显示俄罗斯干预了特朗普先生刚刚赢得的大选。与会者否认发生了任何非法行为。
迪杰诺瓦先生最初的举措之一反映出他意识到证明其理论面临着艰巨挑战。他请求前任梅德蒂斯·隆女士重新加入调查。据熟悉其情况的人士称,她拒绝了他的请求。他还公开表示,他正在调查目标中寻找愿意合作的证人,尽管布伦南先生和科米先生不太可能提供帮助。
到5月,他开始招聘员工,其中包括他的妻子维多利亚·托恩辛。他立即在从迈阿密或华盛顿招募志愿者方面遇到了困难。
很少有职业特工或律师愿意参与其中。截至目前,该团队的大多数检察官是军方律师,或从其他办公室派遣而来的。
签署协议的人员包括:一名曾调查过“2020年大选被意大利卫星黑客攻击”阴谋论的联邦调查局(F.B.I.)特工,该特工是局长卡什·帕特尔组建的特别小组的一员。此外,还有一名来自北达科他州法戈且基本不为人知的检察官,以及一名加州大学伯克利分校的法学教授,后者因撰写证明在全球反恐战争中使用酷刑正当性的备忘录而闻名。
还有一名从华盛顿被派往佛罗里达州的司法部年轻官员,他曾担任坎农法官的书记员。此外还有奥尔森先生,他长期否认大选结果,且没有处理刑事案件的经验。
迪杰诺瓦先生希望构建的案件涉及广泛的目标——不仅包括布伦南先生、科米先生以及其他参与俄罗斯调查的人员,还包括由特别检察官史密斯先生领导的检察官团队。
他很快就遇到了障碍。首先,任何源于 2019 年结束的俄罗斯调查的犯罪行为,都已经超出了五年的诉讼时效,且与南佛罗里达州没有明显的联系。其他问题也随之出现。
在夏末,雷丁·基尼奥内斯先生同意从办公室的拨备预算中拨出 100万美元,在皮尔斯堡建立一个安全设施,用于审查机密材料。
正当迪杰诺瓦先生准备安顿下来时,杰克·埃肯罗德——一名以在俄罗斯调查期间追查布伦南先生和科米先生而闻名的联邦调查局(F.B.I.)资深人员——对调查的一个核心前提提出了质疑,即:法院批准的对特朗普先生住所的搜查是一次具有政治动机的入侵,从而污染了随后发生的一切。
埃肯罗德先生是联邦调查局领导层组建的一个特种小组的成员,他告诉迪杰诺瓦先生,坎农法官已经裁定对海湖庄园的搜查是合法的。他说,这一裁定使得——
布兰奇先生的工作人员拒绝了这一想法。
为什么要浪费钱?据知情人士透露,他们表示附近已经有一个由联邦调查局(F.B.I.)运行的设施。
到9月初,布兰奇先生派遣了两名检察官从华盛顿前往佛罗里达州以推进工作。在一次激烈的会议中,他们就迪杰诺瓦先生团队在大陪审团之前的工作向其人员密集地质询。
在性格冲突的背后,是对如何推进工作的深层分歧。
迪杰诺瓦先生希望瞄准知名目标,他告诉一名同事,他认为布兰奇先生对证明破坏总统的阴谋并不感兴趣,而更倾向于迅速对低级别人员进行形式上的起诉,以让特朗普先生满意。
他告诉该人士,布兰奇先生为了维持自己的地位而过于焦虑,以至于不想告诉特朗普先生真相:一次成功的调查需要时间。
尾声发生在迪杰诺瓦先生的团队成员向他提供与两名检察官闭门会议的汇报记录时:华盛顿现在将主导一切。
司法部长在今年早些时候的一次播客中承认了此次调查的复杂性。“我并不是在暗示我们没有那些证据,”他告诉福克斯新闻的肖恩·汉尼提,“我是说,当你谈到挑战时,这就是挑战所在。”
布兰奇先生以一次充满脏话的电话作为回应,并传唤迪杰诺瓦先生前往华盛顿。据一名接近布兰奇先生的人士透露,这位司法部长想当面倾诉他的不满,但布兰奇先生实际上从未计划解雇迪杰诺瓦先生。
布兰奇先生也有自己的不满。三位现任和前任官员表示,他的团队认为迪杰诺瓦先生过于散漫、过于好斗且效率太低。而此时迪杰诺瓦先生和托恩辛女士前往法国进行一次计划已久的长期度假,这让情况变得更糟。
官员们表示,愤怒的迪杰诺瓦先生说,如果那些检察官出现在大陪审团会议室干扰工作,他将指示美国法警将他们驱逐出去。
他从未得到这个机会。

DENETRUS FREEMAN 为《纽约时报》拍摄 总统特朗普对报复的要求已经侵蚀了司法部的独立性。
詹姆斯·科米被指控在 Instagram 上发布一张海贝壳照片,以此向特朗普总统发送加密的谋杀威胁。针对他的案件正接近
ADAM LIPTAK
一个关键的转折点。
(THE DOCKET)
科米曾任联邦调查局(F.B.I.)局长,在特朗普的首个任期内被解雇。他于 4 月被起诉,原因是发布了一张由海贝壳排列成数字 8647 的照片。美国司法部(DOJ)主张“86”意味着“杀死”。所有人都同意“47”是指特朗普。检察官表示,这四个数字组合在一起构成了杀死总统的威胁。
科米的律师已请求法官撤销起诉,法官路易丝·伍德·弗拉纳根(Louise Wood Flanagan)在上月底写道,这些动议“现在已具备裁决条件”。除非她批准其中一项,否则该案将于
在《法律记录》专栏中,亚当·利普塔克(Adam Liptak)帮助您在动荡时期理清法律进展。请在 nytimes.com / newsletters 订阅以将其发送至您的收件箱。
明年进入审判阶段。
由乔治·W·布什总统任命的弗拉纳根法官难以捉摸。她尚未为这些动议安排口头辩论,可能会仅根据书面陈述做出裁决。此外,她在 6 月表示,她将不接受法庭之友(friend-of-the court)的陈述书。
在我看来这很奇怪,因为此案涉及严重的言论自由问题,其影响超出了这场具体的争端。但一些希望提交陈述书的法学教授告诉我,法官可能做出了一个合理的选择,以避免大量分散注意力且重复的申请文件涌入。
第一修正案学者写道,政府关于科米海贝壳威胁的指控在语言、先例和常识方面都存在问题。首先,字典中对“86”最常见的定义是扔掉、驱逐、除掉或拒绝服务。
科米的律师表示,此案的核心存在一个根本性问题:他们认为,海贝壳的图像不能构成威胁。
作为回应,政府的主要论点是,应当由陪审团而非弗拉纳根法官来决定该图像是否传达了真实的威胁。愤世嫉俗者可能会认为,政府更感兴趣的是延长起诉过程而非解决法律问题,因为让陪审团介入所需的时间远比让弗拉纳根法官裁决要长得多。
陈述书澄清了一个常见的误解。本案并非关于海贝壳是否试图煽动他人对特朗普实施暴力。政府的陈述书在随口提及中倾向于这个方向,但科米被指控违反的法律及相关先例要求的是另一种情况。
弗拉纳根法官需要判定的是,一个客观的观察者是否会将海贝壳的图像理解为科米本人杀死总统意图的严肃表达。只有这样的信息才构成“真实威胁”,而这属于第一修正案不受保护的言论类别,也是对他提起指控的依据。
最高法院曾表示,比贝壳形状更为直接的言论也不构成“真实威胁”。
1969年,最高法院驳回了一起针对一名反征兵抗议者的案件,该抗议者被指控威胁总统林登·B·约翰逊(Lyndon B. Johnson)。该抗议者当时表示:“如果他们真的强迫我携带步枪,我想在准星里看到的第一个人就是L.B.J.”
法院裁定,该言论属于“政治夸张”而非真实威胁,因为它是条件性的,且是在集会上发表并引起哄笑的。
检察官本可以指控科米煽动他人实施暴力——但他们没有这样做。煽动行为与真实威胁一样,不受第一修正案的保护。但最高法院对“煽动”的定义非常狭窄。法院表示,涉事信息必须既旨在产生紧迫的暴力或无法无天的情况,且又有可能产生此类结果。
1969年的“布兰登堡诉俄亥俄州案”(Brandenburg v. Ohio)中,最高法院一致推翻了对一名三K党组织领导人的定罪,该定罪是基于一项禁止宣扬恐怖主义的俄亥俄州法规。该Klan领导人克拉伦斯·布兰登堡(Clarence Brandenburg)在一次集会上敦促其追随者将“犹太人送回以色列”,并使用种族歧视词汇要求将黑人“埋掉”。
由于布兰登堡的话语并未在可能发生暴力的环境下呼吁立即实施暴力,最高法院裁定不能以煽动罪起诉他。
特朗普一直是该裁决的受益者。2016年竞选总统期间,他曾指向一次集会上的部分抗议者,并告诉人群“把他们赶出去”。
这些抗议者称随后遭到人群中其他人的猛烈袭击,于是起诉特朗普煽动骚乱。特朗普赢得了诉讼。一家联邦上诉法院引用布兰登堡案,裁定他的号召受第一修正案保护。
在科米案中,检察官表示他们将向陪审团证明,“86”是“有组织犯罪语境中的专业术语”。
前联邦法官兼黑手党检察官约翰·格利森(John Gleeson)提交了一份宣誓声明,基于他数百小时监听黑帮秘密录音以及合作证人的陈述,反驳了这一观点。
他明确表示,提交这份声明并非出于对前同行检察官的专业礼貌。他说,他与科米在纽约市不同的美国检察官办公室任职期间曾发生过冲突。“科米先生和我不是朋友,也从未成为过朋友,”格利森写道。
但格利森对政府的理论嗤之以鼻。他写道,黑帮成员可能会用“whack”或“clip”来表示杀人。
但“声称‘86’是黑手党中‘杀掉’的术语简直荒谬,”格利森写道,“如果这不是为了剥夺一个人的自由而提出的主张,那简直令人发笑。”
作者:莎伦·拉弗拉尼尔 (SHARON LaFRANIERE)
华盛顿 —— 根据一名捐赠者的采访,唐纳德·特朗普二世的前未婚妻金伯利·吉尔福伊尔 (Kimberly Guilfoyle) 在等待获得希腊大使任命确认期间,曾秘密恳求一名共和党捐赠者帮她偿还信用卡债务。
该捐赠者埃里克·德特斯 (Eric Deters) 表示,在 2025 年 7 月初的参议院确认听证会之前,吉尔福伊尔女士要求他汇款 $100,000 以偿还她的美国运通卡欠款,并承诺如果他这样做,她将成为他在“特朗普世界”中生死与共的伙伴。
“亲爱的,拜托,我需要你今天帮我把这件事办好,”她在一条看似是短信的内容中这样写道。德特斯先生与吉尔福伊尔女士之间的通信此前由《华尔街日报》报道。德特斯先生向《纽约时报》提供了看似是两人通信记录的截图。
德特斯先生讲述了一个不堪的故事:特朗普家族核心圈的一名成员承诺,作为一项她坚持必须保密的财务安排的一部分,将为其提供接触政府高层官员的机会。出于商业和个人原因,该捐赠者希望与时任司法部长帕姆·邦迪 (Pam Bondi) 以及时任美国国税局 (IRS) 局长比利·隆 (Billy Long) 建立联系。
“你认识的每一个部长——国防部、交通部、财政部、商务部,还有国税局局长,每个人都会立刻给我回复,”她似乎在 2025 年 6 月下旬,即参议院确认听证会前不久,这样写给该捐赠者的。
苏珊·C·比奇 (Susan C. Beachy) 和基蒂·本内特 (Kitty Bennett) 参与了研究工作。
短信显示,吉尔福伊尔女士警告他通过 Signal 软件给她打电话,并要求将他们的互动严格保密。根据德特斯先生与《时报》分享的一张截图,她写道:“你真的会让我丢掉大使职位的。”
另一条信息说:“埃里克,我真的希望你停止把这些东西留作书面记录。这真的很危险。”
民主党人立即抓住这些指控,将其视为第二任特朗普政府期间存在“付费交易”模式的证据。加利福尼亚州民主党代表、众议院监督委员会高级成员罗伯特·加西亚 (Robert Garcia) 表示,这种权力寻租行为将是“公然的权力滥用”。宾夕法尼亚州民主党代表、众议院外交事务委员会成员玛德琳·迪恩 (Madeleine Dean) 表示,吉尔福伊尔女士应该被解雇。
“仅仅因为某个消息源告诉你了一些事情,”他激烈地说道,并不意味着“这就是真理”。
吉尔福伊尔女士的律师拒绝置评。国务卿马尔科·鲁比奥 (Marco Rubio) 周四在结束对雅典的访问时,拒绝回答关于这位大使行为的问题。
JAMIE KELTER DAVIS 为《纽约时报》供图
德特斯先生曾在肯塔基州举办年度亲特朗普活动,他本人也是一个充满争议的激进分子。在采访中,他表示自己在肯塔基州和俄亥俄州面临纪律处分后,于 2013 年从律师职业中退休。目前,他在俄亥俄州的一起案件中,正与对方要求将其判定为藐视法庭的动议作斗争。
金伯利·吉尔福伊尔曾接受捐赠者埃里克·德特斯的付费,在肯塔基州的亲特朗普活动中发表讲话。
他表示,他支持特朗普总统的政策,但不支持其政府“公开的诈骗和敛财”,而他认为吉尔福伊尔女士就是这种行为的典型。
德特斯先生说,他在 2020 年开始在肯塔基州举办年度“爱国者日自由节”后结识了吉尔福伊尔女士。他表示,在 2021 年至 2024 年期间,他支付了 $300,000 给吉尔福伊尔女士,$200,000 给唐纳德·特朗普二世,以及 $100,000 给埃里克·特朗普 (Eric Trump),邀请他们到活动中演讲。
根据美国联邦选举委员会的记录,他在 2022 年还向一个亲特朗普的超级政治行动委员会 (super PAC) 捐赠了 $125,000。
在吉尔福伊尔女士与唐纳德·特朗普二世于 2024 年解除婚约,且总统提名她担任大使之后,她与德特斯先生的关系似乎变得更加密切。
在那时,德特斯先生请求吉尔福伊女士帮他解决一个涉及税收抵免的美国国税局(I.R.S.)问题。他还希望她能影响司法部,将一名因手术失败而被刑事起诉的医生从巴基斯坦引渡回国,并调查该医生的医疗保险公司。他在采访中表示,他正在代表相关患者就手术问题进行诉讼。
他向吉尔福伊女士承诺,如果他能获得法律赔偿,且塔克·卡尔森邀请德特斯先生参加其播客讨论此案,他将向其支付100万美元。
2025年初夏,随着吉尔福伊女士的确认听证会临近,他对所谓的缺乏结果感到越来越沮丧。他声称,她从未在邦迪女士或隆先生那里取得任何突破。
她坚称自己已竭尽全力。短信显示她写道:“我这辈子从未像为了推举和保护你这样如此努力过。”
她向他分享了一份她声称发送给隆先生的消息副本,请求他调查德特斯先生的情况。“小唐(Don Jr.)和我与埃里克·德(Eric De-)关系非常密切……”
该信息写道:“……特斯(Deters)”。
短信显示,2025年6月25日,她写信给德特斯先生:“请给国税局(IRS)局长比利·隆(Billy Long)打电话,他给我回信了。太棒了(BOOM)。”
两天后,短信显示,吉尔福伊尔(Guilfoyle)女士称邦迪(Bondi)女士是唯一没有立即回应她的内阁成员——尽管她声称“我们关系很铁”。
本月早些时候,短信显示吉尔福伊尔女士曾要求德特斯先生提供倒签日期的发票。他在6月11日给她发了一封信,建议在7月1日向她支付 $50,000——他写道这是他欠她的金额——随后在8月1日再支付 $50,000。
他在采访中表示:“当时,作为她的朋友,我考虑过这么做。”他将这封信描述为“胡扯”,称她想要这封信是为了掩盖他们的协议。
短信显示,在确认听证会前六天,即7月3日,吉尔福伊尔女士发出了紧急求钱请求。她写道:“明天银行关门,”并配了一个祈祷的表情符号。
在短信交流中她说:“你可以直接发到这里。如果你把钱电汇给美国运通(American Express),就不会在任何地方显示,只会显示在那儿。”她随信附上了一份带有美国运通操作指南的 PDF 文件,并补充说,他将成为她下周确认听证会的“特别嘉宾”。
他拒绝了她,称如果他付钱,他的妻子会和他离婚。
他写道:“遗憾的是,你急需 $100,000 这件事行不通。”“祝你好运。”
里克·坎尼(Rick Canny,右侧)与吉他手比利·莫里森(Billy Morrison)在场,他是肯尼迪中心的新任艺术总监。 CHELSEA ALUREN / WIREIMAGE, VIA GETTY IMAGES
作者:JULIA JACOBS
约翰·F·肯尼迪表演艺术中心任命了一位常驻洛杉矶的摇滚音乐人经纪人担任其艺术总监,负责领导节目规划,而此时该场馆的主建筑已关闭,并准备在为期两年的翻修期间保持关闭状态。
新领导者里克·坎尼是一位艺术家代表,其履历包括与 ZZ Top 乐队、Mötley Crüe 乐队鼓手汤米·李(Tommy Lee)以及 Creed 乐队主唱斯科特·斯塔普(Scott Stapp)合作。在特朗普总统接管该中心几个月后,他开始担任该中心的顾问,推动在这个长期根植于古典音乐、舞蹈和戏剧的非营利机构中引入更多商业化、大众市场的节目。
中心在一份声明中表示,坎尼先生在担任新职期间将继续担任顾问,并负责设定中心在翻修期间及之后的“整体创意方向”。
声明称:“无论建筑关闭的时间表如何,中心必须在基础设施升级期间继续策划节目,并交付一个强有力的重新开放季,以吸引观众回归,并使中心处于稳定的财务状况。”
在特朗普时代扩大肯尼迪中心的影响力已被证明十分困难,因为该机构政治化程度的提高,导致华盛顿的艺术家、捐赠者和观众纷纷离去。坎尼先生的任命于周四通知员工,而此时正处于一个格外混乱的时期。中心的努力
遭到法院质疑,其财务状况已变得岌岌可危。

在给员工的一封电子邮件中,该中心的执行主任马特·弗洛卡(Matt Floca)将坎尼先生定位为他的首席艺术顾问,写道,坎尼先生将在“艺术战略、商业实践、演出与人才策划、票务与定价模型、媒体机会以及节目赞助”方面为他提供建议。
直到今年3月,弗洛卡先生一直是该中心的设施主管,数月来他的工作重点一直是翻修计划。他在表演艺术领域几乎没有经验,因此外界预计他会任命一名副手来监督这项工作。
这场法律之争暂停了特朗普先生关闭建筑以进行一项 2.5亿美元 翻修项目的计划。但由于官员所称的基础设施恶化并构成了“对公共安全的严重风险”,该建筑上个月被暂时关闭。其领导层警告称,除非将总统的名字恢复到建筑外墙上,否则该中心将在“数周内必然面临财政崩溃”。一名联邦法官曾在6月份下令将其移除。
坎尼先生未回应关于他在该中心计划的置评请求。
自从坎尼先生去年作为外部顾问到来以来,已有两名员工在内部对其费用和开支提出质疑。根据《纽约时报》获取的文件,在今年的一个月内,他的咨询费为 $30,000,并且他向该中心报销了一张洛杉矶与华盛顿之间往返机票,价值 $1,850。
该中心在声明中表示,$30,000 的费用并不“反映坎尼先生目前的协议”,但该机构除了表示他在新职位上的薪酬不会增加外,并未提供具体数字。声明还称,其差旅费用已通过审核,以确保“任何超出政策限制的金额都已核销”。
在声明中,该中心强调了坎尼先生经验的广度,以应对关于其专注于摇滚乐的工作与该中心广泛的表演艺术使命不符的担忧。声明引用了他数十年来担任人才买家、演唱会推广人、一家艺术管理公司执行副总裁以及一家代表艺术家的公司创始人的经历,并指出该中心将继续致力于古典音乐、歌剧、舞蹈和戏剧。
该中心校园内的一个附属建筑“Reach”仍开放进行有限的活动,例如最近的一场免费魔术表演。在关闭计划下,该建筑将保持开放。但如果联邦法官允许该计划推进,该中心的整体演出日程将比典型季度大幅缩减。该中心已经宣布,像肯尼迪中心荣誉奖(Kennedy Center Honors)这样的标志性活动将在其他场馆举行。
在寻求扩大职责范围时,坎尼先生谈到了他在娱乐业广泛的人脉,这有助于吸引更广泛的观众和企业投资者。他提到自己与娱乐巨头 Live Nation 的关系,并且一直积极支持该中心将其票务系统转移到 Live Nation 的子公司 Ticketmaster。
“我知道重启并向前推进需要做什么,”坎尼先生在3月发给该中心前首席财务官的一封电子邮件中写道,该邮件由《时报》获取。“我致力于这项工作!我应该是我们行业面对外的形象和发声者。中心里没有其他人能做到这一点……除非你们雇个新人。”
作为顾问,坎尼先生就营销、票务和艺术家合同等一系列话题为该中心提供建议。他是6月份马克·吐温美国幽默奖颁奖典礼的执行制片人(该奖项授予了比尔·马赫),该中心表示他将在12月的荣誉奖颁奖典礼上担任该角色。
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纽约时报
第47任总统

奥斯卡·贝尔加尔来自多米尼加共和国,周四在移民官员试图于曼哈顿与布朗克斯区交界处的马布尔希尔西225街将其逮捕时被枪击。 DAKOTA SAVITIAGO 为《纽约时报》拍摄
……指责其通过移民执法“恐吓我们的城市”,并称此次枪击事件是“一种暴行”。
“今晚,一名 5 岁的小孩在创伤与恐惧中度过,”市长说道。“今晚,我们的数百万邻居在担心,他们在街道上、在学校里、在工作场所是否能安全。”
马林先生批评了市长关于“恐吓我们的城市”的言论,称这是一个会煽动公众的危险声明。
此次枪击事件及随后的指责,凸显了特朗普总统对非法移民的激进追捕,这已导致多起向车辆开枪的事件,同时也凸显了他与“庇护城市”之间的冲突。这些城市表示,他们没有义务配合联邦执法,且如果他们这样做,非法移民将因过于恐惧而不敢在警察或医疗紧急情况下寻求帮助。
本报道由 Emma G. Fitzsimmons, Ana Ley, Oishika Neogi, Madeleine Ngo, Nate Schweber, Liam Stack 和 Jeremy White 共同贡献。
特朗普政府则认为,庇护政策掩护了罪犯,使移民执法人员的工作变得更加困难且危险。
联邦官员表示,贝尔加尔先生在美国境内非法居留,且他们在周五试图强调其犯罪记录。马林先生和美国移民及海关执法局(ICE)的高级领导马科斯·查尔斯(Marcos Charles)多次指责贝尔加尔先生与帮派有关联。根据蒂施女士的说法,贝尔加尔先生在纽约市曾被逮捕两次:一次是 2023 年因抢劫罪被捕,他随后承认犯有四级重窃罪并被判处 5 年缓刑;另一次是 2025 年因贩毒指控被捕,该案目前尚在审理中。
马林先生表示,ICE 此次试图逮捕贝尔加尔先生,是因为联邦官员认为他对于去年在曼哈顿导致一名休假海关官员受伤的枪击事件拥有“间接或直接的了解”。
周四的枪击事件发生在下午 4 点左右,地点位于马布尔希尔(Marble Hill)社区,该社区在行政上属于曼哈顿区,但与布朗克斯区相连。查尔斯先生指责贝尔加尔先生将车辆加速冲向 ICE 执法人员,导致他们担心自身安全而开火。在之前一些向车辆开枪的执法行动中,警察专家曾质疑执法人员是否真的处于危险之中,但如果证据显示他们认为自己处于险境,那么起诉他们的门槛很高。
达科塔·圣地亚哥 为《纽约时报》拍摄 周四晚上,抗议者在曼哈顿上城贝尔加尔先生被送往的医院外与警方发生冲突。
卡斯滕·莫兰 为《纽约时报》拍摄 市长佐兰·马姆达尼表示,他已与特朗普总统和马克韦恩·马林进行了沟通,试图协商释放贝尔加尔先生。
美国国土安全部表示,目前正在调查此次枪击事件,涉事人员已按惯例被停职。马林先生表示,执法人员当时佩戴了执法记录仪,但相关视频尚未公开。
根据马林先生的说法,ICE 执法人员在开火时并不知晓车内有一名儿童。
在附近处理另一宗无关电话的市警人员听到了枪声,随即赶赴现场。他们发现贝尔加尔先生被戴上手铐倒在地上,随后将其送往附近的一家医院。
现场的一张照片显示,一辆灰色本田车的驾驶员侧挡风玻璃上有一个弹孔。蒂施女士表示,后挡风玻璃也被击碎了。
关于纽约市这次枪击事件的许多细节仍不清楚,但蒂施女士表示,一名特工开火了七次。现场回收了七枚弹壳。贝尔加尔先生左耳下方颈部中弹,他于周四深夜出院,被送往新泽州的一家联邦拘留设施,随后被转移至布鲁克林的一家设施。贝尔加尔先生的儿子与母亲在一起。
代表贝尔加尔先生的律师于周五提交了一份紧急请愿书寻求将其释放,曼哈顿的一名联邦法官命令移民官员在请愿书获得审理之前不得驱逐贝尔加尔先生。他的律师表示,子弹仍留在他的体内。
“他很害怕,”代表贝尔加尔先生的移民权益倡导组织“让纽约铺路”(Make the Road New York)的律师哈罗德·A·索利斯(Harold A. Solis)说道,“他问我的第一件事是他的儿子是否平安。”
这次枪击事件似乎是自2020年以来ICE在纽约市发生的首次枪击。此前已发生了一系列涉及移民特工的暴力且有时导致死亡的冲突。上个月,一名ICE官员在德克萨斯州奥斯汀的一次交通拦截中枪击了一名委内瑞拉男子。今年夏天,移民特工在休斯顿枪杀了一名墨西哥男子,在缅因州枪杀了一名哥伦比亚男子。今年1月,两名抗议者蕾妮·古德(Renee Good)和亚历克斯·普雷蒂(Alex Pretti)在明尼阿波利斯被移民官员枪杀。
“对于我们今天所看到的这一切,没有任何理由可以正当化,”马姆达尼先生在周四晚上表示,“而且我们知道,我们今天在这里看到的只是一个……的缩影”
警方表示,美国移民及海关执法局(ICE)特工向车辆开火七次,击中一名男子的颈部。在汽车后部可见弹孔,而一名孩子当时就坐在后座。该男子随后被 ICE 拘留。

照片:SETH WENIC,美联社;图表:ELENA SHAD 和 ALLESON MCCANN,纽约时报

ELENA SHAO / 纽约时报 来源:通过 Google Earth 获取的航拍图像。
ICE 在全国各地每天所做的事情。我们怎么能把这描述为公共安全?这绝不可能。”
在整个新闻发布会期间,马林先生反复表示,ICE 正在一项全国性打击行动中追捕“最恶劣的”罪犯,并将贝尔加尔先生作为例子。但该机构自身的数据显示,在马林先生被任命为国土安全部部长后的几个月里,即今年夏天,逮捕没有犯罪记录人员的人数激增。对于即将迎来 11 月 3 日中期选举的共和党人来说,这个问题已成为一个政治难题,党内一些成员表示,特朗普先生的移民打击行动已经“走得太远了”。
周四晚上,市长表示他与特朗普先生和马林先生进行了两小时的电话沟通,试图协商释放贝尔加尔先生,但未能成功。特朗普先生提出将贝尔加尔先生移交给纽约市警察局,但市长在周五的一次采访中表示,在解释了警察局将进行独立调查且不会将贝尔加尔先生交还给联邦监管后,该协议破裂。
与曼哈顿地区检察官共同拥有大理石山(Marble Hill)管辖权的布朗克斯区检察官达塞尔·克拉克(Darcel Clark)也表示,她的办公室正在对此次枪击事件展开调查。
民主党籍州长凯西·霍楚尔(Kathy Hochul)在一份声明中谴责 ICE 向“一辆车内有 5 岁儿童的车辆”开火。
州长在随后的声明中表示,她也就枪击事件与特朗普先生和马林先生进行了交谈。
“我代表纽约州人民表达了愤怒,并敦促他们停止在纽约的 ICE 执法行动,”霍楚尔女士说道,并补充说她已要求公布枪击事件的所有执法记录仪视频,“以便我们查明事实并揭露真相。”
马林先生表示,霍楚尔女士告诉他,如果联邦政府提前通知该州,她愿意与联邦政府合作,帮助其拘留约 100 名在州内非法居留的罪犯。但他表示,他拒绝了霍楚尔女士暂停在该州执法行动的请求。
在下个月的州长选举中,霍楚尔女士的共和党对手布鲁斯·布莱克曼(Bruce Blakeman)针对她就此案发表的言论进行了抨击。
“凯西·霍楚尔,我们对你允许这个人留在我们州并为其辩护感到愤怒,”他在雪城的一次集会上说道。
周四晚上,抗议者聚集在枪击现场以及贝尔加尔先生被送往的曼哈顿上城的一家医院外。
随着医院外的抗议活动延续到深夜,紧张局势升级。抗议者与试图设置路障以确保建筑入口通道畅通的警察发生了肢体冲突。
抗议者高喊“没有正义,就没有和平——我们要 ICE 离开我们的街道”,部分人员向警察投掷水瓶。警方表示,共有五人被拘留。

在纪念10月7日哈马斯袭击以色列三周年的守夜活动中,示威者谴责市长佐兰·马姆达尼。 HILARY SWIFT 为《纽约时报》拍摄
作者:LIAM STACK
在联合广场的一次10月7日周年纪念守夜活动中,部分干扰活动的抗议者高喊支持哈马斯的口号。有些人要求以色列士兵死亡。一组人举着一块牌子,上面描绘了市长佐兰·马姆达尼为以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡铺红地毯的场景,而市长曾明确表示内塔尼亚胡在纽约是“不受欢迎的”。
市长在整个政治生涯中一直严厉批评以色列和内塔尼亚胡先生,但他也称2023年由哈马斯领导的袭击是“恐怖的战争罪行”。面对一群名义上与他在加沙战争问题上观点一致但愤怒的人群,他面无表情地站着,而这些人指责他背叛了巴勒斯坦事业并支持种族灭绝。
针对马姆达尼先生的谩骂揭示了一个去中心化运动内部的分歧。正是这一运动帮助这位年轻的穆斯林市长入主市政厅,而随着对以色列在加沙行为的不满变得更加主流,该运动现在正面对其自身影响力增长带来的挑战。马姆达尼先生是美国最受关注的亲巴勒斯坦民选官员之一。
抗议者提出了各种不满,包括马姆达尼先生与特朗普总统的会面(市长表示这些会面符合城市的最大利益),以及他最近宣布的打击反犹主义计划,该计划包括为一个组织“以色列日”游行的犹太社区团体提供资金。
“他正在与那些延续伊斯兰恐惧症的人会面,作为一个穆斯林,竟然自豪地站在他们身边并与他们握手,这令人作呕,”29岁的艾丹·帕里西(Aidan Parisi)说道。他是一名穆斯林,表示自己曾投票给马姆达尼先生,但现在反对他。
周四,纽约及其他地区的某些巴勒斯坦倡导者表示,谴责马姆达尼先生的抗议者代表了其运动中的边缘观点。他们对马姆达尼在一次由进步团体“以色列和平人士”(Israelis for Peace)组织的守夜活动中被辱骂的景象感到沮丧,此次活动旨在纪念在以色列和加沙两国遇难的人员。
阿拉伯美国研究所国家政策委员会的巴勒斯坦裔美国活动人士奥马尔·巴达尔(Omar Baddar)表示,周三的抗议者“在该国的亲巴勒斯坦运动中仅占极少数”。
“我不认为马姆达尼不受批评,”他说,“但称他为叛徒并指控他应对种族灭绝负责,似乎完全没有根据,而且完全过分了。”
周三在联合广场的示威活动源于当天早些时候在市政厅外举行的一次集会,该集会同时批评以色列和马姆达尼先生,由几个近年来推动纽约亲巴勒斯坦街头抗议的左翼团体组织,包括“在我们的一生中”(Within Our Lifetime)和“PAL-AWDA”。
在市政厅集结并游行至联合广场的抗议者包括美国年轻民主社会主义者(Y.D.S.A.)几个大学分会的成员。据一名熟悉各团体间沟通的人士透露,Y.D.S.A.最初支持此次示威,但在收到民主社会主义者(D.S.A.)纽约市分会(一个独立实体)的压力后撤回了支持。
周四,将马姆达尼先生视为成员的纽约市分会共同主席格蕾丝·莫瑟(Grace Mausser)发表声明,使该团体与此次抗议保持距离。
“纽约市-D.S.A.并非此次集会的组织者或支持者,”她说,“我们关于巴勒斯坦解放的优先事项是停止种族灭绝,以及停止美国与以色列之间武器和资金的流动。”
马姆达尼先生的市长胜选在一定程度上得益于他在进步主义者中激起的热情,其中包括越来越多反对以色列在加沙采取军事行动的美国人。根据皮尤研究中心(Pew Research Center)的数据,民意调查显示,大多数美国人现在对以色列持负面看法,包括两个政党中 50 岁以下的成年人中的大多数。在民主党人和倾向于民主党的独立人士中,这一比例上升至 80%。
但巴以冲突在马姆达尼就任市长的第一年里,一次又一次地给他带来压力,因为他试图在自己深信的观点与他对这座拥有约 100 万犹太人口的城市的责任之间寻求平衡。
周三是哈马斯领导的对以色列恐怖袭击三周年纪念日,这些紧张局势再次爆发。
市长在当天早些时候发表的一份声明引起了犹太领导人的愤怒,该声明称这一周年纪念日“极其痛苦”,但主要关注的是加沙地带巴勒斯坦人的苦难。到了傍晚,当数百名支持巴勒—。
巴勒斯坦游行者在警察路障对面对他大声叫喊,称他为叛徒和懦夫。
马姆达尼先生在周四的一次无关新闻发布会上回应了这种愤怒。在会上,他为自己处理周年纪念活动的方式进行了辩护,并表示 10 月 7 日对于包括犹太人和巴勒斯坦人在内的“许多纽约人来说是一个深感悲痛的日子”。
“我相信必须给每一个逝去的生命留出哀悼的空间,”他说。“必须给人们留出空间,去面对如此多纽约人的生活被摧毁的现状。”
总部位于华盛顿的人权组织 DAWN 的倡导总监拉埃德·贾拉尔(Raed Jarrar)表示,在支持巴勒斯坦的运动内部存在广泛的观点,尽管他迅速谴责了支持哈马斯的口号。
尽管如此,他认为如果认为周三的事件表明该运动已经背弃了马姆达尼先生,那是“幻想”。
“不要误会:在支持巴勒斯坦的运动与支持和平与正义的运动之间并没有实际的分歧,”贾拉尔先生说道。他的组织曾在以色列、沙特阿拉伯和苏丹相关问题上向马姆达尼政府进行游说。“没有人真正把马姆达尼视为对手或敌人。”
几位著名的巴勒斯坦裔纽约人和活动人士对市长表示支持,其中包括马哈茂德·哈利勒(Mahmoud Khalil)。哈利勒是哥伦比亚大学的毕业生,也是一名校园内的亲巴勒斯坦活动人士;在联邦特工于其公寓楼将其逮捕后,他成为了特朗普总统移民打击行动的标志性人物。
哈利勒先生是一名合法永久居民,并未被指控犯罪,但被拘留了 104 天。此后,他针对该大学、特朗普政府官员、亲以色列团体以及一家保守派智库提起诉讼。
“当特朗普政府因为我捍卫巴勒斯坦权利而针对我时,马姆达尼市长为我的释放而奋斗,并且从那时起一直支持我,”哈利勒先生在周四的一份声明中表示。“我相信他致力于让以色列持续的战争罪行被追究责任,并致力于推进巴勒斯坦权利,我期待他的办公室将这一承诺转化为更具体的行动。”
布鲁克林戴克高地(Dyker Heights)社区救主-圣约翰路德教会(Redeemer-St. John's Lutheran Church)的牧师哈德尔·哈利利亚(Khader Khalilia)表示,他认为马姆达尼先生参加周三的守夜活动“做了正确的事”。
尽管如此,他对于那些谴责市长的抗议者仍犹豫是否要进行批评。“我们所有人都对巴勒斯坦正在发生的事情感到深切痛苦,”他说,“但我们并不一定在政治应对方式上达成一致。”
然而,看到马姆达尼先生被指控一些他认为根本不属实的事情,令他感到痛心。
“我不认为马姆达尼是一个犹太复国主义者,”哈利利亚牧师说。“我希望看到更多民选官员谈论巴勒斯坦人的苦难、种族灭绝和种族清洗。这才是我们需要关注的重点。”
贾拉尔先生是一名巴勒斯坦裔美国人,从约旦河西岸城市杰宁(Jenin)移民到美国。他表示,许多人对以色列在加沙持续的军事行动以及在黎巴嫩和伊朗的战争感到极度痛苦。他怀疑周三的许多抗议者很年轻,且对他们的民选官员感到沮丧,即使是那些在大方向上与他们一致的官员。
“作为一个 48 岁的人,与一名 20 岁的巴勒斯坦人就此进行对话很有意思,”他说。“几十年前,我把自己看作一个火药桶,一个真正的激进活动人士。但在我们支持巴勒斯坦运动的人群中,经历是不同的。”
作者:STEFANOS CHEN
州长凯西·霍楚(Kathy Hochul)和交通部门官员周三宣布,在纽约市拥有百年历史的地铁系统中安装的第一批发出呼呼声和嘀嘀声的金属玻璃票闸,可能正在扭转逃票的局面。
根据运营地铁的州政府机构——大都会运输署(M.T.A.)的数据,这种新型的沙龙式门(saloon-style doors)——作为去年启动的一项试点计划的一部分,旨在替换 20 个车站使用数十年的旋转闸门——已导致逃票率平均降低了 35%。(M.T.A. 将票闸数据与每个车站最后完整一个月的旋转闸门数据进行了对比。)
该机构表示,在布鲁克林的霍伊特街(Hoyt Street)和诺斯特兰大道(Nostrand Avenue)A / C 车站这两个站点,当旋转闸门被新闸机替换后,逃票率下降了 72%。
在结果的鼓舞下,M.T.A. 表示将推进一项计划,在明年年底前,在布朗克斯、布鲁克林、皇后区和曼哈顿的另外 50 个车站安装一种或多种版本的新型票闸。目前有三家公司在竞争合同,预计本月将开始为接下来的 20 个车站选择设备。
周三上午,霍楚女士在皇后区一个测试三种票闸型号的高安全性 M.T.A. 设施上举行的新闻发布会上表示,这项工作对区域经济至关重要。
“对于那些支付车费的人来说,最令人沮丧的莫过于看到其他人显然有能力支付却不支付,”她说。“每次逃票者偷乘一次车,他们就是在偷走本应用于维持火车和巴士运行的资金。”
她还指出,与旋转闸门相比,新机型对于残障人士、推婴儿车的父母以及携带行李的旅客来说更加便捷。
在试点期间使用的票闸——安装在包括曼哈顿时代广场、布朗克斯贝德福德公园大道(Bedford Park Boulevard)和皇后区罗斯福大道(Roosevelt Avenue)在内的繁忙枢纽——由供应商出资。Cubic、Conduent 和 S Traffic 这几家公司曾在巴黎、伦敦和洛杉矶等城市安装过类似的闸机。Cubic 还构建了地铁的感应支付系统 OMNY。
在这些令人期待的结果之前,新票闸的推广过程并不顺利。一些乘客抱怨这些设备可能会导致拥堵,因为它们接受付款的速度较慢,甚至偶尔会在乘客走过时将其困住。一些闸机在检测到逃票者时会发出警报声,给嘈杂的车站增加了另一层噪音。社交媒体上的帖子显示,人们正在发明新的方法潜行通过、翻越或冲破这些门。
M.T.A. 表示,试点计划旨在解决闸机的技术问题。该机构称,目标不是根除逃票,而是威慑那些随意的违规者——这些人可能本打算支付车费,但在看到其他人走过开放的紧急出口门后决定逃票。
预计将安装新票闸的接下来的 20 个地铁站为:
布鲁克林
36街站 (36th Street) D, N, R 线 贝德福德大道站 (Bedford Avenue) L 线 康尼岛-斯蒂尔韦尔大道站 (Coney Island-Stilwell Avenue) D, F, N, Q 线 霍伊特-舍默霍恩站 (Hoyt-Schermerhorn) A, C, G 线 默特尔大道站 (Myrtle Avenue) J, M, Z 线 纽柯克广场站 (Newkirk Plaza) B, Q 线
布朗克斯
第三大道-149街站 (Third Avenue-149th Street) 2, 5 线 161街-洋基体育场站 (161st Street-Yankee Stadium) 4, B, D 线 福特汉姆路站 (Fordham Road) B, D 线 帕克切斯特站 (Parkchester) 6 线
14街-联合广场 4, 5, 6, L, N, Q, R, W 72街 1, 2, 3 86街 4, 5, 6 125街 4, 5, 6 钱伯斯 1, 2, 3 斯普林 C, E
皇后区
阿斯托里亚大道 N, W 法拉盛-主街 7 森林山-71大道 E, F, M, R 萨斯芬大道 / 阿彻大道-肯尼迪 机场 E, J, Z
到2029年,纽约大都会运输署(M.T.A.)计划花费超过10 亿美元 billion,在全市472个地铁站中的150个车站安装一种或多种此类型号,这将覆盖整个系统四分之三的客流量。这项投资是霍楚女士去年批准的一项创纪录的680 亿美元 billion五年资本计划的一部分。
根据试点结果,霍楚女士预计,到2029年,M.T.A.每年可回收$100 million的票款收入。
每天有超过400万人乘坐地铁。在新冠疫情期间及之后,逃票现象激增,这一直是M.T.A.面临的持久问题。M.T.A.年度210 亿美元 billion运营预算的四分之一以上依赖于票款收入。这些资金用于支付地铁庞大的员工队伍、不断增长的电费等公用事业成本以及债务相关成本。
据该机构称,地铁逃票率在2024年达到峰值14%,高于2018年同期的约3%。
M.T.A.首席执行官詹诺·利伯(Janno Lieber)发起了一场广泛的反逃票行动,在检票口安装了尖刺分隔栏和弧形屏障,并在紧急出口部署了闸口警卫。
M.T.A.自去年起在部分纽约市地铁站测试了沙龙式票闸。
这些努力似乎取得了成效。在今年第二季度(目前可获得系统数据的最新时期),地铁逃票率下降至约10%——这是自疫情改变日常通勤模式以来的最低比率之一。
收入缺口也在缩小。据财政监督机构公民预算委员会(Citizens Budget Commission)研究副总裁安娜·钱佩尼(Ana Champeny)称,M.T.A.在2025年因公交车和地铁逃票损失了8.49亿美元,比前一年减少了6900万美元。
“如果能准确知道哪些措施效果最好,以确保他们能大规模推广这些措施,那就太好了,”她说,“但总体而言,他们正朝着正确的方向前进。”
利伯先生拒绝评论该机构更倾向于哪种新型票闸型号,但表示三种型号的表现都足够好,可以进入下一轮考虑。
不过,该委员会高级研究员亚当·施密特(Adam Schmidt)表示,最大的挑战在于公交车而非地铁的逃票问题。他说,在全市每天260 万名公交乘客中,近一半的人没有支付车费,去年给M.T.A.造成了$562 million的损失——几乎是同期地铁逃票损失的两倍。
为了扭转这一趋势,M.T.A.部署了越来越多数量的非武装警员,他们登上公交车,使用便携式电子阅读器核实付款情况,并向逃票者开具罚单。
市长佐兰·马姆达尼承诺将公交车对所有乘客免费,但M.T.A.并不支持该计划。
作者:DEVLIN BARRETT 和 DUSTIN VOLZ
据两名知情人士透露,联邦调查局(F.B.I.)在宾夕法尼亚州逮捕了一名男子,涉嫌实施了一次计算机黑客攻击,窃取了数千名 F.B.I. 员工的敏感信息。
上个月,一个犯罪黑客组织窃取了大量个人数据,这使得美国最高执法机构在应对此次事件时陷入窘境,因为在近年来最严重的政府数据泄露事件之一中,该机构既是调查者,也是受害者。
知情人士表示,被捕男子是一名加拿大公民,被认为是实施此次入侵的主要共谋者。
F.B.I. 局长卡什·帕特尔(Kash Patel)周五确认,作为该局瓦解国际黑客组织努力的一部分,已经实施了一次逮捕。他表示:“我们将继续与合作伙伴密切合作,无论 ShinyHunters 组织及其关联人员在何处活动,都要摧毁他们的残余势力。”
官员们尚未立即公布该男子的姓名或针对他的具体指控。
此次泄露是由一个自称 ShinyHunters 的黑客组织宣布的,该组织称其从该机构的招聘门户网站窃取了 F.B.I. 人员的私密细节。ShinyHunters 威胁称将产生更多后果——许多官员和网络安全专家将其解读为计划将数据公开——如果 F.B.I. 不撤回一项警告公众该组织网络攻击的咨询通知,但随后该组织退缩了。
在泄露事件发生后,F.B.I. 誓要追捕该组织的成员。安全研究人员认为,该组织是由分布在全球多个国家的年轻英语黑客组成的松散集体。该组织已活跃多年,并对近年来一些最严重的企业数据泄露事件负责,经常敲诈受害者数百万美元,以换取承诺不公布被盗的私密资料。
根据《纽约时报》对黑客组织分享的部分记录的分析,此次 F.B.I. 黑客攻击窃取了家庭住址、社会安全号码、敏感工作分配、员工家属详情等信息。在上个月底黑客攻击被披露后,F.B.I. 在一份发给员工的内部备忘录中表示,该局在假设所有员工在此次攻击中均被泄露的前提下开展工作。
F.B.I. 网络部门助理局长布雷特·利瑟曼(Brett Leatherman)本周表示,审查结果确定此次黑客攻击是“由第三方组织管理的平台安全失效导致的结果——原因是承包商未能实施专门为确保平台安全而发布的安全补丁”。路透社此前报道,该承包商就职于埃森哲(Accenture)。
利瑟曼先生表示,该局已“解雇了该承包商,并采取了所有必要措施以减轻进一步风险并保护我们的员工”,并补充说已经进行了多次逮捕。
本周的这次逮捕是近期针对 ShinyHunters 的一系列国际执法行动中的最新一次。9 月份,似乎在 F.B.I. 被黑之前,荷兰当局逮捕了一名 24 岁的嫌疑人,涉嫌与 ShinyHunters 有关联,尽管该组织否认认识他。
ShinyHunters 被认为是世界上最臭名昭著且能力最强的网络犯罪企业之一。利瑟曼先生表示,据信该组织自去年以来已入侵 140 多个组织并敲诈 7000万美元,且经常将第三方供应商和云平台作为目标。

佛罗里达州彭萨科拉市正在加固防御。飓风“伊赛亚斯”(Isaias)在周五夜间预计登陆前已达到3级强度。 HILARY SWIFT 为《纽约时报》拍摄
本文由 Judson Jones, David Ovalle 和 Michael Levenson 撰写。
周五晚上,强风暴雨袭击了海湾沿岸北部,飓风“伊赛亚斯”冲向海岸,成为两年来首个袭击美国本土的飓风。
在预报员警告居民准备应对危及生命的风暴潮和长期停电,以及可能延伸至内陆的龙卷风和破坏性阵风之后,目前的损失程度尚不明确。
佛罗里达州西北部沿海的部分居民以及阿拉巴马州沿海的游客已收到强制撤离令。官员们还在阿拉巴马州、佛罗里达州和佐治亚州的多个县宣布进入紧急状态。
“伊赛亚斯”的最大持续风速为 120 英里 / 小时。自周三晚上在墨西哥东海岸演变为飓风以来,其强度经历了显著增长。在 5 级量表中,它达到了 3 级,不过预报员表示,在登陆前不久它可能会略微减弱至 2 级。
预计该飓风在向内陆移动时,将在周末给美国东南部大部分地区带来强降雨,并沿着预期的路径向北穿过阿拉巴马州、田纳西州和肯塔基州。卡罗莱纳两州的官员警告当地居民准备应对可能发生的闪电洪水。
在佛罗里达州彭萨科拉市,飓风的快速增强让 57 岁的房地产经纪人海伦·康塞尔(Helen Counsell)感到惊讶。她住在距离彭萨科拉湾仅几个街区的历史小屋里,窗户没有安装防风窗帘。尽管有警告称风暴潮可能会淹没沿海房屋和道路,但由于小屋地势较高,她决定和男友留在原地。
Eduardo Medina 和 Kalyn Wolfe 参与了报道。
“我一直告诉自己,如果是 3 级飓风我们就会撤离,”康塞尔女士说,“我不知道我们是不是疯了。”
佛罗里达州州长罗恩·德桑蒂斯(Ron DeSantis)表示,该州已开放紧急避难所,并调集了数百名国民警卫队成员、船只和直升机,以便在需要时营救人员。
在彭萨科拉举行的新闻发布会上,德桑蒂斯先生还对“伊赛亚斯”这个名字提出了异议,称其“奇怪”且难以发音。(这是 Isaiah 的西班牙语形式,发音为 “ee-sah-EE-ahs”。)
世界气象组织(The World Meteorological Or。
该组织从英语、西班牙语和法语中为大西洋飓风命名,这三种语言是大西洋盆地的主要语言。2020年,另一场名为“伊赛亚斯”(Isaias)的飓风在北卡罗来纳州登陆。
共和党人德桑蒂斯先生表示,他会将这场飓风称为“以赛亚”(Isaiah)。另一位佛罗里达州共和党人、众议员吉米·帕特罗尼斯在社交媒体上表示,飓风应该拥有“人们能读得出来的美国名字”。
“在灾难期间,我们最不需要的就是每个人都试图弄清楚‘Isaias’怎么读,”帕特罗尼斯先生写道。
在阿拉巴马州的塔斯卡卢萨,阿拉巴马大学与乔治亚大学之间一场备受期待的橄榄球赛仍计划在周六 6:30 p.m. 的黄金时段举行。但校方表示,阿拉巴马大学校园内中午前将禁止举行赛前车尾派对,且通常在户外主持的受欢迎赛前节目 ESPN “大学比赛日”(College GameDay)将移至室内举行。
塔斯卡卢萨是阿拉巴马州处于紧急状态的 40 个县之一。
特朗普总统原计划参加这场比赛,但白宫发言人周五表示他将不会出席。特朗普先生在本周早些时候曾表示,他不希望分散人们对应对天气紧急情况的官员的注意力。
佛罗里达州和阿拉巴马州的居民对飓风并不陌生。
但今年大西洋飓风季异常平静,部分原因是强烈的厄尔尼诺现象改变了将湿润空气吹过海洋的风向,抑制了大西洋的热带风暴活动,并增加了太平洋的活动。根据国家飓风中心的资料,上一次在大西洋飓风季如此之晚才形成首场飓风是在 1905 年。今年早些时候从“亚瑟”到“汉娜”的热带风暴均未达到飓风强度。
最后一次袭击美国本土的飓风是 2024 年在佛罗里达州登陆的“米尔顿”。
周五,随着伊赛亚斯的到来,墨西哥湾沿岸的居民正陷入熟悉的惯例,储备食品并封堵窗户。
33 岁的移动汽车美容师马奎斯·里士满当时在密西西比州的帕斯卡古拉,在他的皮卡车斗里装了两打沙袋,准备交给他的祖母和其他家人。持续的雨已经开始落下。
“在海岸线这边,天气变化极快,瞬间就能从 0 变成 100,”他说。“你往窗外看觉得还行,然后突然就变得疯狂起来。”
在阿拉巴马州的湾岸市,官员们无奈地取消了国家虾类节,该节日通常会为这座城市的白沙滩带来 300 家供应商和 150,000 名游客。早在周三,海滨租赁团体、公寓和房车公园就开始联系客人重新预订或办理退款。工作人员移走了露台家具,固定好空调,并用沙袋封堵并密封滑动玻璃门以抵御洪水。
“这次我们不冒险,”湾岸市发言人格兰特·布朗表示,并补充说这场飓风对“每个人来说都是一次财务打击”。尽管如此,他表示,在 2020 年 9 月飓风“萨莉”重创该市,导致游客在没有电或自来水的度假租赁房中被困数日后,取消活动是正确的决定。

摄影:SOPHIE PARK 为《纽约时报》拍摄 米歇尔·德格拉夫(Michel DeGraff)是麻省理工学院(M.I.T.)的一名终身教授,他被该校语言学部门排挤。


麻省理工学院的一个评审小组拒绝了德格拉夫博士提议的一门课程,理由是对他是否具备教授该课程的专业知识存在疑问。 德格拉夫博士基于其著作又提议了另一门课程。
摘自 AI 版
他不同意自己缺乏教授该课程的能力,并在大量电子邮件中对这一决定提出抗议,谴责这是“新麦卡锡主义”的一部分。他在长串的电子邮件中向包括院长和大学校长在内的同事们抱怨,随后将这些邮件公开。
他在社交媒体和发表的评论文章中表示反对。他还对麻省理工学院提起联邦诉讼,指控学校压制校园内关于加沙的言论,并侵犯了他的学术自由。
“麻省理工学院不应该以这种方式压制我的教学,”德格拉夫博士在一次采访中说道。他称这一决定是“对我职业权利的侵犯”。
大学通过一名发言人拒绝发表评论,尽管其在法律文件中否认了德格拉夫博士的指控。
随着德格拉夫博士知名度的提高,批评他的声音也随之增加。他被一名犹太前学生起诉骚扰。美国众议院一个委员会在去年春季的一份工作人员报告中指责他延续了“反犹太主义的阴谋论”。
这场争端至今已持续三年,他与麻省理工学院语言学部门负责人(曾是其好友)的私人关系已经破裂,同事们也对这场争议感到精疲力竭。
在许多其他美国职场中,如此强力反击的员工很可能会面临失业风险。但终身教授在制度设计上就很难被解雇。
校方管理人员对德格拉夫博士进行了制裁,指责他扰乱秩序并违反程序和指令。他被排挤出麻省理工学院的语言学部门,被赋予了一个模糊的头衔——“通用教员”(faculty at large),他在校内电子邮件签名中用讽刺性的引号标注了这个头衔。
他在采访中表示,他被拒绝了原定的加薪,无法接触新的指导学生,甚至被屏蔽了部门的 Facebook 页面。他说,这已经是连续第三个秋季学期,他在领取薪水的同时不需要教授任何课程。
他最近是数名因言论问题与学校发生争执的教授之一。
卡内基梅隆大学在 9 月宣布,正在调查一名教授的社交媒体帖子,该教授被指庆祝保守派人物的死亡。
德克萨斯大学的一名教授正在对他的 16 个月带薪行政假提出异议,他认为这与他对学校领导层的批评有关。
此外,一名仲裁员命令圣何塞州立大学恢复一名终身教授的职位,该大学此前因其在亲巴勒斯坦校园抗议活动中所扮演的角色相关指控而将其解雇。
在校园政治被置于显微镜下、学校试图避免引起特朗普政府关注的时刻,德格拉夫博士的斗争已成为最持久且最戏剧性的案例之一。
总部位于奥斯汀的公共政策组织西塞罗研究所(Cicero Institute)的幕僚长克里斯·夏普(Chris Sharp)表示,一些终身教授在以“学术自由”为掩护进行个人激进活动。他说,这个词经常被误解为不受限制地教学或研究的权利,而实际上应该被理解为在个人专业领域内教学和研究的权利。
“仅仅因为我拥有某个领域的博士学位,并不意味着我是所有领域的专家,”他说。
德格拉夫博士的朋友们表示,他为提议课程所做的努力源于他对
这是麻省理工学院(M.I.T.)院长奥古斯汀·拉约(AGUSTÍN RAYO)在给米歇尔·德格拉夫(Michel DeGraff)博士的一封信中所写。
……言论自由与人权,以及他将语言理解为一种行使权力的手段。
“米歇尔最大的优点就是他的坚持,”海恩斯·米勒(Haynes Miller)说道。他是麻省理工学院的数学荣休教授,与德格拉夫博士关系密切,并表示他的朋友并非反犹主义者。“他不会放弃。如果他看到了不公正,他就会对其发起抨击。”
现年63岁的德格拉夫博士出生于海地的太子港,他说服父母将他送到美国学习计算机科学。但抵达美国后,他对他家乡的语言——海地克里奥尔语产生了更浓厚的兴趣。他说,这种语言经常被嘲笑为“破碎的法语”,而不被视为一种真正的语言。
他表示,他在宾夕法尼亚大学的博士论文题目是《克里奥尔语语法与句法习得:以海地克里奥尔语为例》。他于1996年加入麻省理工学院语言学系。
德格拉夫博士认为海地的独立斗争与巴勒斯坦人的斗争之间存在相似之处。“这就是为什么我想进一步研究和教授这些关联,”他说。
关于这门课程的想法产生于2023年12月5日。当时,他看到麻省理工学院校长萨莉·科恩布鲁斯(Sally Kornbluth)以及哈佛大学和宾夕法尼亚大学的领导人在一场关于校园反犹主义的国会听证会上,在言语上被共和党人击败。
在课程申请被拒绝后,他在2024年秋季将这一构思转变为一个邀请客座演讲者的讨论系列活动。
同年,他还经常加入学生们的行列,在校园部分区域参加为期三周的占领营地活动,要求学校结束与以色列的联系。他说,在警察强行关闭营地之前,他几乎每天都在那里。
麻省理工学院人文、艺术与社会科学学院院长奥古斯汀·拉约在2024年后期对德格拉夫博士实施了制裁。在德格拉夫博士分享的一封信中,院长表示,由于德格拉夫博士具有破坏性,并让人们产生一种预期,即那些令他不快的人在公共论坛中“面临被针对的风险”,因此决定暂时将其从语言学部门撤职。
“你的言论权利并不意味着你可以凌驾于麻省理工学院的规则之上,”院长在信中写道。
德格拉夫博士还引起了国会共和党人的注意,他们在的一份报告中指出,有指控称他针对一名犹太学生进行骚扰。该前学生威廉·萨斯曼(William Sussman)在2025年加入了一场针对德格拉夫博士及学校的诉讼。
萨斯曼先生表示,德格拉夫博士在社交媒体上将他作为犹太人的例子,称其为锡安主义的“思想感染”(mind infection)。萨斯曼先生表示,反犹主义的骚扰迫使他离开了这所大学。
德格拉夫博士表示,“思想感染”这个词来自一名以色列学者,该学者用它来指代以色列教科书如何将巴勒斯坦人边缘化。德格拉夫博士表示他不是反犹主义者,且联邦法院曾表示,单纯批评以色列本身并不必然等同于反犹主义。
该诉讼的部分内容(包括针对德格拉夫博士的指控)已被驳回,不过仍有可能提起上诉。
萨斯曼先生在的一份声明中批评了麻省理工学院,称“该教授仍受雇于麻省理工学院,并在那里继续抹黑我”。
德格拉夫博士的朋友米勒博士表示,他被语言学系撤职意味着“他在麻省理工学院的影响力被大幅削弱”。“对他来说这是屈辱的;这既是象征性的,也是实际性的。”
去年3月,德格拉夫博士对麻省理工学院,以及在报告中点名他的国会委员会及其主席提起了一起联邦诉讼。他在诉讼中指控大学因其政治活动而对其进行惩罚。
“如果你要求教职员工保持沉默,那么你基本上是在背叛大学的职责,而大学的职责就是教授困难的话题,”他说。
麻省理工学院否认了他的指控,并请求法院驳回该诉讼。
“事实上,德格拉夫在那些他声称被压制的议题上,依然持续且大量地发表公开言论,这恰恰凸显了他所指称的损害具有推测性质,”该大学在提交给法院的文件中辩称。
他仍计划教授他已讲授多年的春季课程——“克里奥尔语言与加勒比身份”以及“黑色议题:黑人研究导论”。
在今年夏天,德格拉夫博士基于他上个月出版的一本书,提议开设另一门新课程,名为《我们自己的语言:利用克里奥尔语及其他母语实现教育与解放》。
对于像 M.L.T. 这样的研究型大学,教授们提议开设新课程是很常见的。9月初,一名副院长告诉德格拉夫博士,系里将讨论这个想法。但首先,他能否提供一份该书的副本?
德格拉夫博士回答说,不能,他提交的教学大纲应该足够了。他写道,考虑到他上次课程提议的历史,“因此,要求系里对书籍本身进行额外的审查,在我看来是持续的歧视和骚扰。”他在电子邮件中抄送了包括科恩布鲁斯博士在内的最高管理人员。他说,他的新课程被拒绝了。
作者:BARRY BEARAK
迈克·迪特卡(Mike Ditka)于周五去世。他曾是芝加哥熊队一名坚韧的近端锋,热爱每一次碰撞并为每一码奋战;随后他成为一名带领熊队赢得超级碗的教练,因在场边愤怒咆哮而闻名,成为了竞争之火的象征。人们习惯称他为“那位教练”(Da Coach),他享年86岁。
其家人通过前熊队跑卫沃尔特·佩顿(Walter Payton)之子贾雷特·佩顿(Jarrett Payton)宣布了这一死讯。目前未提供进一步细节。
迪特卡有时表现得像个霸凌者,但更多时候散发出一种让球迷觉得亲切的粗犷魅力。他能言善道且风趣,
迪特卡推崇他所谓的“熊队足球”:比对方撞你更狠地撞对方。
且观点鲜明。在离开足球赛场后,他成为了该运动中最知名且最持久的评论员之一,先后在NBC、CBS以及最后的ESPN担任分析师。
在他的养育之地芝加哥,他受到的推崇最高,被视为这座城市坚毅精神的缩影。他被认为强悍且真实,是一个无论后果如何都敢于直言的人。
在很大程度上,这座“风之城”觉得欠他一份情。他在1963年的芝加哥熊队中担任主力,该队赢得了NFL冠军;随后他执教1985年的熊队,带领球队取得了该特许经营权历史上唯一的超级碗胜利——以46-10击败新英格兰爱国者队。
迪特卡推崇一种基础的比赛风格,他称之为“熊队足球”,将比赛带回其原始根源:比对方撞你更狠地撞对方。凭借突出的下巴、梳向后方的头发和浓密的胡须,他甚至长得像球队标志上的那只凶猛的熊。他确实能发出咆哮。
芝加哥人对这位教练的喜爱曾是《周六夜现场》(Saturday Night Live)中几个令人难忘的短剧的主题。剧中那些忠诚的熊队球迷总是坐在餐厅里,大快朵颐地吃着肉、喝着啤酒,赞美他们的英雄,声称“那位教练”即使没有球员也能赢下比赛。他们祈祷道:“我们感谢上帝和迪特卡所提供的一切。”
迪特卡将自己和球队塑造为“格拉博夫斯基”(Grabowskis)——即那些带着午餐桶上班、不怕弄脏衣服的蓝领阶层。“我们是戴安全帽的人,”他在2005年名为《人生,首先要狠》(In Life, First You Kick Ass)的回忆录中写道,“其他人坐豪华轿车,我们开卡车。”
但迪特卡本人却喜爱古董车和专属高尔夫俱乐部的会员资格。他开了一家昂贵的连锁餐厅,主打38盎司的猪排。在三十年间,他是美国最著名的代言人之一,为Hanes内衣、金宝浓汤、美国运通以及随着年龄增长为治疗勃起功能障碍的药物Levitra拍摄广告。他销售的产品从防冻液到冷冻酸奶不等,还创办了自己的高级葡萄酒和雪茄品牌。他在佛罗里达州开设了迈克·迪特卡度假村。尽管自称是“格拉博夫斯基”,他却拥有自己的豪华轿车服务。
作为一名教练,迪特卡情绪波动剧烈,一天愤怒无比,第二天又忏悔不已。他因对球员大吼大叫以及责骂体育记者而臭名昭著。他嚼口香糖的样子就像在跟口香糖生气一样。他的强度既令人钦佩,也令人畏惧。
在1983年(他担任主教练的第二年)的一场失利后,他在球队面前击穿了一个储物柜,导致手骨折。然而,他也能自嘲。一周后,他举起石膏告诉球员们:“为‘左撇子’赢一场吧。”
迪特卡利用这种粗鲁的人设获利,在电视广告以及2005年的喜剧电影《踢球与尖叫》(Kicking & Screaming)中扮演一个讽刺版的自己,在片中他与威尔·法瑞尔一起执教一支儿童足球队。“我早餐就吃那些半途而废的人,然后把他们的骨头吐出来,”他对着球员们大吼道。
迪特卡在1965年曾是熊队一名不畏强权的近端锋。右图是1988年效力于熊队的迪特卡。他在熊队和新奥尔良圣徒队的常规赛执教生涯记录为14年间121胜95负。他的球队曾七次进入季后赛。
在1992年的传记《迪特卡:中途岛之怪》(Ditka: Monster of the Midway)中,作者阿门·凯蒂安将这位教练描述为一个“复杂且矛盾的人”,一个酗酒者,且“打牌比阿马里洛·斯利姆还多,打高尔夫球和阿诺德·帕尔默一样多”。凯蒂安补充道:“他的自尊心和脾气永远与他生命中那个恒定量绑定在一起,那是能治愈任何疾病的唯一灵药——胜利。”
凯蒂安引用了这位教练唯一的女儿梅根·迪特卡的话:“我曾经问过我妈。我说,‘妈,你嫁给他的时候他也是这样的人吗?’她说,老天爷,在他进入职业碗(Pro Bowl)之前,他是一个非常害羞且谦逊的人。然后是女人,名声,以及诸如此类的事情。她说他脑子里的优先级变得有点拥挤了。”
迈克尔·凯勒·迪特卡于1939年10月18日出生在宾夕法尼亚州匹兹堡郊外的卡内基,并在附近的阿利奎帕长大。这个家族在乌克兰时的姓氏是Dyzcko,后来由同样名叫迈克的迪特卡之父更改了姓氏。他的母亲是夏洛特(凯勒)·迪特卡。
长辈迪特卡本人也是一个强势的人,他在一家钢厂工作,回家时手臂上带着灼伤痕迹,衣服也被烧焦。他成为了当地工会的主席,并担任该职34年。他是一个严厉的父亲,“不怕拿出皮带抽你,”他的儿子说道。
年轻的迈克是四个孩子中的长子,即便在孩提时代也是一个激烈的竞争者。在少棒联盟中,他会因为队友犯错而痛斥他们。有一次,在弟弟接掉一个高飞球后,他追着弟弟翻过了一道栅栏。
在高中时期,他是美式足球、篮球和棒球队的队长。他曾有机会签署一份职业棒球合同,但最终决定上大学。他受到了激烈的招募
他获得了匹兹堡大学和宾夕法尼亚州立大学的橄榄球邀请。当时,他认为自己有一天可能会成为一名牙医,而匹兹堡大学的校友说服他,进入该校的牙医学院会更容易。
后来在回顾职业选择时,迪特卡(Ditka)说:“牙医那件事是不可能实现的。我是说,想象一下‘迪特卡医生’。让我盯着人们的嘴巴看?我想我宁愿把牙齿撞掉,也不愿把牙齿装进去。”
在匹兹堡大学期间,迪特卡在进攻端担任近端锋和分端锋,并在防守线作战。他还负责弃踢。
熊队在1961年第一轮第五顺位选中了他,签约薪水为12,000美元(相当于今天的约130,000美元),并获得6,000美元奖金。同年,他与高中时代就相识的玛格丽·多尔蒂(Margery Dougherty)结婚。这段婚姻育有四个孩子,持续了12年,直到两人离婚。
尽管当时只是一名新秀,但迪特卡重新定义了近端锋能为进攻端带来什么的观念。他身高6英尺3英寸,体重230磅,不仅是一名阻挡者,还是一个高效的接球手,在球场上强行冲过拦截者。他成为了年度最佳新秀,并完成了五次入选职业碗(Pro Bowl)中的第一次。
这位不愿受气(take-no-guff)的近端锋不可避免地与他那强势的教练乔治·哈拉斯(George Halas)发生冲突,后者同时也是球队的所有者。他们最大的分歧在于金钱。哈拉斯是个吝啬鬼,迪特卡说他“像扔下水道盖子一样挥霍五分硬币”。1966年,在一项秘密协议中,迪特卡接受了50,000美元,准备签约竞争对手美国橄榄球联盟(AFL)的休斯顿油人队。随着国家橄榄球联盟(NFL)和美国橄榄球联盟(AFL)合并,该交易告吹。
次年,哈拉斯将迪特卡交易到了当时处于低谷的费城老鹰队,在那里,由于伤病影响,他度过了两个痛苦的赛季。虽然他再也没能入选全美最佳阵容(All-Pro),但在退役前的1972年,他在达拉斯牛仔队度过了三个更好的年份。
牛仔队的教练汤姆·兰德里(Tom Landry)非常赏识迪特卡,聘请他担任助理教练。两人是一对古怪的组合:一个是教授圣经课程、面无表情的人,另一个则是脾气火爆的纵情享乐者。在迪特卡的自传《迪特卡》(Ditka)的前言中,兰德里谨慎地写道:“虽然我不能赞同本书或在其他地方使用四字母词(脏话),但我可以认可本书的基督教意图。”
一直寻求更换教练。
哈拉斯在1967年放弃了场上的掌控权;熊队的辉煌岁月已成往事。他正在寻找一名新教练,一个像他一样强硬的人,而通过聘请迪特卡,他得到了想要的结果。球队的新教练经常咒骂和威胁。他说他告诉球员们,“因为不撞击任何人,他们简直是懦夫。然后我把粉笔扔向了黑板。”
熊队刚经历了一个6胜10负的赛季,而在迪特卡的第一年(一个因罢工而缩短的赛季),他们的战绩是3胜6负。但新教练继承了一个强大的核心阵容,包括跑卫佩顿(Payton)、中线卫迈克·辛格莱特里(Mike Singletary)和防守线球员丹·汉普顿(Dan Hampton),他们全部是未来的名人堂成员。
球队的选秀表现出色。1983年,熊队战绩为8胜8负;1984年,他们取得了10胜6负的战绩。
Conason, Leslie
1985年,他们以15胜1负的战绩完赛,并在1986年1月赢得了第20届超级碗。熊队不仅是史上最具统治力的球队之一,还是一个由古怪人物组成的“欢乐屋”,其中一名球员体型如此庞大,以至于被人们称为
1986年在新奥尔良举行的第20届超级碗中,迈克·迪特卡在击败新英格兰爱国者队后被其芝加哥熊队队员抬起。
“冰箱”(the Refrigerator),而防守组在每次进攻前都会像猎犬一样发出呜呜声。
迪特卡随后执教的熊队虽然人才辈出,但再也没能进入橄榄球最高级别的比赛。事实上,这种“欢乐屋”的氛围只有在第一次时才真正有趣。熊队遭受了关键球员伤病、薪资纠纷以及关于代言的内部争吵。迪特卡的咆哮不再被视为激励人心的神来之笔,而仅仅是无法控制的脾气的表现。在熊队1992赛季取得5胜11负的战绩后,他被解雇了。
五年后,迪特卡(Ditka)重返赛场,出任新奥尔良圣徒队的总教练。当时他的髋关节状况极差,走路时更像是在摇晃。他的球队表现糟糕。在迪特卡执教的第三年,也是最后一年,他说:“上帝把人安置在某些地方是有原因的,他把我放在这里大概是为了让我学会谦卑。”
这位将军并不打算就此淡出。他继续出现在电视节目中,并维持着自己的商业帝国。在晚年,他成为了那些在职业生涯中遭受伤病折磨的前NFL球员的主要倡导者。以强硬著称的迪特卡批评这项运动未能有效处理脑震荡问题。
2004年,共和党领导人请求他代表伊利诺伊州竞选美国参议员,对手是一位名叫巴拉克·奥巴马(Barack Obama)的州参议员。相比于一位名人堂级别的橄榄球传奇,这位新手候选人的知名度要低得多。作为一名坚定的保守主义者,迪特卡认为自己已经有太多其他事务要处理,于是决定拒绝。他后来对这一决定感到后悔。
“这是我犯过最大的错误,”他在2013年告诉一名记者,“并不是说我一定能赢,但我很有可能赢,而他就不会进白宫了。”
更多讣告见 A22 页。

SPORTS PUBLISHING LLC

在回忆录中,迪特卡将自己和球队描绘成“格拉博夫斯基”(Grabowskis)——一群不怕弄脏手的蓝领阶层。右图为威尔·法瑞尔(Will Ferrell)与迪特卡在喜剧电影《踢球与尖叫》(Kicking & Screaming)中的剧照。
1977年,迪特卡与戴安娜·特兰瑟姆(Diana Trantham)结婚。除了妻子,他的遗属还包括四个孩子。
迪特卡在牛仔队担任助理教练长达九年。1981年后期,由于渴望成为总教练,他尝试了一次机会渺茫的尝试,给86岁的乔治·哈拉斯(George Halas)写信,请求在熊队如果

讣告
莱斯利·J·康森(Leslie J. Conson)在平凡中发现非凡,以好奇心、俏皮和热情面对世界。莱斯利出生于1960年,曾就读于纽约州的一座城镇。她一直是一名顶尖学生,以极优等成绩毕业于康奈尔大学,获得芝加哥大学的硕士学位,以及福特汉姆大学法学院的法律博士(JD)学位。她的职业生涯曾在宾夕法尼亚州费城的一家证券公司、养老基金和机构投资者中度过。她在许多方面都具有远见,在纽约州南安普顿建造了一座成为建筑标志的住宅。她在曼哈顿的家中与心爱的女儿陪伴在侧,于去世。她的丈夫、她一生挚爱罗伯特·康森(Robert Conason)先于她去世。她的遗属包括女儿亚历克西斯·康森(Alexis Conason,丈夫格雷戈里·多德尔 Gregory Dodell);挚爱的孙女罗伯托(Roberto)和埃米莉亚·多德尔(Emilia Dodell);姐妹凯西·本斯福德(Cathy Bensford)、史蒂文·戈特弗里德(Steven Gottfried)和卡罗尔·本森(Carol Benson);侄女吉尔·弗里德兰德(Jill Friedlander);以及侄子丹尼尔·本森(Daniel Benson)、大卫·戈特弗里德(David Gottfried)、希文·戈特弗里德(Shiven Gottfried)和乔纳森·戈特弗里德(Jonathan Gottfried)。请以捐款代替献花,捐款可寄至为纪念她而设立的德国姐妹社区乳腺癌研究服务基金。周一上午11:00,在位于76街与阿姆斯特丹大道交汇处的 The Riverside 举行。
纽约市内可拨打 212-556-3900 告知死亡消息,纽约市外可拨打免费电话 1-806-455-5522,或发送电子邮件至 NYTIMES@CLASSIFIEDSPLUS.COM。截稿时间如下:周一至周六版,请在前一日下午 2:00 前提交;周日全国版,请在周五下午 4:00 前提交;周日纽约版及晚间全国版,请在周六中午 12:45 前提交。周二至周五出版的照片必须在出版前一日中午前提交。周六、周日和周一的照片必须在周五中午 12 点前提交。
斯蒂芬·斯特龙伯格 (Stephen Stromberg) 评论版编辑。
安克雷奇
阿拉斯加的政治与众不同。
在玛丽·佩尔托拉 (Mary Peltola) 的参议员竞选网站上,有一个低分辨率的电子游戏,名为“三文鱼奔跑” (Salmon Run)。在游戏中,玩家扮演一条试图避开商业拖网船捕捞的鱼。当你绕过渔网和凶猛的海洋捕食者时,屏幕上会弹出关于该州寻求连任的共和党参议员丹·萨利文 (Dan Sullivan) 的信息。其中一条写道:“丹·萨利文从拖网业游说团体那里拿了数十万美元。”如果你在未被捕获的情况下完成奔跑,系统会祝贺你避开了萨利文先生的渔网。
佩尔托拉女士的竞选活动根植于海带之乡,拖网捕鱼是一个重大议题,其竞选口号是“鱼类、家庭与自由”。她的主张在阿拉斯加冰冷海域之外看来可能显得狭隘,甚至令人费解。
然而,这对于试图重塑其政党的活动人士来说是一个响亮的声明:在当今高度网络化、党派分明且陷入信息茧房的政治环境中,真正的“局外人”民主党候选人并非最左翼的那一个,而是那个真正花时间在——嗯,户外的人。
阿拉斯加如果说不是深红色的,至少也是三文鱼粉色的。为了突破政治劣势,53岁的佩尔托拉女士在年龄、风度以及实质内容上,与华盛顿那些年迈的民主党建制派,以及试图取代他们的派系——一个崛起中、组织日益严密且具有攻击性的左翼——形成了鲜明对比。
《纽约时报》
佩尔托拉女士几乎不提及文化战争,一些支持者对此表示赞赏。“不同的性取向……我不关心,”73岁的无党派选民莱拉·登格尔 (Leila Dengel) 说道,她表示佩尔托拉在瓦尔迪兹 (Valdez) 的活动中赢得了她的支持。但即便登格尔女士强调自己不是“社会主义者”,她仍表示喜欢佩尔托拉支持普通民众的一面;同时,她对国家的走向、伊朗战争以及推动新技术的公司感到愤怒,例如她的保险公司,她对此深感不满,因为该公司试图强迫她使用无纸化办公。
lar Medicaid 削减。政府效率部的联邦雇员裁员在阿拉斯加极易招致批评,因为该州拥有全美最高密度的联邦文职雇员群体之一——而且在这里,准确的天气预报和海洋监测是关乎生死的大事。共和党削减公共广播资金同样如此,因为在偏远地区,公共广播是信息的生命线。
但她确实有一套方案,即便在意图上并非如此,但在效果上是。
特朗普总统的伊朗战争使佩尔托拉女士能够将阿拉斯加高昂的生活成本归咎于他。她不断提到柴油价格,阿拉斯加人大量使用柴油来驱动小型发电机和为房屋供暖。她还嘲讽共和党撤销拜登时代的可再生能源补贴——这未必是为了气候,而是因为阿拉斯加人想要更便宜的能源以及能让他们脱离电网独立生活的技术。
佩尔托拉女士支持石油、支持渔业的立场反映了一种环境管理理念,即认为保护自然对于将其保留给人类使用至关重要。同样,她强调建设可再生能源可以使这个依赖柴油的州实现能源多样化。正如阿拉斯加政客自古以来所做的那样,她支持在基础基础设施和枪支权利上投入资金。
佩尔托拉的议程看起来可能像是为了迎合阿拉斯加人而机会主义地选择的一系列立场。“我真的很希望我有更好的话可以说,”在我询问她中左翼实用主义者的国家议程可能是什么样子后,她这样说道。她解释说,她太“以阿拉斯加为中心”了,没怎么考虑党派政治。
“在这些岗位上,我们确实需要一些正常人,”佩尔托拉女士告诉我。

为了顺应时代,她也带有一些民粹主义色彩,抨击“百万富翁和亿万富翁”以及“企业的贪婪”。但她并非在发起一场阶级革命。她对富人的反对集中在他们在华盛顿的影响力程度上,并且她将核心放在反腐败的信息上,并支持限制政治支出以及限制国会议员利益冲突的提案。
国会中这类议员已所剩无几,因为不断筹集竞选资金的需求以及应对极其苛刻的派系纯洁性测试,令除了最执着的权力追求者之外的所有人都望而却步。
在佩尔托拉女士淡化文化议题方面,一个巨大的例外是堕胎。支持生育选择有助于将她“鱼类、家庭、自由”这一口号中的“自由”具体化。
佩尔托拉女士通过建立一个务实的个人品牌,而非采用一种时髦的意识形态品牌,使自己与那些令人反感的民主党标签区分开来。她这种方法的逻辑是:在决定民主党能否获得多数席位的激烈竞争中,那些照本宣科地朗读进步左翼剧本的候选人表现会不尽如人意。
当然,即便使用自己的台词,她也可能会输。她缺乏圆滑是其中一个潜在问题。
选民经常被那些表现得真实(authentic)的政治家所吸引——想想比尔·克林顿及其精心设计的感性,或者乔治·W·布什及其牛仔角色扮演。佩尔托拉女士是真实的。她的真实并非那种经过计算、打磨、将法兰绒衬衫袖子卷到恰到好处的长度的真实。佩尔托拉女士的真实更为粗粝。
听她说话时,人们必须经常面对一个问题:这是否是一个失误?
“当我在第117届和第118届国会任职时,100名参议员中,中间派有六位,”她9月在瓦尔迪兹对一小群民众说道,这是一个位于威廉王子湾、拥有4,000人的小镇。“现在,100名参议员中,中间派只有三位。我想成为第四位。”
活动结束后,我问她那三位参议院务实主义者是谁?“丽莎·穆尔科夫斯基,”她立即回答道。“安格斯·金,”她接着说,但语气没那么自信,语调上扬,仿佛在问一个问题。然后是一阵沉默。“另一个是谁?”她说。最终,一名竞选助手提到了苏珊·柯林斯。“对,苏珊·柯林斯,”佩尔托拉女士说。
全国范围内的民主党人可能希望她当时直接跳过这个话题。佩尔托拉女士与他们的首要目标——缅因州现任共和党参议员柯林斯女士——建立了共同点,从而削弱了试图将其击败的民主党候选人特洛伊·杰克逊的竞争力。
在我参加的两场竞选活动中,佩尔托拉女士在试图回想想对听众说什么时,都出现了尴尬的停顿。《纽约时报》上个月还报道称,她的性格——包括据称对工作人员使用侮辱性词汇——导致她的国会办公室混乱不堪,竞选活动也一团糟。
尽管如此,安克雷奇的观察人士怀疑这些报道或她质朴的方式是否会有太大影响——这甚至可能对她争取阿拉斯加许多艰苦奋斗的独立选民有所帮助。必须停下来想一会儿该说什么?忘记参议员的名字?这确实不像个参议员。但绝对能引起共鸣。
当我问她与其他中期选举中的民主党人有哪些共同点时,她说:“我和任何其他候选人都没有共同点。”这看起来不太可能。但无论是有意还是无意,根据她的一名竞选发言人的说法,这一表态支持了她一直是“最不忠诚的民主党人”之一的说法。
事实是,佩尔托拉女士以她那不讨喜的方式,与苏珊·柯林斯的合作可能会比与伊丽莎白·沃伦的合作更舒适。
她说,阿拉斯加人“基于那些容易合作的人来建立联盟”。在他们那崎岖、偏远且人口稀少的
她对实用主义的呼吁本身就是一项议程,反映了一种政治理论,即通过建立古怪、有时甚至令人不适的政治联盟来解决问题,比追求意识形态的纯洁性更好。她的信息面向石油工业工人、小规模渔民、安克雷奇周边的郊区居民、远离体制的自由意志主义者,以及阿拉斯加的原住民和非原住民。她的职业生涯成为了一个测试案例,用以证明实用性是使她能够亲近大众的共同基数。
佩尔托拉女士赢得了2022年的选举,那是一场旨在接替当年在任期间去世的杨先生的特别选举。她聘请了杨先生的幕僚长来管理自己的办公室,并且据她所述,曾与拜登政府“正面交锋”。她敦促总统乔·拜登批准康菲石油公司(ConocoPhillips)的柳树项目(Willow project),这是一个位于阿拉斯加国家石油储备区的石油钻探项目。她还支持在北极国家野生动物保护区进行石油勘探,不过她的亲石油立场并非毫无保留:她拒绝支持一项可能会威胁到附近渔业的法案。
她的父母曾参与唐·杨(Don Young)的首次国会竞选,这位共和党人随后代表阿拉斯加在众议院任职数十年。佩尔托拉女士自豪地表示,在阿拉斯加州议会期间,她在穆尔科斯基女士于2002年进入美国参议院之前就曾与这位共和党人合作。尽管是一名民主党人,但在2010年穆尔科斯基女士输掉党内初选后,佩尔托拉女士帮助她进行了那场出人意料且成功的写票(write-in)重新竞选活动。穆尔科斯基女士在2022年佩尔托拉女士竞选国会时回报了这份情谊,直到2010年12月底结束。(穆尔科斯基女士今年对她的共和党同僚萨利文先生给予了勉强的背书,但同时也为佩尔托拉女士辩护。)
摄影:克拉拉·莫克里,为《纽约时报》拍摄
这个居住人口略低于750,000人的州。
在她的参议院竞选活动中,她通常不攻击“共和党”,而是攻击过去两年共和党控制华盛顿期间的“华盛顿特区”政策。佩尔托拉女士经常提到那些广泛不受欢迎的——
佩尔托拉女士来自贝塞尔(Bethel),是一名终身从事生存捕鱼的渔民,贝塞尔是阿拉斯加远西端的一个前哨站,只能通过飞机或船只抵达。作为一名尤皮克(Yup'ik)原住民,她在14岁时就担任自己渔船的船长。
佩尔托拉倾向于建立古怪的政治联盟,而非维持意识形态的纯洁性。
佩尔托拉在竞选中主张增强“奥巴马医保”,而非实施“全民医保”(Medicare for all),这也让人能预见到她在参议院中的表现。在那些旨在恢复奥巴马医保补贴和可再生能源税收抵免、提高债务上限或结束毫无意义的政府停摆的艰难协议中,她将成为关键的摇摆票。
人们并没有走上街头呼吁合作与温和。但话又说回来,投票的人并不只有活动人士。特别是在许多山地西部州——这些州面临巨大的自然资源问题,拥有大量联邦土地,热爱枪支和汽油,拥有自力更生的户外文化,种族极化程度相对较低,且成功的民主党候选人很少——一种像佩尔托拉这样将深厚身份认同与实用主义观点相结合的模式是有机会奏效的。
即使她最终落败,但在其州内的得票率高于预期(该州已在连续三次选举中支持特朗普先生),结果也将表明她的策略有效。
阿拉斯加原住民在政治上具有摇摆性——阿拉斯加原住民的主要团体 Sealaska 同时背书了佩尔托拉女士和萨利文先生——但她的背景应该会对她有所帮助。她可能会吸引那些支持总统但并不满意的人。特朗普先生在2024年以54%对41%的得票率赢得了阿拉斯加州,但目前他在该州的支持率在40%中段徘徊。
而且至关重要的一点是,阿拉斯加州的民主党人并没有因为方向问题而陷入内斗。他们似乎从全国民主党人的困境中吸取了正确的教训:不要惊吓中间选民。佩尔托拉女士利用这一空间,将自己塑造为一个拥有常规观点的普通人来进行竞选。通过不懈关注当地议题来建立务实的人设,从而专注于那些可被说服的选民,这本不该是一项大胆的策略。但这使她成为了一名真正的局外人候选人。
即便共和党已经堕落,民主党也失去了该国大片地区的支持。为了赢回这些地区,该党需要为那些想要开展关于鱼类等非主流竞选活动的务实主义者留出足够的空间。
埃里克·阿尔特曼 (Eric Alterman)
纽约市立大学(CUNY)布鲁克林学院杰出教授,近期著作包括《我们并非一体:美国关于以色列之争的历史》(We Are Not One: A History of America's Fight Over Israel)。
2018年12月,众议员南希·佩洛西向一个绝大多数为犹太人的听众群体做出承诺:如果美国国会大厦“坍塌在地,唯一能保留的将是我们对援助——我甚至不称之为援助——我们与以色列合作的承诺。这是根本性的。”然而,这一承诺显然在7月中旬发生了动摇,当时佩洛西与100多名同事一起投票削减美国对这个犹太国家的援助。
对以色列的无条件支持曾像参议员翻领上的国旗胸针一样在国会中普遍存在,这在很大程度上归功于美国以色列公共事务委员会(AIPAC)的跨党派努力。如今,在以色列对加沙发动血腥战争之后,在常规选举中启动,然后宣布 2023, 以色列在全球和国内几乎已沦为贱民状态。在民主党内部,“对比比·内塔尼亚胡所作所为的谴责几乎是普遍的”;加利福尼亚州州长加文·纽森9月在接受 PBS 新闻采访时,谈到了以色列在加沙、黎巴嫩和约旦河西岸的行动。此外,他说,这些党派对于接受来自 的资金有着相当压倒性的反对意见?
拥有无可匹敌的政治权力和影响力的时代已经结束。拒绝该组织可能是该组织激发的最高程度的跨党派行为。在密歇根州的美国参议院竞选中,据报道,共和党候选人迈克·罗杰斯 (Mike Rogers) 的盟友要求 不要代表他投放广告。在夏季的民主党初选中, 及其附属团体投入了近 3000万美元 用于广告,以帮助众议员海莉·史蒂文斯 (Haley Stevens) 竞选密歇根州的参议院提名。在那场竞选中,她的对手阿卜杜勒·埃尔-赛义德 (Abdul El-Sayed) 博士吹嘘道:“ 称我是这场竞选中最危险的单一候选人。”当然,埃尔-赛义德博士获胜了。
尽管世界看待 唯一客户的方式发生了深刻转变,且该组织在美国政治中的边缘化程度日益增加,但该组织不仅没有承认这一变化,而且其运作方式就好像以色列依然像 1991 年那样受欢迎——当时这个犹太国家在美国人中的好感度接近 80%。根据 2026 年 NBC 新闻的一项民意调查,现在只有 32% 的美国选民对以色列持积极看法;在民主党人中,这一数字下降到仅 13%。
更重要的是,以色列甚至失去了许多美国犹太人的支持。根据 2025 年《华盛顿邮报》的一项民意调查,61% 的美国犹太人表示他们认为以色列在加沙犯有战争罪,约 40% 的人认为以色列犯下了种族灭绝罪。另一项最近的调查发现,在 35 岁以下的美国犹太人中,近一半认为巴以冲突应通过建立一个单一的双民族国家来解决,自从巴勒斯坦裔美国学者爱德华·赛义德 (Edward Said) 在 1999 年倡导这一观点以来,该想法一直被认为是边缘化的。
对以色列的支持现在成了民主党政治人物脖子上的磨盘,也是那些试图在锡安主义与自由主义之间寻求平衡的美国犹太人内心深处冲突的根源。许多继续通过支持以色列来定义自身身份的犹太人,如今很可能正在计算养老院和退休社区的费用。年轻的犹太人,就像几乎所有宗教和种族的美国年轻人一样,越来越多地对这个犹太国家表达负面看法。
面临的问题不仅仅是它能否找到一种方法来适应这个新的政治世界,而更根本的问题是,它是否能察觉到这些新环境所要求的变化。
美国以色列公共事务委员会(AIPAC)由 L.L. Kenen 创立,他曾是以色列外交部的游说者,许多人称他为 Si。该组织成立于 1953 年以色列军队在名为 Qibya 的村庄屠杀 69 名巴勒斯坦人的事件之后。Kenen 向朋友和同事建议,他们不一定非要叫作“美国犹太复国主义公共事务委员会”,而应在情况需要时随时为以色列辩护。当时,美国国务院一直试图向以色列施压,要求其对在独立战争之前及期间被驱逐的大约 750,000 名巴勒斯坦人采取更宽容的态度。他还要求我们称之为 Akaba,即“大灾难”——但这在一定程度上受到了 AIPAC 前身所助长之政治反对势力的阻碍。
在早年,AIPAC 的目标是促进以色列的利益。当时的以色列被视为一个年轻且顽强的“大卫”,被一群敌对阿拉伯国家的“歌利亚”所包围。其传递的信息简单明了且具有跨党派色彩:作为中东地区的一个民主国家,以色列在道义上理应获得美国慷慨的财政、军事和外交支持。
对于美国而言,这种支持有望带来战略红利:在地区层面,美国将获得一个可靠的盟友;在国内政治层面,以色列在选民中极受欢迎,且基本不受宗教信仰的影响。到 1963, 年,时任强大的参议院外交关系委员会主席 J. William Fulbright 参议员称 AIPAC 为“美国政治中最强大且最高效的外交政策游说团体”。
20 世纪 80 年代初,AIPAC 的执行主任 Thomas Dine(曾任 Ted Kennedy 的助手)致力于将该游说组织扩展为一项覆盖全美的运作,规模可与美国全国步枪协会(NRA)或美国退休人员协会(AARP)相媲美。其全国会员由富有的资助者以及日益通过支持以色列来定义其宗教和政治身份的美国犹太人组成。这两个群体都可以被依赖,通过打电话、写信,并在必要时威胁参议员和众议员。
凭借极富人群与极忠诚人群的结合,Dine 将 AIPAC 的年度预算从约 $1.700 万 增加到 1500万美元。到本世纪末,该预算达到 5000万美元,并设有 9 个区域办事处和 10 个卫星办公室。与此同时,美国在以色列军事援助上的公共支出大约翻了一番。
AIPAC 还开始争取候选人和国会工作人员,并为每位人员提供立法措辞和谈话要点。它资助奢侈的考察旅行,并频繁与记者和编辑会面,试图塑造触达公众的关于以色列和中东的叙事。拉比们则被提供现成的亲以色列讲道词。
尽管如此,在很多年里,AIPAC 并不公开支持特定的候选人,也不直接向他们发放资金。相反,它仅仅确保其认可的(无论来自哪个党派)某些候选人资金充足,而那些不被认可的人则不然。
AIPAC 的角色在 1993 年开始发生转变,当时 Dine 辞职,取而代之的是一套更为保守的董事会成员和高管团队。当前总理 Yitzhak Rabin 在 90 年代初尝试与巴勒斯坦人达成和平协议时,AIPAC 仅勉强支持这一事业。虽然其领导层没有公开破坏和平进程,但他们确实独立游说通过一些使谈判复杂化的立法,例如一项要求克林顿政府将美国大使馆从特拉维夫迁至耶路撒冷的法案。
在1995年拉宾被刺杀以及随后的和平进程崩溃之后,美国以色列公共事务委员会(AIPAC)恢复了其向右翼稳步倾斜的趋势。该游说团体还开始接纳极右翼基督教锡安主义者的支持。在2021年的一次公开采访中,前以色列驻美国大使、总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡的亲密盟友罗恩·德默(Ron Dermer)表示,“以色列在美国支持的支柱是福音派基督徒”,而非美国犹太人,他称后者在以色列的批评者中占据了“不成比例”的份额。AIPAC也随之采取了同样的做法。
该组织目前面临的具体挑战可以追溯到内塔尼亚胡先生在2015年3月受时任共和党众议院议长约翰·博纳(John Boehner)邀请在国会发表讲话的决定。对于一个外国盟友来说,内塔尼亚胡先生采取了极不寻常的举动,他成为了其政党试图削弱巴拉克·奥巴马总统(一名民主党人,且恰好受到大多数美国犹太人支持的领导人)的一名重要候选人。在演说中,内塔尼亚胡先生谴责了奥巴马政府在伊朗核裁军方面的外交努力,而后者更广为人知的名称是伊朗政府,且其关联机构花费了近 $30 million发起了一场旨在阻止该协议通过的失败活动。
在过去十年中,美国以色列公共事务委员会(AIPAC)在手段和目标上与共和党的认同感日益增强,这一点变得愈发明显。在 2020, 初,该组织制作了一则Facebook广告,指责“民主党内的激进分子”将他们的“反犹太主义和反以色列政策强加给美国人民”。
AIPAC的年度会议曾是所有总统候选人的必经之地,但在 2019 参议员伊丽莎白·沃伦(Elizabeth Warren)和卡玛拉·哈里斯(Kamala Harris),以及前众议员贝托·奥罗克(Beto O'Rourke)等人均拒绝出席,这一决定在仅仅四年前是难以想象的。
在 2021, 12月,AIPAC创建了一个同样向右转的超级政治行动委员会(super PAC)。该团体迅速积累了巨额资金,并宣布支持 100 多名共和党人,其中许多人在 2020 总统大选结果认证投票中投了反对票。到 2022, 其高知名度的捐赠者包括保守派共和党亿万富翁,如家得宝(Home Depot)创始人伯尼·马库斯(Bernie Marcus)和对冲基金经理保罗·辛格(Paul Singer)。
利用右翼共和党的资金在民主党初选中击败自由派候选人的做法,使AIPAC招致了进步派的极大愤怒,并使其进一步与美国犹太人的主流观点疏远。对于年轻的美国犹太人来说尤其如此,早在 Oct. 7, 以及随之而来的巴勒斯坦人大规模被杀事件之前,他们对以色列的看法就已被西岸和加沙日益严酷的占领所塑造。
结果,该团体的选举策略开始产生反作用。今年2月,AIPAC的超级政治行动委员会在纽泽西州的一场特别初选中投入了 $2.300 万,试图击败前众议员汤姆·马利诺夫斯基(Tom Malinowski),因为该组织认为他对以色列的支持不够坚定。马利诺夫斯基先生败选了——但并非败给了更亲以色列的候选人。他被一名立场更偏左的候选人击败:阿纳莉莉亚·梅希亚(Analilia Mejia),她是伯尼·桑德斯的前助手,她曾表示认为以色列在加沙的行为等同于种族灭绝。
在伊利诺伊州,与AIPAC结盟的超级政治行动委员会投入了超过 500万美元,试图阻挠丹尼尔·比斯(Daniel Biss)在伊利诺伊州国会民主党初选中的竞选。比斯先生是犹太人大屠杀幸存者的孙子,他的母亲是以色列人——但他支持限制向以色列出售武器并承认巴勒斯坦国。当比斯先生赢得选举后,他夸耀自己愿意“清晰且反复地揭露AIPAC”。
甚至像科里·布克(Cory Booker)和鲁本·加列戈(Ruben Gallego)这样的建制派民主党人都发誓不再接受AIPAC的资金,毫无疑问,他们意识到如今在公众面前与该游说团体产生关联

PHOTO ILLUSTRATION BY ANTHONY GERACE, SOURCE PHOTOGRAPH BY ARMAN ZHENKEYEN / GETTY IMAGES
可能会让竞选活动变得像放射性物质一样危险。许多支持以色列的民主党人感到必须抵制内塔尼亚胡先生,并公开批评其政府的行为——而且大声且毫不含糊地拒绝该游说团体的支持。AIPAC在未来民主党政治中的影响力,可能会被局限在扮演“洪水猛兽”或“秘密破坏者”的角色。
由于坚持长期以来僵化且“无论以色列对错都支持”的路线,并与一个在种族、移民、经济——以及如今在民主问题上——的观点令大多数美国犹太人深恶痛绝的政党结盟,美国以色列公共事务委员会(AIPAC)实际上已经丧失了在以色列曾是真正跨党派事业时所享有的地位。随着美国进入中期选举,很明显该游说团体几乎已经失去了民主党的支持,而且在共和党中的处境可能也正变得日益危险。
然而,AIPAC 仍然有机会在美国政治中扮演一个积极且同样重要的、诚实的角色。
虽然左翼的亲巴勒斯坦论调中无疑偶尔带有传统形式的反犹主义,但近期,右翼那些最具影响力的人物——从塔克·卡尔森到坎迪斯·欧文斯和尼克·富恩特斯——对广泛存在的反犹主义表现出日益增加的宽容,这已演变成一种尤为狂热的反犹太复国主义。MAGA 阵营对伊朗(以及以色列在战争中的角色)的愤怒使这一空间进一步僵化。
如果 AIPAC 致力于打击这种将旧式右翼反犹主义与新型、剧烈的反犹太复国主义相结合的趋势,它将能同时服务于以色列、美国犹太人和美国的利益。在此过程中,它或许还能挽回自己的名誉。
读者来信
致编辑:
关于“五角大楼称:胡德堡枪击手的处决将公开并进行直播”(新闻报道,nytimes.com,10月8日):
在特朗普政府制造的所有背信弃义、所有贪腐、所有谎言以及所有恐惧之中,这条标题让我感到恶心。当我试图理清思绪,将我所感受到的那种恐怖转化为文字时,我发现我失败了。
仅仅是现代美国政府在考虑这种行为,这件事本身就已突破底线。随后我意识到,我所感受到的是深刻的道德创伤。
我们将如何从中恢复?或者,我们还能恢复吗? 苏珊娜·斯迈思 (SUZANNE SMYTHE) 康涅狄格州埃塞克斯
致编辑:
在本届政府领导下,对基本体面的恐怖贬低已在决定直播胡德堡枪击手处决时达到了最低点。无论一个人如何看待处决的效力或道德基础,直播一个人的死亡——尤其是通过行刑队——是不可言喻的令人厌恶。
美国,一座“山上的闪亮之城”?是的,美国确实是卓越的,但并非以任何一个体面、正直的人想要庆祝的方式。 皮埃尔·霍姆-道格拉斯 (PIERRE HOME-DOUGLAS) 魁北克多瓦尔
国会两院以及政府中少数未被特朗普总统掌控的成员,应当在向世界证明体面在美国已经消亡之前,大声地发声并采取行动。
美国的敌人将永远感激国防部长皮特·赫格塞斯。他将为他们提供一个比他们自己能制造的任何工具都有效的招募工具。 弗雷德·卡梅尼 (FRED KAMENY) 奥地利格拉茨
关于“朝鲜的新影响力是以人力成本为代价的”(头版,9月20日):
遭受平壤政府虐待的不仅仅是海外劳工。
直播处决让公众观看? 蒂姆·肯特 (TIM KENT) 纽约州牡蛎湾
一个联合国调查委员会在十多年前得出结论,朝鲜政府对其人民犯有危害人类罪,包括“灭绝、谋杀、奴役、酷刑、监禁、强奸、强制堕胎和其他性暴力”。国际特赦组织指出,处决的威胁一直存在,甚至包括观看韩国电视这种“罪行”。
朝鲜政府没有提供《世界人权宣言》所承诺的任何自由。这个国家是由警察局、拘留设施、监狱和劳改营组成的庞大星座,无数人在此失踪,遭受殴打、酷刑、饥饿和杀害。在进一步剥夺的威胁下,邻居被要求监视并举报邻居。
长期的粮食不安全以及医院用品、药品和取暖燃料的短缺,严重影响了最脆弱的群体:儿童、老人和残疾人。与此同时,当局投入了巨大资源来维持一支130 万人的常备军(全球第四大),并开发核武器和弹道导弹系统。
如果当局牺牲人民的权利、福祉和生命,朝鲜就无法繁荣。那里的当局必须意识到,逍遥法外不会永远持续下去。 杰克·伦德勒 (JACK RENDLER) 加利福尼亚州卡利斯托加
作者是国际特赦组织美国分部的朝鲜问题专家。
致编辑:
关于利亚·林德茨(Lia Leendertz)撰写的《也许英国人应该让鸟类安静》(9月30日评论客座文章):
作为一名鸟类学家,我经常被问到:“给鸟喂食可以吗?”我的回答是可以,只要你负责任地这样做。喂鸟器不仅仅是我们花园里的装饰品,它更是向我们的羽毛朋友发出的邀请:来这里吃东西吧。
就像我们绝不会用脏盘子给朋友提供晚餐一样,我们也不应该在脏的喂鸟器里给鸟提供种子。定期清洁喂鸟器至关重要。此外,提供一个安全的用餐空间也同样重要。请将你的猫留在室内,并采取措施提高玻璃窗对鸟类的可见度。
当然,喂鸟器并不是吸引鸟类来到花园的唯一方式,也不是最好的方式。为了支持当地鸟类,你能做的最好的事情就是重建鸟类已经失去的栖息地。
种植本土植物。如果可以,保留落叶。搭建一个灌木堆。缩小草坪面积。停止使用杀虫剂。让环境乱一点,让它野一点。
只要你建设栖息地,我保证鸟类依然会到来。
奥利维亚·V·桑德福特(OLIVIA V. SANDERFOOT) 纽约州伊萨卡
作者领导康奈尔鸟类学实验室的“喂鸟观察项目”(Project Feeder-Watch)。
致编辑:
《特朗普追逐的委内瑞拉黄金仍未被触及》(9月29日头版)详细报道了美国对委内瑞拉黄金储备日益增长的兴趣。然而,在讨论中很大程度上被忽视的是原住民,他们的领土正日益受到采矿的威胁,并且可能会在新的淘金热中承担最大的代价。
对于委内瑞拉南部的社区来说,金矿开采不仅仅是一个经济或地缘政治问题。非法采矿已经导致了森林砍伐、汞污染、暴力、疾病以及对原住民领土的侵入。
对于未接触原住民来说,风险尤为严重,因为采矿活动的增加以及随之而来的道路和基础设施可能会带来毁灭性的后果。
扩大或正规化委内瑞拉的黄金产业并不会自动消除这些威胁。任何新的投资必须包括对原住民领土的实质性保护,并尊重原住民决定其土地上发生之事的权利。
在美国和投资者追求委内瑞拉黄金之际,原住民社区不应被强迫承担代价。
基思·斯拉克(KEITH SLACK),华盛顿 作者是生存国际美国分会(Survival International USA)的主任。
关于玛格丽特·麦克米伦(Margaret MacMillan)撰写的《全球秩序正在改变,我们不能再忽视警告信号》(9月27日评论客座文章):
我是一名温和的加拿大保守主义者。我同意特朗普总统的许多担忧,包括非法移民造成的伤害、政府浪费以及受教育精英的自私。我对总统最大的担忧是他长期的失败和破产历史。
麦克米伦教授关于国际秩序变化的看法是正确的。我认为美国必须在其中发挥强有力的作用,但为此,美国必须找到一位有能力、无私的领导人,能够让美国在这个不断变化的未来中承担建设性的角色。
作为美国的长期朋友和仰慕者,我希望我能想到这样一个人。遗憾的是,我想不出任何人。
斯蒂芬·吉尔(STEPHEN GILL) 安大略省伯灵顿
关于《电动自行车和滑板车充斥纽约街道,致命事故激增》(10月1日新闻报道):一个简单的改变将使电动自行车对骑行者,以及可能对行人来说更安全。其中一个问题是可见度不足。一个解决方案是要求电动自行车在后方安装一根带有闪烁灯的立杆。
肖恩·布赖德巴特(SHAUN BREIDBART) 纽约州佩利汉
ing,“她的家族掌控着一个媒体帝国,在我们看来,那是美国政府的宣传机构。”
对于滔滔不绝且固执己见的哈里斯先生来说,这也是一场占据头条的犯罪与惩罚奥德赛的开始。这场历经数十年的风波涉及联邦调查局(F.B.I.)历史上规模最大的搜捕行动之一,两次监禁,以及足以让毛泽东都感到眩晕的革命口号。
在那个二月的夜晚,经过短暂而激烈的搏斗,哈里斯先生将她——当时她正扭动着身体尖叫,穿着一件浴袍和蓝色绒毛拖鞋——塞进了雪佛兰 Impala 车的后备箱。这成为了那个时代最具定义性的新闻史诗之一,因为赫斯特女士从 Patty 变成了 Tania——一名持枪的城市游击队员和银行抢劫犯——然后又变回了 Patty。
共生解放军(S.L.A.)代表了一种浓缩——或者,或许是一种哈哈镜式的扭曲——自 20 世纪 60 年代以来一直在积聚的愤怒浪潮,尤其是在年轻人之中,针对越南战争、民权运动和女权斗争进展缓慢等问题,而背景则是猖獗的药物滥用和日益增长的极端主义。
该组织成立于 1973 年,由一名化名为“辛克元帅”(General Field Marshal Cinque)的逃犯唐纳德·德弗里斯(Donald DeFreeze)担任名义上的领导人。根据一份缓刑报告,德弗里斯先生具有“具有强烈精神分裂潜能的分裂人格”。
被人们称为辛克的他,以及他那群激进的中产阶级青年,在一条煽动性的口号下集结在一起:“死于捕食人民生命的法西斯昆虫。”
美联社(ASSOCIATED PRESS)
多年来,美国左翼历史学家对共生解放军(S.L.A.)的评价并不宽容。

1975 年在洛杉矶县监狱的威廉·哈里斯,在针对他及共生解放军其他成员的大规模搜捕后等待提审。
国家枪械法;关键证人
编号 106-009-53 数据照片分盒拍摄 化名:Michael Peunt Deales, William Kudha, Jardillier, Shita, Jardillier Shita 收件箱 bis:28 June January 12, 1943. Pub 101, Oklahoma 受法律支持
Ener, Hau Complation: Mollion Race: 950 Nationality: 美国
年龄:28, New January 12, 1943. Feb 101, Oklahoma 转换为出生日期
A. Annethally 曾是 Marche 行程变动,甚至未关闭,夜晚对比餐食被削减,大约 100 p.m.,白黑练习用于锻炼,丢失并涉水自行旅行并占据一个位置。
社会安全号码基础:315-962147; 316-27-4880; 320-69-5407 指纹分类:28 G 1-31-32


“马克思写道,‘历史总是重复两次,第一次是悲剧,第二次是闹剧’,”作者、前学生民主协会主席托德·吉特林在 2002 年告诉哥伦比亚广播公司(CBS News)。
FRI 编号 325,000 1,2 照片数据名称:###
Emily Montagnis-Debavets 年龄:21, 1947年2月11日出生。Nazklaus。Baojital 且由 term 支持
高度:3" x" 高度:6.5" 像素 角度:(°) 病房:(°) 呼吸:(°)
Ranana:如何确保这些包裹是最好的,他们必须能够联系德国、瑞士,但部分速度播放,没有汽车。在天然原野道砟中,每个人都在跳跃,开花成骑自行车,通常是雪块或雪长(thems),任何热量,雪正立且雪长其他 handels。
总安全号码 除外 107 42,000, 107 42,000
帕特里夏·坎贝尔·赫斯特 FBJ 编号 125, 1951;拍摄 1000 张照片,来源未知。 Alan:Turia 年龄:28, 1914年2月26日出生于加利福尼亚州旧金山。 八月:37° 满意度:100 gm 重量:110 磅 时长:良好 余额:300 gm 余额:3,541 磅 安全:美国。 分数与指标:位于右上视角的下方规则,约两英尺高的斑点。 余额:目前两侧紧绷,且略多于有时在上方之下的长度、数量,以任何方式,包括 20% 白色、深褐色或黄色,长白色,但不符合黑色日冕,浅橙色,褐色致盲床和照明设备。

上述个人自称是共生解放军(S.L.A.)的成员,且据报道持有包括自动武器在内的多种武器。比尔·哈里斯(William Harris)和帕特里夏·赫斯特(Patricia Hearst)近期据称持有枪支以逃避逮捕。上述三人均应被视为危险且极具攻击性。在2018, 1974年于加利福尼亚州洛杉矶,违反了《美国诊断法案》(United Diagnostics Act)。在联邦起诉书中,15, 1974年于加利福尼亚州旧金山,是一名关键证人。
如果您有关于这些人的任何信息,请通知我或联系您当地的联邦调查局(FBI)办公室。所有FBI办公室的电话号码和地址均列在背面。
吉特林先生补充道,共生解放军(S.L.A.)的“悲剧”在于“新左派”演变成了毫无意义的政治宗派集合。“而讽刺之处在于,这个小规模的邪教在口头上重复着革命辞令,就像在对口型一样。”
Contelli,
FILL, VIA TONY RODRIN / STIGNA — GETTY IMAGES

F.R.L. VIA BIG COLLECTION / ALAMY
“现实并不总是在表面,”他说,“有时,你必须看得更深才能看到真相。”
在2018年接受CNN采访时,在共生解放军(S.L.A.)中被称为“特科将军”(General Teko)的哈里斯先生提供了不同的视角。
威廉·泰勒·哈里斯(William Taylor Harris)于22, 1945, 出生在俄克拉荷马州福特西尔(Fort Sill),父母是贝蒂和弗雷德·哈里斯。他的父亲在第二次世界大战期间是陆军航空队的中尉,驻扎在该陆军基地。长辈哈里斯先生后来在印第安纳波利斯郊区的卡梅尔(Carmel, Ind.)担任销售员,比尔在那里长大。
在高中时期,比尔获得过当地的新闻奖,并参加学校的高尔夫球队;他还是圣克里斯托弗圣公会教堂(St. Christopher's Episcopal Church)的侍童。他的母亲后来告诉《时代》杂志,他成长过程中非常尊重权威,“绝不会想到要和父亲争论”。
他告诉CNN,当他在1963, 高中毕业时,“民权运动正在升级,但我没有任何形式的政治意识”。
在印第安纳大学就读期间,他加入了一个兄弟会。根据文·麦克莱兰(Vin McLellan)和保罗·艾弗里(Paul Avery)撰写的共生解放军(S.L.A.)历史记录《枪之声》(The Voices of Guns, 1977),他当时对体育和啤酒的兴趣远高于学业。他渐渐远离学校,于1965年加入海军陆战队以“寻找自我”;入伍时,他是一名注册共和党人。
次年他的父亲死于心脏病发作,“他深受打击,”一位朋友后来回忆道,并指出这次死亡“夺走了他唯一想要证明自己的人”。
他被派往越南,驻扎在岘港。“在越南的第一天,”哈里斯先生告诉CNN,“我就目睹了一名越南战俘被折磨。当你陷入那种程度的冲突时,回到家后很难适应。”
退伍后,他回到了印第安纳大学,在那里加入了“越南退伍军人反战组织”,他的政治倾向开始向左转。1968, 他遇到了艾米莉·施瓦茨(Emily Schwartz),一名来自芝加哥富裕郊区的学生,她同样产生了极左倾向。两人于1971年结婚。
根据一篇1975年《纽约时报》文章,哈里斯先生学习戏剧并获得了城市教育硕士学位。不久之后,哈里斯夫妇跟随大学圈子的另一对夫妇——未来的共生解放军(S.L.A.)成员安吉拉·阿特伍德(Angela Atwood)和加里·阿特伍德(Gary Atwood)前往加利福尼亚州。哈里斯先生在奥克兰的一家邮局找到了工作,随后哈里斯夫妇逐渐向激进边缘靠拢。
1973, 11月,初创的共生解放军(S.L.A.)通过使用含有氰化物的子弹杀害奥克兰学校教育局局长马库斯·福斯特(Marcus Foster),从而首次登上头条。福斯特先生是一名受人尊敬的进步派黑人,他当时正在考虑采取包括发放学生身份证在内的安全措施,而该组织认为这些措施是“法西斯”的。
许多左翼人士对这次枪击事件感到震惊。而哈里斯夫妇则产生了好奇。
不久之后,哈里斯先生在CNN上回忆道:“有人接触我们,询问我们是否想见见那些执行福斯特暗杀行动的人。艾米莉和我
以及安吉拉被带到了一个地方,我们的头上被套上了兜帽,然后被领进一辆面包车,被运送到一个我们不认识的地方。”
不久之后,哈里斯夫妇成为了共生解放军(S.L.A.)的士兵,并参与策划了赫斯特绑架案。
该组织最初声称对绑架负责的公报将赫斯特女士描述为一名被“逮捕”的“战俘”,且未提出赎金要求。随后,S.L.A.坚持要求向穷人提供食品捐赠,金额可能高达约 4亿美元(相当于今天的近 30 亿美元 billion);赫斯特家族承诺捐赠 200万美元,但绑架者认为这不足以满足要求。
在被绑架后的几周里,赫斯特女士大部分时间被禁闭在旧金山南部的戴利城的一处 S.L.A.安全屋的壁橱里。她后来表示自己遭到了另外两名成员的性侵,但哈里斯先生对此予以激烈否认。
1974年4月3日,S.L.A.发布了一张她的宝丽来照片,照片中她拿着一支截短的 M1 卡宾枪,站在印有 S.L.A.七头眼镜蛇标志的横幅前。
随照片一起发布的是一段录音声明,她在其中自称为“塔尼娅”——这个名字灵感来自古巴革命者切·格瓦拉的一位昔日战友——并抨击建制派。“我已经了解到‘猪’实际上有多邪恶,”她说,“我们的同志正在教我用更剧烈的凶猛程度发起攻击。”
大约两周后,她戴着格瓦拉风格的贝雷帽,携带一支半自动卡宾枪,在 S.L.A.抢劫旧金山希伯尼亚银行(Hibernia Bank)分行的行动中扮演了关键角色,抢获了约 $11,000。由于担心被捕,该组织逃往洛杉矶。正如杰弗里·图宾在其 2016 年的书籍《美国继承人:帕蒂·赫斯特绑架、犯罪与审判的狂野传奇》中所述,5月16日,哈里斯夫妇和赫斯特女士乘坐一辆红白相间的大众面包车出发去采购物资。
他们的最后一站是英格尔伍德的梅尔体育用品店(Mel's Sporting Goods)。在店里购买耐用服装时,哈里斯先生将一条准备用于革命的散弹枪壳弹药带偷偷揣进兜里。当他被一名店员质问时——他在后来的一份 S.L.A.公报中将该店员描述为试图“向其反动白人老板表达忠诚”的“猪特工店员”——哈里斯先生与该店员在人行道上发生了扭打。
在街对面面包车中等待的赫斯特女士用自动武器向店内猛烈开火,帮助哈里斯先生逃脱。子弹击碎了平板玻璃窗,但不知为何没有伤到任何人。“她救了我的命,”他后来说道。
RETTMANN ARCHIVE / GETTY IMAGES

三人逃脱,期间偷了多辆汽车。在混乱中,他们留下了那辆大众面包车,车内的一张停车罚单间接引导当局找到了位于洛杉矶中南区的一处 S.L.A.藏身处。

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那时,哈里斯夫妇和赫斯特女士已经向南逃往安纳海姆的一间能看到迪士尼乐园的汽车旅馆房间。他们通过电视直播目睹了警察和联邦调查局(F.B.I.)小队包围了他们同志藏身的那栋简陋的黄色房子。
图宾写道,房子外的一名警官听到德弗里斯先生恳请他的五名追随者选择死亡而非投降。最终,他们选择了死亡。
该组织无视了多次投降呼吁,以枪击回应催泪弹。随后爆发了激烈的战斗,房子起火,屋顶和墙壁坍塌。所有六名 S.L.A.成员全部死亡。
1975年4月21日,重组后的共生解放军(S.L.A.)在萨克拉门托郊区的一家克罗克国家银行(Crocker National Bank)分行组织了一场武装抢劫。当该组织成员向屋内的人大声下令让他们趴在地上时,哈里斯女士意外地开了一枪,杀死了迈娜·奥普索尔(Myrna Opsahl)。奥普索尔是一位四个孩子的母亲,当时正准备去银行存放教会的捐款。
该组织的残余成员回到了湾区,并开始招募新成员。
哈里斯夫妇和赫斯特女士于那年9月在旧金山被捕。哈里斯夫妇在1976年8月因涉及他们在洛杉矶的一系列犯罪活动(包括武装抢劫和盗窃汽车)而被定罪,面临可能的终身监禁。在等待审判期间,他们被指控参与了赫斯特绑架案,最终达成了一项认罪协议。他们在狱中分别服刑约八年,于1983年获假释释放。
哈里斯夫妇在假释后离婚;哈里斯女士在狱中公开了自己的女同性恋身份。哈里斯先生随后成为一名私家侦探。他于1988年与湾区辩护律师杨女士结婚。他们育有两个儿子,曾住在奥克兰,最终搬到了旧金山。
(图片说明)左侧附近为被共生解放军绑架的帕特里夏·赫斯特,她于1974年4月与唐纳德·德弗里斯(Donald DeFreeze)一起抢劫了旧金山的一家希伯尼亚银行(Hibernia Bank)分行。5月,警方在洛杉矶的一栋房子里发现了六名共生解放军成员。房子起火后,包括该组织领导人德弗里斯先生在内的六人全部死亡。左下方为赫斯特女士站在印有该组织标志的横幅前。
2002年,他、艾米莉·哈里斯以及另外三名共生解放军成员因涉及克罗克银行致命抢劫案而被捕。五人全部承认二级谋杀罪。哈里斯先生服刑四年。
除了他的妻子以及儿子科迪(Cody)和谢恩(Shane),他留下了两个姐妹,乔安娜·约翰逊(Joanne Johnson)和艾米·杜克(Amy Duke)。
赫斯特女士也经历了自身的法律危机。1976年,她因在希伯尼亚银行抢劫案中的角色被判处七年监禁;在1979年总统吉米·卡特减刑之前,她服刑约22个月。
就像几年前曼森家族(Manson Family)在法庭上引发的闹剧一样,她的审判也经常被描述为“世纪审判”。而且,正如曼森案涉及年轻的嬉皮士邪教成员为了实现查尔斯·曼森关于末世革命的愿景而实施残忍谋杀一样,赫斯特事件也引发了关于“洗脑”的讨论——而“塔尼娅”(Tania)在共生解放军的公报中曾激烈否认这一概念。
赫斯特女士是否如她的表演型律师F·李·贝利(F. Lee Bailey)所主张的那样,是因为担心如果不加入该组织就会面临死亡而被迫加入?
或者,像那个时代的许多大学生一样,她是一个在舒适环境中长大、经历了政治觉醒,并得出结论认为美国是一个无法挽救的种族主义、性别歧视寡头政体的孩子?她是否彻头彻尾就是塔尼娅?
出狱后,赫斯特女士最终写了一本回忆录《每一个秘密》(Every Secret Thing),于1982年出版。(她还饲养过在威斯敏斯特犬展上获得最高奖项的法国斗牛犬,并在坎普风格大师约翰·沃特斯(John Waters)的多部电影中出演过。)在书中,她回忆起被囚禁期间共生解放军向她提供的选择:“我知道真正的选择要么是加入他们,要么是被处决。”
哈里斯先生在2024年接受记者兼共生解放军记录者罗杰·拉波波特(Roger Rapoport)采访时对这一说法提出了质疑。
“有许多因素影响了帕蒂决定留下并战斗,”他说,“我们在绑架她时不知道的是,她已经否定了她的母亲——一个拜金主义者和右翼意识形态分子。”
在2002年接受《洛杉矶时报》采访时,他反思了自己的遗产。
“如果你做了一件事并且成功了,那么你就是一个高质量的革命者,你会成为像乔治·华盛顿那样开国之父的人物,”他说,“但如果你挑战权力却被抹杀了,你就会被扔进历史的垃圾堆。”

2002年的哈里斯先生与艾米莉·哈里斯。他们以及另外三名共生解放军(S.L.A.)成员承认犯有二级谋杀罪。 RICH FEDRONCELL / 美联社
3 政策
特朗普总统已开始向美国人发送“退款”支票,以及一封抨击《平价医疗法案》的信函。

7 公司
达美航空在升级飞机 Wi-Fi 时选择不采用星链(Starlink),这令 SpaceX 的首席执行官感到不快。

11 体育
拉斯维加斯王牌队的阿贾·威尔逊凭借她的第五座 W.N.B.A. 最有价值球员奖,加入了顶尖行列。
科技 / 经济 / 媒体 / 金融
纽约时报
2026年10月10日,星期六
1 LENT / 美联社
在六年内经历了两次破产的伯格多夫古德曼(Bergdorf Goodman)正回归其“白手套”式的服务初衷。
伯格多夫古德曼经营高端时尚单品,例如 1,500 美元的圣罗兰(Saint Laurent)靴子和 2,600 美元的波特加·威尼塔(Bottega Veneta)单肩包。在最奢华的品类中,它销售如 24,000 美元的普拉达(Prada)染色羔羊皮夹克等奢侈商品。
面对这样的价格,购物者要求一种在近年来已经萎缩的服务标准,即便是在奢侈品牌中也是如此,因为零售商为了降低成本采取了捷径,同时消费习惯发生了变化,到店人数有所下降。
现在,这家美国最迷人的百货公司希望回归其黄金时代。那时,在第五大道的这座大厦中购物将娱乐与商业相结合,并提供高度个性化的待遇,吸引了好莱坞明星、社交名媛和皇室成员。这座地标性建筑距离广场酒店(Plaza Hotel)和中央公园仅几步之遥,其内部和外部一直是电影和电视节目的背景。
但如今已有 125 年历史的伯格多夫古德曼正处于一个关键时刻。在过去的六年里,这家店经历了两次破产和几任不同的所有者,关于该业务部门是否会被出售的问题一直存在。今年 6 月,它与萨克斯第五大道(Saks Fifth Avenue)和尼曼马库斯(Neiman Marcus)一起作为 Exemplar Luxury Group 的一部分脱离了破产状态。
这家零售商未来的基石是其顶尖的销售代表——这些员工在私人购物套房和展厅的玻璃柜台后服务客户。
“有一种观念认为我们是守护者
1949 年,人们在曼哈顿第五大道的伯格多夫古德曼注视着橱窗展示。这家拥有 125 年历史的商店拥有深厚的奢华根基,而现在正处于一个关键时刻。
作者:ESHE NELSON
伦敦 —— 法国已被动荡所吞没,学生们走上街头抗议学校的削减开支。投资者也在反抗政府,质疑该国管理巨额债务堆积的能力。
法国已成为全球债券市场动荡的欧洲中心,并为世界各地应对更高借贷成本的政治家们敲响了警钟。这是抗议活动背后一个危险的财务背景。周四,一周以来第二次,高中生及其支持者在法国各地走上街头,要求增加教师人数并翻修破旧的学校建筑。
利率上升暴露了高债务负担和顽固赤字国家的脆弱性。当政府必须在债务偿还上花费更多资金时,用于改善学校、建设更多住房或减税等其他优先事项的资金就会减少 —— 这可能会将沮丧的选民推向街头,或推向民粹主义政党。
“这些债券收益率的上升具有非常现实的影响,”布鲁格尔(Bruegel)智库的一位非驻所研究员马哈茂德·普拉丹(Mahmood Pradhan)表示
法国的财政动荡为全国范围内反对公共削减开支的抗议活动提供了危险的财务背景。 TOM NICHOLSON / 路透社
作者:亚伦·克罗利克 (AARON KROLIK)
那个尾号为 0252 的美国银行账户并非你所想象的那样。
它不属于任何个人或企业。事实上,这笔资金不属于任何单一实体。
该账户汇集了来自浙江稠州商业银行无数客户的资金,稠州商业银行是中国东部城市义乌的一家区域性贷款机构。
《纽约时报》对数千份财务文件和银行交易的分析发现,在稠州银行的客户中,包括一些俄罗斯 fronts 公司(前台公司),这些公司作为一项大规模规避西方制裁计划的一部分,已潜入全球金融体系。
稠州银行提供所谓的代理行服务,这是一种常见的银行惯例,允许当地银行在无需在海外开设分行的情况下,向客户提供涵盖多种货币的国际服务。
稠州银行是众多发现这一利润丰厚业务的机构之一,详情见 B4 页
旧金山 —— Meta 首席执行官马克·扎克伯格在 8 月召集了两名高级副手 —— 首席人工智能官亚历山大·王 (Alexandr Wang) 和 AI 产品负责人纳特·弗里德曼 (Nat Friedman),以讨论一个迫在眉睫的威胁。
一家名为 Instinct 的 14 人初创公司开发了一款 AI 智能体(即能够代表用户操作应用程序和软件的机器人),且该产品正迅速走红。Meta 也在开发一款名为 Muse 的类似产品,但出于安全考虑推迟了发布。
三名知情人士透露,由于担心失去竞争优势,扎克伯格表示尽管存在风险,Muse 仍已准备好发布。这些人士未获授权公开讨论机密事项。
其中两名人士表示,29, 岁的王先生和 49, 岁的弗里德曼先生已知晓近期测试中出现的安全问题,包括一次 Muse 在未经许可的情况下更改用户密码的实例。但在
数据来源:FactSet
纽约时报
板块表现 标普 500 SECTORS 货币 标普 500 7,811.54 ↑+0.6%
由于中东冲突导致生活成本上升,恶化了家庭对经济的看法,美国消费者信心在 10 月初进一步下降。对于特朗普总统而言,在 11 月 3 中期选举之前,这又是另一个坏消息。
密歇根大学的消费者调查是近期一系列捕捉到情绪转暗的民调中的最新一项。
公司
7-Eleven Inc.(7-Eleven便利店和加油站的北美分公司)首席执行官周五表示,由于顽固的通货膨胀抑制了美国消费者的需求,该公司正考虑将其供应链的部分环节内部化,以寻求降低成本。
该公司由日本 Seven & i Holdings 持有。随着消费者在通胀上升期间削减开支,其增长陷入停滞。
今年4月,Seven & i 以市场不确定性为由,将北美业务的上市计划从2026, 下半年推迟至2027年4月开始的财年或更晚。
7-Eleven Inc. 的新任首席执行官 Mauricio Leyva 表示,尽管高油价提升了营收,但由于供应链各环节成本增加,且预计中长期内通胀和燃料成本将进一步上升,公司正在探索更多削减成本的措施。路透社

ANGELA WEISS / ATP VIA GETTY IMAGES
在美国人之中,他们正受到高通胀和借贷成本的挤压。在对其经济处理方式感到焦虑的氛围中,特朗普先生的支持率处于其政治生涯的最低点。
美以战争推高了能源价格,助长了通货膨胀,并促使美联储在9月时隔三年首次提高利率。
密歇根大学周五表示,本月低收入消费者的情绪急剧恶化。路透社
汽车
特斯拉已在其欧洲网站上将“全自动驾驶”(Full Self-Driving)功能更名为“特斯拉辅助驾驶”(Tesla Assisted Driving),放弃了监管机构认为具有误导性的名称。与此同时,该公司首席执行官埃隆·马斯克正推动欧盟批准该软件。
此次更名是在德国周二表示特斯拉已提出更换新名称之后进行的。马斯克将自动驾驶技术描述为公司未来增长的关键。

特斯拉在斯洛伐克的 FSD 页面现在重定向至“特斯拉辅助驾驶”页面,德国、西班牙和荷兰等其他欧洲国家的页面也是如此。美国网站仍将其称为“全自动驾驶(监督版)”。
路透社本周发布的一篇报道详细介绍了特斯拉如何发起活动以争取 FSD 在欧洲获得批准,包括鼓励车主和支持者游说国家监管机构以加快审批速度。路透社
S&P 500 指数 +0.6% 7,811.54


纳斯达克综合指数 +0.6% 27,366.17
10年期国债收益率 5.24% +0.013 点

道琼斯工业指数 +0.8% 51.654.95

原油(美国) $91.85 +10.36

黄金(纽约) $4,216.30 +$58.30
美联社报道
美国股市在周五收盘上涨,结束了其创纪录的一周,尽管其他金融市场仍处于犹豫不决的状态。
标准普尔 500 指数上涨 0.6%,这是自三天前创下历史新高以来的首次上涨。道琼斯工业平均指数上涨 423 点,即 0.8%;纳斯达克综合指数上涨 0.6%。
在油价持续剧烈波动之际,股市表现强劲。油价波动源于人们不确定与伊朗的战争何时才会允许全球能源工业恢复正常。布伦特原油每桶价格在 $102.50 至 $105 之间波动,最终定格在 $104.72, 上涨 0.4%。
在债券市场中,国债收益率在经历了本周早些时候的剧烈波动后,再次出现起伏。10 年期国债收益率最终从周四晚间的 5.22% 攀升至 5.24%。
由于对高通胀、美国政府巨额债务负担、美国经济持续增长的信号以及其他因素的担忧,该收益率近期触及了 2002 年以来的最高水平。高收益率通过增加所有人的借贷成本,威胁到经济增长速度,且平均 30 年期固定利率抵押贷款已跃升至近三年来的最高水平。
全球其他债券市场的收益率也在飙升,这使得投资者不愿为股票和其他投资支付高价。但高收益率吸引了投资者参与近期的国债拍卖,这种需求有助于限制收益率的进一步上涨。
在华尔街,Humana 公司股价大涨 11.6%,在油市和债市波动的情况下,助力推动了美国股市的上涨。这家保险公司表示,它收到了关于其 Medicare Advantage 计划质量评级相对于竞争对手的令人鼓舞的数据。
拥有手机信号塔的公司也处于市场前沿,其中 Crown Castle 大涨 15.6%,American Tower 大涨 9.3%。
在 SpaceX 宣布一项可能使其成为美国主要移动运营商的收购计划后,这些公司股价上涨。该计划仍需获得美国监管机构的批准,但 SpaceX 表示,购买低频段频谱将使其 Starlink Mobile 业务能够拥有可穿透墙壁的信号,从而连接到那些可能无法访问其卫星的建筑物内部客户。SpaceX 的股价上涨了 1.2%。
另一个强大竞争对手的威胁导致无线通信行业股价普遍下跌,其中 T-Mobile US 下跌 13.3%,AT&T 下跌 9.8%,Verizon 下跌 8.7%。
达美航空(Delta Air Lines)在报告夏季利润和营收略低于分析师预期后,抹平了早盘跌幅,勉强获得不足 0.1% 的微小涨幅。该航空公司首席执行官埃德·巴斯蒂安(Ed Bastian)表示,需求依然强劲,客户希望飞行,但该公司今年还必须承担 60 亿美元的燃料成本增加。
尽管高债券收益率带来了下行压力,但股价已逼近历史记录,这使得公司普遍面临交付强劲利润增长的压力。下周将迎来该国最大银行的高关注度利润报告,包括花旗集团(Citigroup)、摩根大通(JPMorgan Chase)和富国银行(Wells Fargo),均在周二发布。
尽管美国人表示他们感到高通胀带来的压力更大,但市场对企业利润的预期依然很高。密歇根大学周五的一份初步报告显示,美国消费者正在提高他们对未来一年通胀严重程度的预测。
他们预计通胀率为 4.7%,高于一个月前的 4.6% 预测,而此前在与伊朗的战争开始前的 2 月份,该预测仅为 3.4%。
在海外股市中,欧洲指数上涨,法国、德国和英国的涨幅均至少达到 1%。
DealBook 帮助您解读当日最重要的商业和政策头条。请在 nytimes.com/dealbook 订阅该简报。
纳斯达克综合指数 27,366.17 ↑+0.6%

最活跃
Dow Jones Industrials 51,654.95 ↑+0.8%
<><>1. Crown Castle (CCI)< / ><>$70.64< / ><>+15.8%< / >< / ><><>2. Moderna (MRNA)< / ><>$225.00< / ><>+14.2< / >< / ><><>3. Humana (HUM)< / ><>$431.87< / ><>+11.8< / >< / ><><>4. American Tower (AMT)< / ><>$182.24< / ><>+9.3< / >< / ><><>5. SBA Communications (SBAC)< / ><>$182.49< / ><>+7.3< / >< / ><><>6. Datacog A (DOOG)< / ><>$293.26< / ><>+7.1< / >< / ><><>7. Axamai Technologies (AKAM)< / ><>$106.85< / ><>+6.0< / >< / ><><>8. Centra Co. (DEVI)< / ><>$449.77< / ><>+5.6< / >< / ><><>9. Lumentum Holdings (LITE)< / ><>$1,103.26< / ><>+5.2< / >< / ><><>10. Ralantic Technologies (PLTR)< / ><>$209.05< / ><>+5.2< / >< / table>

<>< colspan="2">标准普尔500指数公司< / >< colspan="2">成交量< / >< / ><><>< / ><>< / ><>收盘价< / ><>变动(百万)< / >< / ><><>1. AT&T Inc. (T)< / ><>$22.38< / ><>-4.8%< / ><>150< / >< / ><><>2. Verizon Communications (VZ)< / ><>$41.69< / ><>-8.7< / ><>95< / >< / ><><>3. NVIDIA (NVDA)< / ><>$229.26< / ><>-0.5< / ><>84< / >< / ><><>4. Intel (INTC)< / ><>$104.70< / ><>-2.2< / ><>74< / >< / ><><>5. PG&E (PGG)< / ><>$13.13< / ><>+3.6< / ><>51< / >< / ><><>6. Tesla (TSU)< / ><>$382.70< / ><>+2.1< / ><>39< / >< / ><><>7. Apple (AAPL)< / ><>$335.64< / ><>-1.1< / ><>38< / >< / ><><>8. Patentir Technologies (PCR)< / ><>$209.05< / ><>+5.2< / ><>37< / >< / ><><>9. Microsoft (MDT)< / ><>$88.48< / ><>+0.8< / ><>35< / >< / ><><>10. Amazon.com (AMZN)< / ><>$262.43< / ><>+3.3< / ><>33< / >< / table>
FACTSET
<>< colspan="4">中盘股与小盘股< / >< / ><>< rowspan="2">< / >< colspan="2">总回报< / >< rowspan="2">总资产(十亿)< / >< / ><><>1年< / ><>5年< / >< / ><><>1. Vanguard Morningstar Mid-Cap Index Fund Institutional Plus Shares (VMOPX)< / ><>+8.4%< / ><>+7.0%< / ><>218.4< / >< / ><><>2. Vanguard Morningstar Small-Cap Index Fund Institutional Plus Shares (WSOPX)< / ><>+13.4< / ><>+7.8< / ><>175.8< / >< / ><><>3. Vanguard Extended Market Index Fund Institutional Plus Shares (EMRX)< / ><>+11.8< / ><>+6.2< / ><>91.3< / >< / ><><>4. Vanguard Morningstar Small-Cap Value Index Fund Admiral Shares (VSAQI)< / ><>+12.8< / ><>+6.7< / ><>64.1< / >< / ><><>5. Fidelity Mid Cap Index Fund (FSMDX)< / ><>+12.0< / ><>+6.0< / ><>51.0< / >< / ><><>6. Vanguard Morningstar Small-Cap Growth Index Fund Admiral< / >
Shares (VSQAX)< / td> +13.9< / ><>+4.4< / ><>42.9< / >< / tr> <>7. Fidelity Extended Market Index Fund (SFAWX)< / ><>+11.6< / ><>+6.2< / ><>37.1< / >< / ><><>8. Vanguard Morningstar Mid-Cap Value Index Fund Admiral Shares (VMVAX)< / ><>+14.3< / ><>+6.4< / ><>36.7< / >< / ><><>9. Vanguard Morningstar Mid-Cap Growth Index Fund Admiral Shares (VMGMX)< / ><>+6.1< / ><>+5.0< / ><>33.2< / >< / ><><>10. Fidelity Small Cap Index Fund (FSBNI)< / ><>+18.3< / ><>+6.0< / ><>32.6< / >< / table>
数据来源:Morningstar


其他市场与经济动态
债券
来自第一商业页 布鲁塞尔,以及国际货币基金组织欧洲部门前副主任。
在一种噩梦般的场景中,这种动态会变成一个自我实现的螺旋:政治家们为了安抚不满的公民而做出更多承诺,导致更多的借贷,进而惊吓到投资者,后者则要求更高的利率才愿意继续购买政府债券。
法国展示了当在—。
投资者情绪转而恶化,
本周,法国10年期国债收益率几乎触及5%,为2002年以来的最高利率。更令人担忧的是,另一个衡量投资者对法国债务看法的指标引起了新的关注:即法国与德国政府债务10年期收益率之间所谓的“利差”。这一差距显示了交易员在持有法国债务而非德国债务(德国被认为是欧洲最安全的借款方)时所要求的溢价。
在过去一个月经历了惊人的快速增长后,这一利差最近达到了2012年以来的最大差距。投资者在向法国提供贷款时要求的回报率,甚至高于向意大利和希腊提供贷款的回报率,而后者长期以来被认为是欧洲债务问题最严重的国家。
在整个欧洲,债券收益率的上升正在考验经济的韧性。今年伊始,通胀率较低且经济增长较快。但自伊朗战争爆发以来,能源价格飙升,推高了通胀,促使欧洲中央银行在今年两次提高利率。交易员预计年底前还将再次加息。
借贷成本的上升使各国政府在面对食品和能源价格突然上涨等新经济冲击时显得脆弱。这将使他们支持企业和家庭的空间进一步缩小,无法像近年来那样提供支持。“各国应对这些冲击的能力有限,这对我们来说是一个新世界,”普拉丹先生(Mr. Pradhan)表示。
根据法国财政部的资料,在法国,利息支出是政府预算中最大的开支之一,明年可能会超过900 亿美元欧元(1000 亿美元 billion),高于计划在国防和教育方面的支出。法国央行行长埃马纽埃尔·穆林(Emmanuel Moulin)最近告诉《金融时报》,如果法国不改善其公共财政,该国将面临被“利率勒死”的风险。
法国现任政治领导人——以及一些有抱负的竞争者——正竭力安抚持怀疑态度的投资者。但到目前为止,他们的接触影响有限。政府上周表示,在今年未能缩小预算赤字后,将目标定在明年缩小赤字。但即便如此,债务水平仍将继续上升。法国的政府债务规模已接近经济总量的120%。
投资者一直在密切关注巴黎的预算谈判,但他们预计,明年春季的总统大选可能会加剧法国的财政问题。到目前为止,所有领先的候选人都做出了巨额支出承诺,且未能提出令人信服的减债计划。极右翼领先者玛丽娜·勒庞(Marine Le Pen)本周誓言要削减赤字,但未详述具体方法;而极左翼候选人让-吕克·梅朗雄(Jean-Luc Mélenchon)则提议取消部分国家债务而非偿还,这令投资者感到不安。
普拉丹先生表示,如果法国能在议会通过一些措施,市场可能会获得“一些暂时性的缓解”。“但除此之外,法国存在债务问题。”该国在养老金等领域有巨大的支出需求,在政治上难以克制,而不断上升的利息支出使问题更加复杂。
这些问题在其他地方同样存在。在某些方面,美国处于市场动荡的核心。近几个月来,作为全球最大且最具影响力的债券市场,美国国债的收益率大幅跳升,引发了全球性的抛售。
国际 / 政策

巴黎的抗议者。法国已成为全球债券市场动荡在欧洲的中心,并为其他高债务国家敲响了警钟。 SARASH MEISSONNER / 路透社
法国央行行长埃马纽埃尔·穆林(Emmanuel Moulin,左)与总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙。穆林最近表示,如果法国不改善其公共财政,将面临被“利率勒死”的风险。 GONZALO FUENTES / 路透社
美国对其债务仍享有充足的需求,而推动收益率上升的一个重要因素是硅谷的人工智能热潮。但经济学家警告称,如果投资者认为政府不愿或未准备好应对不断上升的债务水平,美国将继续挑战投资者对政府所能接受的极限。今年夏天,美国的国民债务总额突破了 $40 万亿,超过经济规模的 120%,而年度赤字预计将继续扩大。
在亚洲,日本的债务轨迹最近考验了市场的神经。多年来,日本的债务规模一直是其经济规模的两倍多,但近期政府增加支出和减税的承诺打击了日本的金融资产。日元贬值如此严重,以至于美国财政部支持采取干预措施以支撑该货币,且日本 10 年期债券收益率正处于三十年来的最高水平。
这一教训广泛适用于高债务国家。近年来,许多政府大幅增加了借款,以支持其经济应对一系列冲击,包括新冠疫情、2022 年俄罗斯全面入侵乌克兰后的能源危机,以及今年因伊朗战争引发的另一次能源冲击。与此同时,针对老龄化人口的医疗保健和养老金公共支出正在增长。短期内,尤其是在欧洲,还存在增加国防开支的需求。
国际货币基金组织周三表示,全球公共债务接近二战以来的最高水平,且有望增长至全球国内生产总值的 100% 以上。这家总部位于华盛顿的组织的总裁克里斯塔利娜·格奥尔基耶娃(Kristalina Georgieva)表示:“发达经济体是违规最严重的。”
在欧洲,风险在于法国债券的动荡可能会蔓延到意大利等其他欧元区债务市场,并引发另一次区域性主权债务危机,让人想起 2012 年的那次危机。
“这种情况需要一套紧急且全面的政策应对措施,”格奥尔基耶娃女士说。她指出,政府需要展示出减少赤字的可靠计划,尽管许多人已经习惯于在经济冲击面前期待政治领导人的干预。这通常是通过削减支出和提高税收的某种组合来实现的。
“一些非常艰难的政治选择摆在我们面前,”她说。

卡罗琳·库森 为《纽约时报》拍摄 白宫此次发起调查,距离最高法院以 5-4 的投票结果判定丽莎·D·库克胜诉仅过去四个月。
作者:科尔比·史密斯 和 托尼·罗姆
特朗普总统周五表示,白宫已成立一个委员会对美联储理事丽莎·D·库克(Lisa D. Cook)展开调查,并将举行听证会,以考虑是否因其涉嫌抵押贷款欺诈的未证实指控而将其解雇。
白宫在一份声明中表示,该“调查委员会”将审查有关库克女士在“一项或多项抵押贷款工具中作虚假陈述”的指控。听证会定于 11 月 5 日举行,并要求库克女士出席。
特朗普先生要求委员会汇报是否有理由将“库克理事”免职。虽然白宫在一年多前就首次指控库克女士涉嫌抵押贷款欺诈,但她尚未被指控任何罪行。
库克女士的律师在周五的一份声明中表示,他们“严重怀疑这次‘听证会’是否为符合法律的合法程序”。
“但如果这次听证会具有起码的客观性,结论将会是库克理事没有实施抵押贷款欺诈,因此没有理由将其从美联储理事会中除名,”律师们表示,并补充说他们已与白宫取得联系,以评估该程序“是否有可能是真实的,而不仅仅是一场走形式的过场”。
他们表示,库克女士“欢迎有机会陈述事实,以便洗清自己的名誉,并证明解雇她没有法律依据”。
周五的宣布是特朗普先生试图将库克女士从央行开除的最新升级行动。法律规定,总统只有在存在“正当理由”的情况下才能合法追求此事。这通常是指在职期间存在渎职或玩忽职守的行为。
此次行动发生在该事件最高法院以 5 比 4 的投票结果判定库克女士可以留任仅四个月之后,从技术上讲,她的任期可一直持续到 2038. 年。大法官们认为,在特朗普先生于 2025, 年 8 月宣布将其免职之前,库克女士未获得充分的正当程序,但他们留下了一些尚未解决的关键问题,包括什么才构成“正当理由”。
特朗普先生多次试图向美联储及其成员施压以降低利率,他迅速将该裁决定性为程序性的挫折。这为进一步的攻击铺平了道路。随后在 8 月,政府重启了试图解雇她的程序,声称库克女士“不适合担任美联储控制成员这一职务”。
此事的焦点在于库克女士涉嫌为了获得有利的抵押贷款条款而误导贷款机构的指控。
2021, 年,库克女士在亚特兰大购买了一套公寓,并且在至少一份文件中将其称为“主要”住所,尽管她并不住在那里。她还在密歇根州安娜堡拥有另一处房产,该房产同样被视为“主要”住所。
在 8 月提交给政府的一份正式反驳信中,库克女士的律师将亚特兰大公寓的标注描述为“完全是无意间的疏忽”,而非欺诈。信中还主张,库克女士在其他记录中已准确地将其标识为度假屋。在此过程中,库克女士的律师引用一系列新闻报道,辩称特朗普先生及其其他顾问也犯过类似的抵押贷款错误。
白宫日期为 10 月 7, 日的声明规定,库克女士将接受“委员会、其代表以及她的法律顾问(如有)的审查”。这将为她提供陈述论点和提交任何支持证据的机会,并保留了由美国司法部(DOJ)人员进行询问的可能性。
负责审理库克女士案件的委员会由特朗普先生的助手和任命人员组成,其中包括他的首席经济顾问凯文·哈塞特、政府伦理办公室代理主任基思·桑德林,以及平等就业机会委员会负责人安德里亚·卢卡斯。
在公布的名单中,联邦住房局局长比尔·普尔特缺席。普尔特曾多次攻击美联储,并最初针对库克女士的抵押贷款活动对其展开调查。普尔特先生随后将他的调查结果提交给了美国司法部(DOJ)。
库克女士并非特朗普先生唯一针对的美联储官员。总统多次攻击杰罗姆·H·鲍威尔,后者的央行主席任期于5月结束。美国司法部曾一度对鲍威尔先生及其处理的位于华盛顿的美联储总部昂贵翻修工程展开刑事调查。
在经历多次法律挫折以及共和党参议员的广泛反对后,该调查被终止。其中一名参议员阻碍了特朗普先生提名的人选接任美联储下一任负责人的进程。凯文·M·沃什最终在5月接任,但鲍威尔先生并未像大多数主席那样离职,而是选择留任理事。该任期直到2028年1月才结束。
美联储的内部监督机构上月底宣布,鲍威尔先生在这项耗资近25亿美元的项目中没有违规行为,尽管该机构得出结论认为,翻修工程管理不善且缺乏足够的预算约束。尽管如此,特朗普先生在监察长公布调查结果后,依然坚持认为鲍威尔先生应被“强制辞职”离开理事会。
作者:艾伦·拉波波特 (ALAN RAPPEPORT)
华盛顿 —— 特朗普总统已开始向通过《平价医疗法案》(Affordable Care Act)获得医疗保险的美国人发放$500的“退款”支票,并随信附上一封署名信函,将此次付款归功于自己。
该信函抨击了拜登政府和“奥巴马医保”(Obamacare),同时宣传特朗普政府在降低医疗成本方面所做的努力。在期中选举前不到一个月,这笔资金被分发给近一百万美国人,为将决定共和党是否能维持国会控制权的选民提供了最后一刻的财务助力。
“多年来,拜登政府通过向你们过度收费来资助 HealthCare.gov 的运行,”特朗普在信中写道。“这笔钱属于勤奋工作的美国人,而不是政府,现在,我把它还给你们!”
这笔资金来自一个用于监督保险市场管理的基金。由于在拜登政府期间有如此多的人参加了保险覆盖,且特朗普政府削减了该资金在某些长期用途上的支出(如广告和参保协助),该基金产生了盈余。
这些支票被设计为一次性付款,但收到支票的消费者明年将再次面临高昂的保险价格。保险市场将于11月1,开放参保,早期申报显示,保险公司正请求将价格提高约15%。
多年来,特朗普和共和党人誓言要废除《平价医疗法案》。在未能实现这一目标后,他们采取措施通过削减保险补贴来削弱这部2010年的医疗法。
$500的支票使今年面临保险价格大幅上涨的消费者受益,此前共和党控制的国会没有延长新冠疫情期间批准的更优厚补贴(或税收抵免)。
许多农民、牧场主、企业家和提前退休人员,以及年收入超过约$65,000且无法通过工作获得医疗覆盖的人,可能会收到这笔钱。
根据9月份发布的一份白宫事实清单,在 healthcare.gov 上注册奥巴马医保且未获得联邦补贴的30个州的人员将有资格获得。
这些支票可能会不成比例地交付给倾向共和党的州。加利福尼亚州、科罗拉多州、康涅狄格州、佐治亚州、爱达荷州、伊利诺伊州、肯塔基州、缅因州、马里兰州、马萨诸塞州、明尼苏达州、内华达州、新泽西州、新墨西哥州、纽约州、宾夕法尼亚州、罗德岛州、佛蒙特州、弗吉尼亚州、华盛顿州以及哥伦比亚特区的人将无法获得这笔钱。这些州管理自己的保险市场,当地的保险公司不向联邦政府支付费用。
另外,特朗普政府本周向2000 万名老年人的银行账户发放了$90的直接存款,以抵消他们的联邦医疗保险(Medicare)保费。这笔资金来自国会于2008年设立的医疗保险改善基金(Medi-
care Improvement Fund)。
在民调显示共和党可能在11月失去参议院和众议院控制权之际,特朗普正在发放资金。此前,总统曾在选举前承诺提供财务补贴,试图影响选民。
在特朗普的第一任期内,就在2020年大选之前,他曾提议向联邦医疗保险受益人发放$200的代金券以降低其药品成本。该计划后来被放弃。上个月,特朗普提出,如果共和党能维持国会多数席位,明年将向美国每个家庭邮寄$5,000。他还宣布向现役军人发放$1,776的免税“战士红利”款项。
Mangot Sanger-Katz 参与了报道。
国际版

浙江稠州商业银行在吉尔吉斯斯坦、蒙古、哈萨克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦拥有大量业务,这些国家与俄罗斯关系密切。 COSTO / UURPHOTO, VIA GETTY IMAGES
在西方银行不愿提供服务的地区,这些银行充当中间人。规模较小的银行会雇佣像稠州银行这样在华尔街大行拥有代理行账户的银行,在金融体系中创造出一种“俄罗斯套娃”效应,从而掩盖非法活动。
《纽约时报》的分析显示,自四年前入侵乌克兰以来,寻找并利用代理行体系中的薄弱环节,已成为俄罗斯规避美国经济限制的重要手段。
除了合法客户外,在2025年前四个月向俄罗斯出售受限电子产品、工业化学品及其他商品和服务的50多家公司在稠州银行开有账户。
《纽约时报》审阅的许多文件是由 A7 公司生成的,这是一家总部位于莫斯科的金融服务公司。该公司 2025 年初的一大批记录被黑客发布在网上。《纽约时报》从该公司未加密的在线内部数据库中获取并分析了数千笔商业交易和其他文件。稠州银行在这些文件中反复出现,详细地展示了代理行服务在规避制裁中所扮演的角色。
A7 公司未回应置评请求。《纽约时报》上个月报道称,A7 通过将资金汇往海外购买商品,帮助俄罗斯企业规避经济限制,且通常通过除了掩盖此类采购外几乎没有其他用途的壳公司进行操作。
在吉尔吉斯斯坦,一家代表 A7 工作的壳公司在上述期间通过一家在稠州银行开户的银行,进行了超过 1000万美元 的受限采购。
在其他案例中,俄罗斯公司购买了工业产品,包括可用于制造武器零部件的精密磨床。
交易文件显示,2025 年 1 月,一家俄罗斯公司购买了价值 $73,000 的电子战系统构建组件。贸易数据显示,这些零件由一家有向俄罗斯买家销售记录的香港分销商供应。
为了完成这笔交易,阿联酋的阿布扎比第一银行(First Abu Dhabi Bank)安排将资金汇入稠州银行在美银(Bank of America)的账户。
按照代理行交易的标准做法,美银接收的是资金转账指令,而非采购本身的详细信息。这使得商品性质以及购买者身份在通过国际银行系统流转的过程中被掩盖。
2025, 6 月,美银在未作解释的情况下终止了与稠州银行的关系,关闭了 0252, 号账户(该账户的存在在一家吉尔吉斯斯坦银行的网站上被披露)。《纽约时报》发现,稠州银行继续通过花旗银行(Citibank)、摩根大通(JPMorgan Chase)和渣打银行(Standard Chartered)为数十家缺乏直接进入美国金融系统渠道的银行提供美元访问权限,其中包括与俄罗斯有密切经济联系的国家。
稠州银行未回应详细的置评请求。9 月下旬在迈阿密的一次银行会议上,该行代理行部门的一位经理在面对面接触时拒绝置评。
来自美银、花旗集团、渣打银行和阿布扎比第一银行的代表均表示,他们与执法官员和政府密切合作。代表们补充说,他们的银行定期监控代理行活动,并将可疑活动报告给当局,以识别并帮助瓦解非法银行网络。
尽管花旗银行的一位女发言人和第一阿布扎比银行的一位发言人表示他们不会对特定客户发表评论,但所有四家银行都强调,他们维持着严格的内部控制,以打击洗钱、规避制裁和其他金融犯罪。摩根大通拒绝评论。
不可或缺的金融管道 代理行系统是一个不透明且陈旧,但却是支撑国际金融不可或缺的金融管道。它在使美元成为国际贸易的主导货币,以及赋予美国在金融交易中无可比拟的杠杆作用方面发挥了至关重要的作用。
其运作方式如下:假设中国农村的一家面料出口商想将其商品卖给海外客户。对于该出口商,甚至其当地银行来说,在客户可能想要使用的每个国家和每种货币中开设账户是不切实际的。
代理行解决了这个问题。该出口商所在的中国当地银行在少数几家全球银行中持有美元、欧元和其他货币账户。通过这些账户,这家中国银行得以接入这些国际银行的广泛网络,使其客户能够发送和接收国际付款,并将收益兑换成当地货币。
然而,由于其性质,代理行系统可能会在大型银行与试图规避其控制的小公司之间增加距离。大银行通常将客户和交易的审核工作委托给代理链下游规模较小的银行。
在 9月11日 袭击事件后,为了阻止恐怖主义融资,新的监管条例开始实施,银行开始削减全球范围内的代理行关系。
被美国列为支持恐怖主义国家的苏丹受到的打击尤为严重。许多银行停止处理来自该国的付款,这引发了人们的担忧,担心该国可能会被切断与全球金融系统的联系,并被推向影子银行网络,以便为其公民提供最基本的必需品。
从那时起,监管机构一直试图在规避制裁的风险与保持美元在全球范围内使用的目标之间取得平衡。2016, 年,财政部发布了一项指南,称银行不需要单独审核其代理行的客户,这种做法被称为“了解你的客户的客户”(know your customer's customer)。
奥利弗·怀曼(Oliver Wyman)是一家为银行提供反洗钱和制裁事务咨询的咨询公司,该公司的合伙人丹尼尔·坦内鲍姆(Daniel Tannebaum)表示,目前的预期是,提供代理行服务的银行只需要了解另一家银行是否具备监控其客户的能力,而无需审核这些客户。
沃尔夫斯堡集团(Wolfsberg Group)是一个就代理行活动提供建议的全球银行财团,该集团的前执行秘书艾伦·凯特利(Alan Ketley)表示,在开设代理账户之前,银行会对潜在合作伙伴进行广泛的尽职调查。沃尔夫斯堡集团制定了一份详细的问卷,银行利用该问卷来评估潜在客户的制裁合规情况和其他风险管理实践。
当交易通过一家美国银行时,财政部拥有广泛的管辖权来监管和监控这些活动。例如,上个月,美国政府对两家外国银行实施了经济限制,因为这两家银行利用代理行系统帮助伊朗进入美元系统,以便代表伊斯兰革命卫队洗钱并规避制裁。
美国银行即使仅作为另一家金融机构的代理行处理受限交易,也可能面临法律责任。然而,财政部对于决定起诉哪些案件拥有裁量权。
根据一名未获授权公开讨论执法程序的前财政部高级官员的说法,考虑到非法活动的程度以及银行尽职调查的水平,很难想象一家美国银行会因为在复杂的制裁规避计划中无意中扮演了某种角色而受到处罚。
稠州银行成立于1987年的义乌。随着这座中国中型贸易城市发展成为向全球发送商品的制造中心,该银行也随之成长。
根据《泰晤士报》(The Times)获取的文件以及代理行合规平台 BankCheck 的数据,多年来,稠州银行通过向数十家银行提供代理行服务,开辟了自己的生存空间。这些银行所在的国家被西方官员认定为洗钱或规避制裁的高风险地区,包括阿富汗、也门和南苏丹。
稠州银行在吉尔吉斯斯坦、格鲁吉亚和乌兹别克斯坦拥有极强的影响力——这些国家与俄罗斯经济联系紧密,已成为贸易转口的枢纽。
根据 BankCheck 的数据,稠州银行向近 70 家其他银行提供美元账户访问权限,其中大多数银行原本缺乏直接进入美国金融系统的渠道。随后,这些银行再向其客户推销美元账户。
相比之下,资产规模全球最大的中国工商银行仅向 20 家银行提供美元访问权限。BankCheck 的数据显示,伦敦的汇丰银行(HSBC Bank)仅向其他银行提供 7 个美元代理行账户。
根据一份债券招股说明书,稠州银行在 2024, 处理了超过 $200 亿的国际交易,几乎是其总资产金额的四倍。但这可能仅为其目前活动的一小部分:在上个月于迈阿密举行的金融服务会议上,稠州银行宣传其与 1,000 多家银行拥有合作关系,并具备处理 27 种货币支付的能力。
根据新闻稿和贸易文件,稠州银行在 2024 年初停止了与俄罗斯和白俄罗斯银行的直接交易处理。但它继续与被认为存在俄罗斯制裁规避高风险国家的客户和银行合作。
一份去年元旦的发票显示,一批从中国电子之都深圳发往俄罗斯的集装箱货物将稠州银行列为该公司开户行。发票上用红色粗体字标注了一条信息,暗示该银行愿意从事规模更大、更成熟的中国金融机构不愿参与的活动:“请注意,如果您从俄罗斯、阿联酋和土耳其付款,请不要将款项汇至我们的中国银行账户!”
发票上列出的两家物流公司——Utrust Logistics 和 Shark Intermodal Systems 未回应置评请求。
BankCheck 的数据显示,在美银(Bank of America)去年终止与稠州银行的合作后不久,这家中国银行在花旗银行(Citibank)和渣打银行(Standard Chartered)开设了两个新的美元账户。
这些账户目前依然处于开启状态。
作者:KEITH BRADSHER
北京 —— 欧盟与中国在北京举行的高级别会谈于周五结束,双方达成了一项出人意料的协议,这可能使双方从迫在眉睫的贸易战中退回。
该协议最显著的特点涉及双方所描述的关于中国出口油电混合动力汽车的谅解,这一直是双方之间最具争议的问题之一。
这个由27个成员国组成的贸易集团的贸易专员马罗斯·谢夫乔维奇(Maros Sefcovic)表示,该谅解可能会导致中国在未来四年内将其发送至欧盟的油电混合动力汽车数量减半。双方均未提及对这些汽车征收任何关税,而中国一直坚决反对征收关税。
中国商务部在另一份声明中表示,双方已“在符合世界贸易组织规则的情况下,就混合动力汽车贸易达成谅解”。遵守这些规则使得欧洲难以迅速征收关税。关税还使得人们难以预知将有多少汽车继续从中国运抵,但谢夫乔维奇先生表示,该谅解将实现进口汽车数量的具体削减。
由谢夫乔维奇先生描述的这一妥协方案似乎解决了欧盟对立即限制中国进口汽车数量的需求。它同时也解决了中国的需求,即需要一项安排来限制中国汽车制造商在欧洲市场之间经常发生的激烈竞争,这种竞争此前导致了中国汽车制造商的巨额亏损。
关于混合动力汽车的协议似乎与双方在2013年达成的协议非常相似,当时中国同意减少每年向欧洲运送的太阳能电池板数量,而欧洲则同意放弃此前对这些货运产品征收关税的计划。这使得中国太阳能电池板制造商能够大幅提高其在欧洲有限供应产品的价格,从而为此前亏损的中国制造商带来了巨额利润。
中国制造商将这些利润投入到更多的研究和新工厂中,现在生产了全球几乎所有的太阳能电池板。
中国向欧洲出口的插电式混合动力汽车在当地迅速获得了市场份额,并导致大众汽车近期计划在十年末前再削减50,000名员工,使其总裁员人数达到100,000人。
两年前,欧盟对中国电动汽车征收了7.8%至35.3%的关税,这是在该地区对进口汽车征收的常规10%关税之上的。但该集团当时并未对插电式混合动力汽车征收额外关税。
以限制这些汽车的进口数量。北京方面一直呼吁用车辆运输数量限制来取代对电动汽车的关税。
这将允许中国电动汽车制造商提高价格并提高盈利能力——这正是目前正在形成的关于油电混合动力汽车的安排。
FELIX SCHMITT 为《纽约时报》供图
周五在被问及目前的混合动力汽车协议是否类似于太阳能电池板协议时,谢夫乔维奇先生表示情况有所不同,且欧洲需要就混合动力汽车采取立即行动。他说:“公众舆论和领导人们确实期待我们方面能采取非常迅速的行动。”
准则。特朗普总统的贸易顾问们主张,中国拥有一个政府引导的经济体,并不遵循世界贸易组织成立时的自由市场原则。
谢夫乔维奇先生表示,中国商务部向欧盟抛出了几根“胡萝卜”以与北京达成妥协,中国已同意降低对欧洲商品进口的关税,涵盖汽车零部件、橄榄油和鞋类等类别,年价值近40 亿美元欧元。
他说,这将使欧洲出口商每年在向中国发货的关税上节省约 €1.25 亿。
目前仍有问题尚未解决,特别是欧盟是否也将放弃要求电动汽车和风力涡轮机等技术的关键部件必须在欧洲制造的计划。此外,欧盟是否将继续推进针对风力涡轮机的反补贴关税也尚未确定。塞夫科维奇先生表示,计划在明年年初进行更多谈判。
塞夫科维奇先生原定于周六返回布鲁塞尔,并在下周欧洲各国总统和总理会议之前向官员们汇报情况。
在德国的一次车展上展出的中国比亚迪海豹U。中国出口的油电混合动力汽车一直是与欧盟争论的焦点。
欧洲领导人会议议程上的第一项议题是如何处理该地区日益削弱的经济竞争力——而与中国的贸易是一个核心问题。欧洲领导人一直警告称,由于从中国进口的制成品激增,欧洲的工业基础正在被掏空。
以及进一步削弱中国制造商的欧洲竞争对手。
中国商务部在声明中表示,中国将继续批准向欧洲出口稀土和稀土磁铁。中国自 2025 年 4 月起限制稀土和稀土磁铁的出口,并威胁如果欧洲对中国出口采取行动,将进一步实施限制。
该部还表示,欧洲已同意帮助解决有关其出口管制的争端。
在约瑟夫·R·拜登总统以及现在的特朗普总统的压力下,欧洲公司一直避免向中国出售用于制造具有潜在军事用途半导体的最新设备。北京官员主张,欧洲缩小对华贸易逆差最快的方式之一,就是不顾美国的反对,出售最先进的设备。
欧洲还一直在准备立法,要求电动汽车和风力涡轮机等产品的重要部件必须在欧洲制造。中国过去对汽车和风力涡轮机也有类似要求,但在欧洲和其他贸易伙伴多年投诉后将其废除。北京现在主张,欧洲不应采取此类规则,因为这将迫使中国公司在欧洲投资建厂,而不是从国内工厂出口,而国内工厂的成本通常更低。
注:绝佳周末度假地!纽约市米德尔堡(Middelburgh NY)有 8 oz = 6-ozes 混合 RV,距离乔治·华盛顿大桥(GWB)25 m Yr。电动驱动,带棚景观,距离镇中心 7 man。调校良好。热带林木,小溪。请致电 15101 416-9096,需提供 assor 及调校证明。
中国的插电式混合动力汽车出口量在短短三年内从每月不足 10,000 辆激增至近 200,000 辆。其中许多销往欧洲。
中国坚决反对欧盟对其电动汽车征收的额外关税。
中国与欧盟发布的一份联合声明较为笼统,称“双方将在世界贸易组织(W.T.O.)规则框架内,继续探讨对某些商品降低或取消关税的可能性”。
中国主张单边关税违反了 W.T.O. 贸易规则,而北京和欧盟目前仍致力于维护这些规则。相比之下,特朗普政府多次采取无视 W.T.O. 的单边行动。
一些问题仍未得-
时间在中国的这一边,每个月产生的贸易盈余超过 300 亿美元
中方声明称,中国和欧盟已“同意探讨投资合作以促进共同经济发展,并讨论面向未来的合作”。
2026 / 2027 2026年度最佳雇主顶尖职位
德国质量与金融研究所(ITQF)在对意大利 400 多家领先企业进行评估后,给予了 De Cecco 100 / 100 的满分。
近两个世纪以来, De Cecco 深知质量决定差异。从最优质的原材料到我们独特的生产方法,卓越始于产品背后的员工。这就是为什么我们将员工置于我们所有工作的核心。

零售
“我们是在经营某种神奇之物,”Exemplar的新任首席执行官杰弗罗伊·范·雷蒙多克(Geoffroy van Raemdonck)在一次采访中表示。“无论是后勤部门、前台还是行政办公室的每一位员工——我们都以极其谨慎且专业的态度(white gloves)来处理这一切。”

ASHED CAREER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES

AHMED GABRI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES

JUTHARAT FIVYOGOOVACHET FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
名人与时尚设计师们在9月被引导穿过天鹅绒围绳,共同庆祝该店成立125周年。 “人们认为我们是某种神奇之物的守护者,”该店母公司的首席执行官杰弗罗伊·范·雷蒙多克说道。
该店的销售助理接受了广泛的培训,学习如何与客户建立长期关系以及如何在销售区域与他们互动。他们可以引导购物者使用广泛的个性化服务:手袋修复、私人采购、个人造型师咨询、定制裁剪以及特别活动。
但尽管提供了这些奢华的服务,随着Saks Global的破产,Bergdorf Goodman在过去一年中一直难以吸引购物者。许多供应商未收到款项,并停止向该店发货。据一名知情人士透露,销售助理抱怨说,他们几乎没有新的手袋、项链和连衣裙可以向客户展示。
Bergdorf Goodman的奢华根基深厚。1901年,埃德温·古德曼(Edwin Goodman)成为了赫尔曼·伯格多夫(Herman Bergdorf)在联合广场附近一家裁缝店的合伙人,并很快将其买下。1928年,古德曼将业务迁至目前的地址——第五大道58街,这里曾是康尼利厄斯·范德比尔特(Cornelius Vanderbilt)那座巨大的法式文艺复兴风格城堡的旧址。
Bergdorf Goodman大楼借鉴了其镀金时代前身的大气氛围,具有典型的法式古典特征,如粗石砌筑的墙面和带有老虎窗的曼萨尔式屋顶。近一个世纪后,这座建筑依然散发着那个时代的奢靡气息。


古德曼家族在20世纪70年代出售了零售业务,但保留了建筑的所有权,并一直将空间租赁给这家百货公司。Bergdorf Goodman的不同所有者从未为了追求增长而在全美开设更多分店,而一些其他纽约百货公司(如Saks、Barneys New York和Bloomingdale's)则这样做过,唯一的例外是曾在纽约州怀特普莱恩斯(White Plains)进行过一次短暂的尝试。直到1990年,它才开设了一家(某种程度上)能够维持的新店——就在第五大道对面的一家男装店。
50% 一半的销售额来自每年消费 $10,000 或更多的客户。
enue.
Bergdorf Goodman 的一半销售额来自每年在店内消费超过 $10,000 的客户,且其中许多人的消费额是该金额的 10 倍以上。
该零售商销售额最高的 40 名销售助理贡献了约 2亿美元 的年销售额。这意味着他们每人每年平均销售约 500万美元 的奢侈品。今年,通过销售助理和私人购物师实现的销售额增长了 5%。van Raemdonck 先生希望将这一数字进一步推高。Exemplar 拒绝透露该店的总销售额。
“这已经成为了一门失传的艺术,”零售咨询公司 Consumer Collective 的联合创始人 Jessica Ramirez 在谈到整个行业的高端客户服务时表示,“特别是在奢侈品领域,我认为这本不该被遗忘。”
除了传统的关系建立,公司还为这些销售人员配备了新技术,以留住这些高价值购物者。其中一项由人工智能驱动的工具可帮助预订备受期待的产品,提供产品推荐,并管理客户信息和偏好。
该零售商还致力于在其商品选择中增加更多独家品牌,并在品牌首次亮相时为选定的购物者举办特别活动。
商店本身可能也会看到一些
其建筑借鉴了镀金时代前身那宏伟的氛围。部分奢侈商品位于最左侧。
改进。Linda Fargo 是 Bergdorf Goodman 拥有 30 年经验的资深高管,目前负责时尚办公室和门店陈列,她表示希望翻修建筑顶层的旧顶层公寓,那是 家族曾经居住过的奢华公寓。这里可以用来为购物者举办活动,提供另一种旧时代的魅力体验。
公司高管们寄希望于这些投资能够获得回报,因为 正在开启另一个新 era.。
“在所有的变化中,我认为每个人都意识到 是独特的,并且需要保持这种独特性,”Fargo 女士说。“ 始终能够像一只‘独角兽’一样运作。”
在一段时间内,这种独特性使 免受购物中心衰落的影响,而购物中心的衰落让全国性的百货公司连锁店失去了顾客。但在被拥有其他百货公司的集团收购后, 也开始面临同样的挑战。
到 2020, 当时的所有者 Neiman Marcus Group 在沉重的债务压力下申请了破产保护。随后,该业务被 Saks Global 收购,而后者在仅 13 个月后的 1 月份也申请了破产。
即使在破产程序期间,旧日魅力的迹象依然存在。该店每月为精英客户举办多次私人活动,让他们在纽约或远程查看并购买独家商品。其高级珠宝展厅的巡展(Trunk shows)通常能带来 $300,000 到 $500,000 的销售额。
5 月,该店邀请了约 60 名客户参加一场活动,展出通常无法买到的独一无二的手袋。此次活动创造了 100万美元 的销售额。
同月,店面橱窗中身着 Chanel 服装的模特身后出现了移动地铁列车的全景显示,行人纷纷驻足观看并拍照。Chanel 让该店在发布年度 Métiers d'Art 系列之前提前一周展出。
但 van Raemdönck 先生表示,到那时,虽然 仍保持盈利,但在年度时尚日程上已经落后。由于前任所有者的欠款,该零售商与时尚品牌的关系已经恶化:根据法院文件,Saks Global 在申请破产时欠 Chanel 1.36亿美元。这家法国时装屋重新出现在橱窗中,标志着它与这位长期合作伙伴的关系依然良好。
“最大的品牌已经投入资金,用于表达其品牌形象并提升店内体验,”范·雷姆东克先生表示。
此外,还有一个悬而未决的问题,即 Exemplar 最终是否会出售其最珍贵的资产。
多年来,Bergdorf's 吸引了许多追求者,其中包括全球最大奢侈品公司 LVMH 的首席执行官贝尔纳·阿尔诺。去年,Saks Global 曾就出售该业务 49% 的股份进行谈判,交易金额约为 10 亿美元 billion,竞标者包括来自中东的主权财富基金。
范·雷姆东克先生表示,他认为 Bergdorf Goodman 是 Exemplar 投资组合中一个“有价值的元素”,但管理层将继续监测其选择。
“我们会不断评估哪些方案具有合理性,”他说,“但目前没有立即出售的意图。”
在走出破产状态三个月后,Bergdorf Goodman 于 9 月举行庆祝 125 周年纪念活动,引导名流和时尚设计师穿过天鹅绒围绳进入会场。参加庆祝活动的人中包括创始人的曾孙女萨拉·古德曼,她正端着一杯马提尼。
“我认为我的曾祖父拥有远见、激情和风格,他凭借敏锐的眼光建立了这家企业,并且对趋势和时事非常精明,”古德曼女士说。“我仍然认为 Bergdorf's 是世界上最奢华、最迷人的百货公司,我希望它在未来的岁月里能够保持这一点,甚至进一步增强。”

照片:GARRIELA BHASKAR / 纽约时报 Meta 首席执行官马克·扎克伯格在安全担忧依然存在的情况下,授权发布了一款人工智能(A.I.)代理。
来自商业第一版
产品负责人。
9月8日,Meta 正式推出了 Muse,正如扎克伯格先生所下令的那样。
这次内部会议揭示了像 这样的 AI 公司在试图于 AI 竞赛中超越竞争对手时,在速度与安全之间所权衡的微妙平衡。随着技术的迅速提升,它在变得更有用的同时也变得更加危险,这使得相关决策变得更加困难。
扎克伯格先生投入了数十亿美元来开发 的 ,但多年来他眼睁睁地看着 OpenAI 和 Anthropic 等竞争对手在聊天机器人和编程工具的市场化进程中领先于他的公司。在个人智能体(personal agents)领域,这家拥有 Facebook 和 Instagram 的硅谷巨头需要一次胜利——最终,快速进入市场成为了首选。
这使得 在智能体领域占据了早期领先地位,而智能体已成为 产业的下一个前沿。其他公司已经在推出竞争产品。在 发布 三周后,OpenAI 宣布推出了自己的智能体 Dots。
“ 最有趣的一点是 先发制人,”研究公司 Techsponential 的分析师 Avi Greengart 表示。
在那个时间点,人们对于一个“超智能”助手应该是怎样的,还只有一个模糊的概念。“构建像 这样产品的愿景存在于我们的集体意识中,但我们无法准确指出这个产品具体会是什么样子,” 产品副总裁 Vishal Shah 在一次采访中说道。
2025年9月, 的新 团队发布了其首款产品 Vibes,这是一个 生成的视频馈送,因制造“ 垃圾内容”( slop)而立即招致批评。新任高管与扎克伯格先生的其他长期心腹之间产生了内部紧张关系,其中一些人质疑王先生能否成功让 在 竞赛中追赶上来。
该智能体仅出现过几次安全小故障,例如 在未经许可的情况下将用户的地址提供给了 Facebook Marketplace 上的卖家。根据研究公司 Sensor Tower 的数据,截至周三,已有超过 660 万人下载了这款免费应用,其中 180 万人每天使用 。
11月,奥地利程序员 Peter Steinberger 发布了一款名为 OpenClaw 的应用,这是一个能够独立编程并操作计算机的 智能体。它是开源的,这意味着无需任何付费或批准即可下载和修改。随着它在硅谷开发者中走红, 的高管们突然意识到。
为了保持势头, 正在投入数百万美元进行 的营销攻势,将其毛茸茸的虚拟形象——一个名为 Jolly 的角色——张贴在广告牌上并投放于电视广告中。
“一切都对上号了,”Shah 先生说,“下一代消费级产品就是个人智能体。”
的一名发言人否认了扎克伯格先生是因为来自 Instinct 的压力而推动发布 的说法。“我们为这项工作感到自豪,并且正如我们公开表示的那样,我们甚至将 的交付推迟了几个月,以确保我们做正确。”他在一份声明中说道。
面临过一些隐私问题,包括一次在未经许可的情况下读取用户的私人短信,然后向用户提及它所学到的内容。
一些安全问题此前由《The Information》报道。
的构思始于 2025年7月,当时扎克伯格先生发表了一篇关于“个人超智能”的 616 字备忘录,他称这种形式的 可以充当终极助手。他最近围绕这一概念重组了 的整个 部门,聘请王先生和弗里德曼先生来领导这项工作。
在社交媒体上,王先生发布了数十张 毛茸茸虚拟形象的照片和迷因,其中一些是针对 OpenAI 的。上个月,很少在社交媒体上发帖的弗里德曼先生也参与了讨论。
“你是在与全球最强大的玩家竞争,”Instinct 的 23 岁创始人诺亚·申(Noah Shinn)上个月在一次播客中说道,“这可能是史上最令人兴奋的软件竞赛,其结果涉及数万亿美元。”
上个月,Instinct 以 100 亿美元 billion 的估值筹集了 10 亿美元 billion。但其资源和计算能力远不及 Meta——后者的系列应用拥有 35 亿美元 用户,公司市值超过 10 亿美元.5 trillion。
“希望你们喜欢它!”他写道。
到目前为止,扎克伯格发布 Muse 的决定已经取得了回报。

在另一个例子中,当弗里德曼在与他的智能体讨论如何改善睡眠时,OpenClaw 接管了他的特斯拉自动驾驶汽车,并将他重新引导至一家杂货店购买镁片。在上个月举行的 Meta 年度开发者大会上,扎克伯格表示,他已将自己的智能体连接到其武术馆的摄像头上,以便智能体能对其格斗姿势提出批评。
的 AI 领导者也将 OpenClaw 融入了自己的生活。弗里德曼将他的智能体连接到家中的摄像头,智能体据此指示他做一些事情,比如喝水以保持水分。
在上个月的一篇社交媒体帖子中,王先生宣布:“你无法阻止 Muse。”
这两位高管展开了大规模招聘,从 OpenAI 和谷歌挖掘顶尖研究人员,并提供九位数的薪酬方案吸引他们加入 。他们还分工协作,王先生专注于开发 AI 模型,而弗里德——
沙先生表示,到那时, 已经拥有了一个可以发布的 版本。但公司花费了数月时间确保其安全功能稳固。在 员工的测试中,该智能体偶尔会不听指令,或引导用户从欺诈网站购买商品。
然而,安全担忧依然存在。智能体有时会失控或接管软件应用。今年 2 月,一个智能体接管了一名 安全研究员的工作电脑,不受控制地删除她的电子邮件。
“它给我发了一张我正在喝瓶装水的快照,并说:‘做得好’,”弗里德曼在最近的一次技术会议上说道。
今年 2 月,弗里德曼向 董事会演示了 。两个月后, 推出了一款名为 Spark 的 AI 模型,该模型由王先生领导开发,是该公司迄今为止制造的最强大的模型。在开发初期, 由 Anthropic 制造的 AI 模型驱动,但 Spark 的推出意味着 可以使用自己的技术来驱动其智能体。
——智能体运行的计算机——运送到位于加利福尼亚州门洛帕克的 总部,并将它们堆放在他的办公室外供员工领取。随后,他们全力开发一款像 OpenClaw 一样、面向非软件工程师用户的智能体。
“我无法通过手机停止它,”研究员萨默·岳(Summer Yue)在社交媒体上写道,“我不得不像拆除炸弹一样冲向我的 Mac mini。”
随后在 8 月,Instinct 的智能体变得越来越受欢迎。不久之后, 推出了 。
作者:NIRAJ CHOKSHI
飞机上的 Wi-Fi 长期以来一直速度缓慢且不稳定。但航空公司正竞相改变这一现状。
许多航空公司希望通过更快、更可靠的互联网接入来帮助他们吸引并留住客户,因此正在升级飞机,采用由埃隆·马斯克的 SpaceX 运营的卫星互联网服务 Starlink。周四,美国航空表示,将为 1,000 多架飞机配备 Starlink。
但达美航空选择不采用 ,这让 SpaceX 首席执行官马斯克先生感到不快。
马斯克先生上个月表示,达美航空的首席执行官因为选择亚马逊的卫星服务而将“丢掉工作”;此前,他还攻击了欧洲航空公司瑞安航空的高管,因为后者同样拒绝了 。本周,他表示印度寡头正在那里阻碍 的发展,他称之为“一场针对印度人民的犯罪”。
“你无法阻止 Muse,”Meta 首席人工智能官亚历山大·王在社交媒体帖子中写道。
汉莎航空是 2004 年首家提供机上互联网接入的商业航空公司,使用的是由波音公司开发的一项服务。但波音在两年后就关闭了该项目。
高管们还表示,他们转向 是因为之前提供的互联网服务水平较低。今年夏天,阿拉斯加航空的高管表示,配备 的航班客户满意度高出约 20%。
其他供应商填补了这一空白,美国航空公司在 2000 年代后期开始提供 -。但很少有乘客使用这些服务,因为它们通常价格昂贵、速度慢且不可靠。多年来,成本开始下降。
“未来经常飞行的人将进行自我筛选,逐渐找到最适合自己的方案,”航空业咨询公司 IdeaWorksCompany 的负责人杰伊·索伦森表示,“你无法真正地创造这种需求。”
但一些行业专家表示,大多数旅客选择航空公司是出于多种原因,- 并不是最重要的因素。
2023 年,达美航空取消了对其忠诚度计划会员的 - 费用。捷蓝航空多年来一直提供免费互联网接入,但达美航空引发了整个行业的转变。
这并不意味着 - 无关紧要。就像软饮料和零食一样,互联网接入已成为乘客的一种期—
在尝试 OpenClaw 后,弗里德曼先生订购了 200 台 Mac Mini
许多航空公司向注册常旅客计划的乘客提供免费互联网服务。这些计划允许公司收集更多关于旅行者的信息,并鼓励他们购买更多机票以及办理信用卡。
在上个月的一次行业会议上,美国航空首席执行官罗伯特·伊索姆表示,该航空公司的忠诚度计划正以创纪录的速度增长。“这在很大程度上是由免费 - 驱动的,”他说。
纽约时报记者 AUDRA MELTON 拍摄 达美航空首席执行官埃德·巴斯蒂安因未选择马斯克的卫星互联网服务而激怒了埃隆·马斯克。
“没有进行对冲,”沙先生说。
这家航空公司“想要让他们的客户感到痛苦、困难且昂贵”。上周,他表示达尔塔航空的首席执行官埃德·巴斯蒂安(Ed Bastian)犯了一个可能会让他丢掉职位的错误。马斯克先生是在回应一份未经证实的报道,该报道称巴斯蒂安先生曾表示与马斯克先生合作是不明智的。
大多数升级高速 Wi-Fi 的美国主要航空公司都选择了星链(Starlink),其卫星的运行轨道比旧款卫星更接近地球。
美国航空、阿拉斯加航空、联合航空和西南航空已经选择了星链。但美国最赚钱的航空公司达尔塔航空以及捷蓝航空(JetBlue)选择了亚马逊的 Leo,这是一种尚未投入服务的卫星服务。
在达尔塔航空今年宣布该合作伙伴关系后,马斯克先生表示
在接受《纽约时报》采访时,巴斯蒂安先生否认了该报道。
“我不会在公开场合或私下场合那样说,”他说。“我们所说的是,我们没有与星链合作,是因为我们决定采取不同的方向。”
这并不是马斯克先生第一次批评他不同意的高管、政治家及其他人。除了巴斯蒂安先生,他的目标还包括亚马逊执行主席杰夫·贝佐斯(Jeff Bezos)和瑞安航空(Ryanair)首席执行官迈克尔·奥利里(Michael O'Leary)。
周五,达尔塔航空报告称,在截至 9 月的三个月里,今年第三季度的营收达到 202 亿美元 billion,创公司纪录。
达尔塔航空使用 Leo 的决定可能具有风险。虽然其他航空公司已开始在部分航班上提供星链服务,但达尔塔航空直到 2028 年才会开始安装亚马逊的服务。
巴斯蒂安先生表示,这并不意味着达尔塔航空没有进行升级。他说,该航空公司目前的互联网供应商之一 Viasat 最近发射了两颗新卫星,这将“为我们的客户改变游戏规则”。
SpaceX 和亚马逊未回应置评请求。
在谈到亚马逊时,他说:“我们将与他们密切合作,为客户带来新体验。这不仅仅关乎 Wi-Fi,而在于你如何利用 Wi-Fi。”
巴斯蒂安先生表示,达尔塔航空选择亚马逊是因为其成本低于星链,且航空公司希望为客户提供来自亚马逊的其他福利。达尔塔航空近年来之所以盈利,部分原因是客户喜欢其信用卡、休息室以及与其他公司的合作伙伴关系。例如,达尔塔航空的客户可以通过在星巴克购买咖啡和使用 Uber 打车来赚取里程。
XL 保险


接球手帕克·利文斯通(Parker Livingstone)将于周六为苏纳队(Sooners)出战对阵 No. 1 德克萨斯队,而去年他处于对方阵营(照片最右侧)。“我必须做对我自己和我的未来最有利的事情,”他说。
大学橄榄球

SARA DIGIZINS / AUSTIN AMERICAN-STATESMAN, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
利文斯通转会至俄克拉荷马大学反映了这项运动及其竞争关系的转变。
当传闻终于传到帕克·利文斯通 (Parker Livingstone) 耳中时,他正在佛罗里达州的奥兰多。
那是除夕将举行的柑橘碗 (Citrus Bowl) 前夜。尽管德克萨斯大学长角牛队 (Texas Longhorns) 的赛季令人失望——他们以 No. 1 的排名开局,最终却未能进入大学橄榄球季后赛 (College Football Playoff)——但利文斯通作为一名外接手,经历了一个突破性的赛季。
但利文斯通的经纪人得知,德克萨斯大学希望通过转会门户 (transfer portal) 增加一名外接手。那天晚上,利文斯通得知长角牛队的目标是卡姆·科尔曼 (Cam Coleman),他是该位置上市场上最优秀的球员。
一周后,利文斯通签约加盟竞争对手俄克拉荷马大学,成为第二个直接跨越“红河”跳槽的球员。
随着本周六德克萨斯大学与俄克拉荷马大学的比赛到来,利文斯通将与他离开的队友以及取代他的球员们同场竞技。利文斯通是达拉斯地区的本地人,从小就是长角牛队的粉丝,在校园的前两年里,他还是阿奇·曼宁 (Arch Manning) 的室友。在一年前的“红河宿敌赛” (Red River Rivalry) 中,他接到了两次传球,但现在他已将代表长角牛队的焦橙色球衣换成了代表俄克拉荷马大学的深红与奶油色。
利文斯通的变动并非由过节引起。相反,它是现代大学橄榄球运作方式最清晰的例证:商业决策与传统的敌对情绪公开碰撞。
在东南部联盟 (Southeastern Conference) 的媒体日上,德克萨斯大学教练史蒂夫·萨基西安 (Steve Sarkisian) 表示,他希望
克里斯·范尼尼是《竞技报》的高级大学橄榄球记者。大卫·乌本 (David Ubben) 参与了报道。
德克萨斯大学能将利文斯通及其球队击溃。
“这是红河宿敌赛,你懂我的意思吧?”他说,“他选择去那里,他现在在对方阵营。比赛结束后,我肯定会给他一个大大的拥抱。”
面对出场时间的缩减以及在离家较近的其他地方赚更多钱的机会,利文斯通做出了数百名球员在每个冬天都会做出的决定,并选择让他在宿敌历史中的位置自行定论。
“如果我没有经纪人,我现在可能还在奥斯汀,”利文斯通在春天时说道,“这是事实。”
德克萨斯大学正采取大胆举措,旨在为曼宁提供他可能在大学最后一个赛季所需的一切,而科尔曼——一名曾在奥本大学 (Auburn) 疲软的传球进攻中展现出潜力的前五星级招募球员——是目前能争取到的最大目标。利文斯通、他的家人及其经纪人都明白这意味着什么。
利文斯通在 2024, 年作为一名名不见经传的三星级招募球员加入后,曾是该项目中薪水最低的外接手之一,但在 2025. 年他凭借 29 次接球实现突破后,情况即将改变。总经理布兰登·哈里斯 (Brandon Harris) 最初在 11 月告诉利文斯通,预计学校分配给他的收入分成以及姓名、形象和肖像 (NIL) 资金将从约 $150,000 提高到 $800,000. 以上。然而,根据多位因保护关系而要求匿名的知情人士透露,几周后,该报价变更为约 $400,000,。
“你万万没想到事情会变成那样,”利文斯通在今年春天说,“你从经纪人那里了解情况,听到传闻,然后教练告诉你一些事情,于是你就觉得,‘好吧,让我们做一个商业决定,进入转会门户吧。’在与密歇根大学比赛的前一天晚上,我就知道我要进入转会门户了。”
比赛次日,利文斯通告诉 ESPN 他将进入
(续接 B10 页)
棒球 / M.L.B. 季后赛
在 Game 4, 中,加文·威廉姆斯 (Gavin Williams) 进行了大学毕业后的首次救火登板。他锁定了胜利,但队友们表示,他从牛棚跑出来的样子实在不敢恭维。 NAM HUU,美联社
芝加哥 —— 牛棚是一个奇怪的地方。
一群投手渴望冲出外野墙上的那扇门,他们像被关在动物园笼子里的动物一样坐在观众面前,等待着休息区的召唤。
克利夫兰守护者队的救援投手们通过回答百科问答来消磨时间。在周四美国联盟分区系列赛第 4 场的早盘局中,斯莱德·塞科尼(Slade Cecconi)向队友们出题,内容涵盖全球最富有的人、最畅销的电子游戏以及访问量最高的国家。他还挑战他们将电影按正确的时间线排列。例如,在 20 世纪 90 年代的经典电影中,《侏罗纪公园》和《阿甘正传》哪个先发行?
守护者队的救援投手们也深度关注着场上的动态。当好事发生时,他们会进行“胸部碰撞”——不是彼此碰撞,而是与棒球碰撞。至少克雷格·约霍(Craig Yoho)就是这么做的。
(扎克·迈塞尔是《The Athletic》的资深记者,负责报道守护者队。)
当时,何塞·拉米雷斯(José Ramírez)在第五局击出的领先本垒球飞入了雷特球场(Rate Field)的客队牛棚。约霍的队友们给他留出了空间,球正好撞在他那件红蓝相间夹克的正中间。
牛棚是一个奇怪的地方。
守护者队的救援投手们还会评价彼此从牛棚跑向投手丘的跑姿。
凯德·史密斯(Cade Smith)因保持最好的姿态和节奏而广受赞赏,这并不奇怪,因为组织内部经常称赞他的自律和对细节的关注。
而加文·威廉姆斯(Gavin Williams)则还有待提高。他在第 4 场的第九局登场,这是他自东卡罗来纳大学时期以来的首次救援出场,而他的跑姿则略显欠缺。
威廉姆斯:“我希望跑进来的时候能稍微慢一点。我感觉在那次奔跑中把自己累死了。”
史蒂文·宽(Steven Kwan):“我觉得他跑得太慢了。”
埃里克·萨布罗夫斯基(Erik Sabrowski):“这其实是一门艺术。”
肖恩·阿姆斯特朗(Shawn Armstrong)翻了个白眼:“真是典型的先发投手。”
威廉姆斯:“我觉得我是在冲刺,感觉像是在冲刺。我全年都没跑过这么多。”
无论速度如何,威廉姆斯及时抵达,为守护者队挽救了比赛和赛季,使球队在对阵芝加哥白袜队的比赛中强行将局面拖入决定性的第 5 场。这两支球队在整个系列赛中陷入了极度依赖牛棚的混乱状态,他们将于周六晚上在克利夫兰再次交锋。获胜者将飞往坦帕,在美联冠军赛中与光芒队对阵。
威廉姆斯在第 3 场比赛中待在牛棚,以便更好地了解救援投手的常规流程,但当时他并不在投球选项之列。第 4 场的计划则有所不同。
威廉姆斯在第九局开始热身,此时凯德·史密斯正试图通过连续第二次完成六个出局数的表现来锁定另一场胜利。起初,威廉姆斯在牛棚的投球同时也是他惯常的两次先发之间的侧投练习,旨在为他在第 5 场比赛中接手投球做准备。
但史密斯的投球数不断增加,且他在第 3 场比赛中已经投了两局,因此主教练斯蒂芬·沃格特(Stephen Vogt)在第九局从休息区走出,要求他的先发投手来接替他的终结投手。在狂野的美国联盟中区之战中,任何手段皆可行。
“天呐,简直像被惊吓了一样,”宽说,“我甚至不知道有人在热身。我以为这场比赛由凯德收尾。所以当沃格特走出来时,我真的很困惑。然后我看到大个子加文跑了过来。”
威廉姆斯允许了一个安打,但他随后让接下来的三名击球手出局,从而结束了这场比赛。在这场比赛中,两队合计使用了 15 名投手,共投出 368 球,且有 15 名击球手被保送。
“我非常感谢他,”史密斯说,“能那样进来帮我解围。”
这使得克利夫兰第 5 场的计划变得不确定。在第 2 场比赛中五局内投出 11 次三振的威廉姆斯表示,在投出 18 球记录最后三个出局数后,他已准备好应对任何情况。
“我们准备好了。没关系,”他说,“无论他们需要我做什么,我都会去做。”
沃格特说,当他在第三局撤下帕克·梅西克(Parker Messick)时,他撕毁了守护者队的投球剧本。这位美联年度最佳新秀的候选人——
高尔夫
这位年度最佳新人奖候选人以及潜在的赛扬奖决赛入围者状态并不犀利。梅西克今年的投球局数比他在大学或职业生涯中的任何一个赛季都多出 55 局。沃格特用七名不同的救援投手拼凑出了剩余的局数。
白袜队整个月一直以这种疯狂的方式部署救援投手——事实上,在季后赛之前就如此。他们在第四场比赛的目标是给他们的多局 stalwart(中坚力量)格兰特·泰勒一个领先优势。但泰勒的状态也并非最佳。他面对了六名击球手;在第六局被对方拿下 6 分的过程中,这六人都成功上垒,导致芝加哥队经理威尔·维纳布尔不得不放弃让这位右投手在多个高压局中出战的计划。
这场系列赛从第一球起就带有“全员出动”的主题,而在周六这场两队都面临被淘汰的比赛中,预计将继续保持这种绝对的混乱状态。
牛棚是一个奇怪的地方。下一场比赛可能会像之前的任何一场一样奇怪。“你还希望它变成别的样子吗?”萨布罗夫斯基说。“我们知道这种情况在预料之中。没有人感到惊讶。”
作者:EVAN DRELLICH The Athletic
美国职业棒球大联盟(Major League Baseball)希望从 2029, 年起将常规赛场数从 162 场削减至 154 场,届时还将增加一轮季后赛。此外,联盟希望从明年开始在季后赛中引入一种重新排种(reseeding)机制。
在周四与球员工会的集体谈判中,联盟提出将作为该项运动第二轮季后赛的分区系列赛(division series)由五局三胜制改为七局四胜制。
联盟并未提议改变目前 12. 支季后赛球队的数量。但联盟确实提议,从 2027, 年起,在季后赛前两轮中种子排名最高的球队可以挑选其对手。
每支联盟的前两名球队在季后赛第一轮的外卡系列赛(wild-card series)中获得轮空。这意味着首轮的最高种子球队是总排名 3 的球队,即分区冠军。该俱乐部将被允许在两支外卡对手(第五或第六种子)之间做出选择。
随后,在下一轮的分区系列赛中,每支联盟中战绩最好的球队(即总排名 1, 的种子球队)可以选择与两支外卡轮获胜球队中的哪一支对阵。
这是 M.L.B. 与 M.L.B. 球员协会就下一份集体谈判协议进行谈判的最新提案。目前的协议将于 12 月 1 日到期,外界普遍预计,如果届时未能达成协议,联盟将对球员实施封锁(lock out)。
M.L.B. 球队在 1961. 年之前曾打 154 场比赛。在近代历史上,每当出现减少常规赛场数的想法时,球员与所有者之间的讨论总是围绕这将对球员薪酬产生什么影响而展开。这一问题是 2020, 年新冠疫情缩短赛季期间劳资斗争的核心,当时常规赛场数降至 60 场。
Evan Drelich 是 The Athletic 的资深 M.L.B. 撰稿人。
分析
随着 LIV 高尔夫的重心从赛季收官赛事转向其在破产法院的未来,乔恩·拉姆(Jon Rahm)的命运成为了今年夏末最热门的话题。
一名与该联赛有关的人士曾考虑过拉姆离开的可能性,并在夏天推测道:“如果那样发生,那么 LIV 基本上就变成了‘布赖森和朋友们’巡回赛。”
由于与 之间存在敏感的持续关系,该消息人士要求匿名。现在看来,其预见性极强。
这正是 2.0 及其新投资者 BC Partners 可能面临的未来。周三,拉姆——可以说他是唯一能与布赖森·德尚博(Bryson DeChambeau)的力量和影响力相媲美的球员——允许其律师在公开法庭上承认,他已结束与 高尔夫的合作。
拉姆的律师约翰·贝克(John Beck)表示,重组后的巡回赛条款被其客户认为不可接受,后者将寻求与联赛达成一项分离协议。他们希望在接下来的一周左右敲定该协议。
在同一场听证会上,法院认可了塞尔希奥·加西亚(Sergio Garcia)采取的一项法律手段;这位大师赛冠军希望获得其 合同已终止的确认。加西亚的
Gabby Herzig 为 The Athletic 报道高尔夫赛事。
律师提出这一请求,是为了让他能自由地与第三方(即其他高尔夫巡回赛)讨论即将到来的职业变动。另一位前大满贯冠军卡梅伦·史密斯(Cameron Smith)对加西亚的交易感兴趣。哈罗德·瓦纳三世(Harold Varner III)、马修·沃尔夫(Matthew Wolff)、卡梅伦·特林盖尔(Cameron Tringale)、安炳勋(Byeong-hun An)和马克·莱什曼(Marc Leishman)同样感兴趣。
这些请求的命运将在周四的下一次破产听证会上决定。虽然这些球员最终返回 并非绝对不可能,但可以肯定的是,他们至少已经一只脚踏出了大门。
那么,除了两届美国公开赛冠军德尚博之外, 还剩下谁,还剩下什么?他尚未公开承诺留在 高尔夫,但他多次表达了对其未来的支持。
根据球员成绩和排名,若论能产生影响力的球员,接下来的五位 球员分别是:华金·尼曼(Joaquin Niemann,Data Golf 排名第 22 位)、卢卡斯·赫伯特(Lucas Herbert,第 63 位)、泰瑞尔·海顿(Tyrrell Hatton,第 64 位)、汤姆·麦基宾(Tom McKibbin,第 69 位)和托马斯·德特里(Thomas Detry,第 75 位)。在 Data Golf 的前 100 名中,仅剩四名其他 球员。而且其中几名球员已经公开表示对 2.0 持保留态度。
“事实是,我还在决定怎么做,”尼曼上周在他家乡智利举行的国家公开赛期间告诉当地媒体。
该联赛拥有北美媒体版权协议,但在吸引真实且有价值的观众方面记录不佳。今年 在 Fox 频道每场播出的平均观众数为 386,000 人。
PGA 巡回赛 2026 年在 CBS 和 NBC 的平均观众数为 250 万。如果 能留住德尚博,他会带来其强大的 YouTube 受众。但如果这 290 万 订阅者到目前为止还没有转化为电视端的观众,那么这次会有什么不同?
传统的电视收入和媒体版权方案对于任何体育联赛的财务可行性都至关重要。 的破产申请文件显示,Fox 的协议仅占联赛收入的约 5%,即大约 1000万美元。而 PGA 巡回赛目前的协议年价值为 7亿美元。
此外, 还有其现场赛事体验。该联赛长期以来一直将每年在澳大利亚和南非举办的赛事(吸引了超过 100,000, 名观众)作为其可持续性和影响力的概念证明。
但 在澳大利亚阿德莱德的下一个主办球场——库永加高尔夫俱乐部(Kooyonga Golf Club),已经对该赛事的未—

布赖森·德尚博尚未公开承诺留在 ,但他已表达了对其未来的支持。
ture,并通过法院文件要求 LIV 立即提供答案。此外,南澳大利亚州财政部长汤姆·库特桑托尼斯(Tom Koutsantonis)上周在接受 ABC 阿德莱德采访,被问及 3 月份的赛事时表示,“看来不太可能”。而且,史密斯(Smith)和莱什曼(Leishman)这两位寻求退出机会的球员,代表了澳大利亚 LIV 战队“撕裂者队”(Rippers)的一半成员。
BC Partners 信贷部门负责人泰德·戈尔索普(Ted Goldthorpe)表示,他认为 高尔夫的球队特许经营权每家可能价值超过 1亿美元。他本周在伦敦的一次 Sportico 会议上表示:“我认为这是一个真实的数据。”如果由拉姆(Rahm)、布鲁克斯·科普卡(Brooks Koepka)和加西亚(Garcia)组成的 版本都无法从其特许经营权中创造出这种价值,那么由德尚博(DeChambeau)以及决定追随他的人领导的 2.0 版本,又怎么可能给 带来这样的动力?
Oct. 25 是 破产案件的下一个里程碑或截止日期。球员们只能在此时限前就 2.0 的重组条款达成一致。
起初,BC Partners 对球员的承诺提出了具体要求,并威胁如果不能满足,公司将转向真正的清算。根据破产法,该公司要求的不仅是一定数量的球员,而且是具有特定且高价值的球员。BC Partners 希望这些承诺在“金额”上达到“合格球员索赔”的三分之二,在“人数”上达到二分之一。换句话说,一群低价值球员的签约是行不通的。BC Partners 想要的是那些家喻户晓的名字,或者至少是其中一部分。
现在,在修订后的重组协议中,这段表述已经消失:BC Partners 要求的球员承诺是“为确保公司各方能够作为一家真实的高尔夫联赛继续经营而必要的承诺,具体由计划发起人自行决定”。
“布赖森和他的朋友们”是一个被证明成功的 YouTube 高尔夫概念。但作为一支高尔夫联赛?它将需要其核心圈子之外的帮助。
大学橄榄球
作者:贾斯汀·威廉姆斯 (JUSTIN WILLIAMS)

阿拉巴马大学的防守线球员法图托亚·亨利 (Fatutoa Henry) 和红潮队将面对乔治亚大学,后者一直保持着低调的统治力,并拥有 F.B.S. 最强的防守。 詹姆斯·普格 (JAMES PUGH) / 美联社


加州大学洛杉矶分校 (U.C.L.A.) 的布鲁因队球员塞马杰·摩根 (Semaj Morgan),布鲁因队在对阵俄勒冈大学的 12 场比赛中输掉了 11 场。但鸭子队可能会缺少四分卫丹特·摩尔 (Dante Moore)。 莱文·特雷尔 (LEVIN TERRELL) / 盖蒂图片社 丽贝卡·S·格拉茨 (REBECCA S. GRATZ) / 美联社
The Athletic
感觉半个大学橄榄球界正陷入一场生存危机。许多球迷群体已经对他们的主教练感到厌倦,无论这些教练是处于执教首季,还是刚刚参加过大学橄榄球季后赛。这在很大程度上是印第安纳大学和教练库尔特·西格内蒂 (Curt Cignetti) 的错,或者是由于过度重视进入季后赛,导致球队的一两次失利立即演变成一场信任投票。
本周,你可以感受到这种危机在几支球队中蔓延。无论是否公平,这让一些对决变得异常精彩。而且这还不包括两支未尝败绩的东南部联盟 (SEC) 强队之间本周最受瞩目的比赛。
以下是第 6 周的顶级赛事。 比赛于周六进行;所有时间均为东部时间。排名来自美联社前 25 名。
我们迎来了另一场前 10 名的对决,这已成为过去二十年大学橄榄球最具定义性的宿敌之战:两场全国冠军赛,一次 SEC 冠军赛,以及大量高关注度的常规赛交锋。这场比赛是对一直低调统治赛场的乔治亚大学队的第一次真正考验,而阿拉巴马大学队终于看起来具备了卡伦·德博尔 (Kalen DeBoer) 的风格。红潮队的四分卫基隆·罗素 (Keelon Russell) 在面对布宜诺斯艾利斯——因为这些是足球碗分区 (Football Bowl Subdivision) ——的表现,将成为这两支具备夺冠实力的球队的焦点。唯一可能给这场比赛泼冷水的是潜在的飓风。
下午 3:30,CBS 频道
在对阵南加州大学遭遇惊险受伤后,四分卫丹特·摩尔 (Dante Moore) 的健康状况成了大新闻。摩尔本周参加了训练,但不太可能在对阵其前东家的比赛中出场,这意味着替补球员迪伦·雷奥拉 (Dylan Raiola) 必须再次挺身而出,以守护俄勒冈大学的季后赛机会。鸭子队在对阵布鲁因队的 12 场比赛中赢了 11 场,并在奥岑体育场 (Autzen Stadium) 取得了 8 连胜,包括 2022 年的一场前 10 名对决,但在鲍勃·切斯尼 (Bob Chesney) 领导下的 U.C.L.A. 可能会是一支不同的球队。在跑卫韦恩·奈特 (Wayne Knight) 的带领下,这支布鲁因队的场均冲球码数达到 7 码,位居 F.B.S. 之首。
正午,Fax
内布拉斯加大学目前未尝败绩,但到目前为止几乎没有遇到什么阻力,尽管上周在对阵马里兰大学时曾以 23-14 落后。印第安纳大学也并非经过充分的实战检验,胡西尔队在下周与俄亥俄州大学的重量级对决之前,可能需要面对一些逆境。对于玉米 the Huskers 队来说,关键在于他们对阵排名球队的 31 场连败——其中过去 9 场是在马特·鲁尔 (Matt Rhule) 执教下发生的,他在职业生涯面对排名球队时的战绩为 2 胜 25 负。也许他在 HBO 剧集《灯笼》(Lanterns) 中的明星表现能结束内布拉斯加大学 10 年的噩梦。
自从布伦特·韦纳布尔斯接手俄克拉荷马大学以来,长角牛队在过去四次“红河宿敌战”中赢了三次,其中包括去年爆冷击败排名第6的速骏队。随着诺曼市的球迷们变得日益不安,人们不禁好奇俄克拉荷马大学及其陷入困境的四分卫约翰·马蒂尔能否报一箭之仇。尽管外界对俄克拉荷马大学进攻端无能的议论颇多,但德克萨斯大学的表现也并非好上多少,马蒂尔和阿奇·曼宁的数据相近。尽管如此,高级统计数据对长角牛队更为有利,而视觉观察对俄克拉荷马大学则毫无宽容——后者被佐治亚大学击溃,且尚未击败过任何一个强力联盟(power-conference)的对手。
贾斯汀·威廉姆斯为《The Athletic》报道大学橄榄球和篮球。
列克星敦的比赛氛围应当会非常热烈,野猫队刚刚在加时赛中上演逆转击败了南卡罗来纳大学。教练威尔·斯坦为肯塔基大学注入了能量与信心,而这正是他们想要爆冷击败路易斯安那州立大学所需要的大量支撑。莱恩·基芬和老虎队的进攻端拥有强力武器,但防守端正在主导比赛。其场均允许推进码数 (3.9) 与顶级的佐治亚大学持平,并且在截击损失(tackles for loss)和第三档进攻限制对方出场率方面在SEC联盟中排名第二。
这就是本周的“糟糕氛围之战”。考虑到南加州大学 5-1 的战绩且逆转击败了华盛顿大学,这样评价似乎不公平,但输给俄勒冈大学以及一些惨淡的防守时刻,再次引发了关于林肯·赖利处于“帅位危机”的讨论。在宾州州立大学客场获胜并不能终结这种议论,因为赛程中仍有俄亥俄州立大学、印第安纳大学和加州大学洛杉矶分校(U.C.L.A.),但如果输球,将摧毁特洛伊人的季后赛希望,并将赖利推入绝境。马特·坎贝尔和尼塔尼狮队在遭遇两连败后也面临自己的问题,任何关于教练搜寻的残留忧虑都再次浮出水面。这可能会成为快乐谷(Happy Valley)一次充满焦虑的“白色风暴”(White Out)。
密苏里大学会成为最新一个在取得重大胜利后迅速熄火的SEC新秀吗?在痛击前10名的佛罗里达大学一周后,老虎队将迎来一支处于完全崩溃边缘的德克萨斯 A&M 球队。为什么这对密苏里大学来说像是一个危险的处境?如果在这里爆冷,可能意味着农工队四分卫马塞尔·里德有了重大进步——在合格的传球手中,里德的传球完成率 (57%)、每次尝试推进码数 (6.1) 和四分卫评分 (116.16) 在SEC联盟中均排名垫底。而密苏里的奥斯汀·西蒙斯则有 13 次达阵传球且 0 次被截球。
这是一场引人注目的 Big 12 对决,休斯顿大学试图证明自己是该联盟一个真正的竞争者。美洲狮队唯一的败仗是在客场对阵德克萨斯理工大学的一场苦战,而堪萨斯州立大学则在休赛周后经历了一场客场输给辛辛那提大学的比赛。堪州州立在赛季初看起来很稳健,但在面对第一个强力联盟对手时陷入苦战,被山猫队推进了 271 码冲球码数。休斯顿大学不能分心看向未来,因为接下来的赛程是对阵俄克拉荷马州立大学以及客场挑战犹他大学的排名对决。
内布拉斯加大学:玉米壳队的夸齐·吉尔默,该队在面对排名对手时已遭遇 31 场连败。
这是新格局 Pac-12 联盟中的一场关键战。博伊西州立大学是“Group of 6”中唯一一支排名球队,并领先于季后赛席位的竞争,但野马队必须在客场面对弗雷斯诺州立大学,后者在首场比赛被南加州大学零封后表现令人印象深刻。斗牛犬队在五场比赛中迫使对方 11 次失误,场均仅失 16.4 分。
来自第一体育页
转会门户网站。1月3日,他发布了一条关于此次变动的Instagram消息,感谢了教练们,并部分写道:“有些事情是我无法控制的。这就是大学橄榄球不断变化的现状。”
这条消息传递出的信号很明确:分道扬镳对双方都有好处。德克萨斯大学拥有全美最昂贵的球员阵容之一,根据《The Athletic》的报道,其总支出在$43 million和$35 million之间,但它无法为每个人支付过高薪水。据《The Athletic》在春季报道,科尔曼与德克萨斯大学的协议价值接近300万美元。德克萨斯大学在引进科尔曼的同时,还以高价招募了其他新首发球员,这将影响那些在阵容深度表中排名下降的球员可获得的资金。
在进入转会门户后,利文斯通立即收到了十几个项目的邀请。他访问了印第安纳大学和俄克拉荷马大学。在参加完德克萨斯大学的碗赛不到一周后,他决定加盟苏纳队(Sooners)。据熟悉该安排的人士透露,他签署了一份价值约$850,000的协议。
这些人表示,他在其他地方本可以赚到更多钱,但在俄克拉荷马大学就读能离家较近,这是一个关键的吸引力,而且他在该大学有许多达拉斯地区的朋友。

四分卫阿奇·曼宁在德克萨斯大学的前2年里是利文斯通的室友。 TIN WARNER / GETTY IMAGES
“那是最重要的因素之一,”利文斯通说,“我希望在发生任何事情时,开车两小时就能到达。”
消息传出后,他注销了数周的社交媒体。有足够多的消息称他为叛徒。
俄克拉荷马大学与德克萨斯大学的竞争历史可以追溯到俄克拉荷马州建州之前,这两支球队都是第一分区(Division I)历史上获胜次数最多的六支球队之2。
跨越宿敌阵营曾被认为是不可原谅的。近二十年前,贾斯汀·博伦从密歇根大学转到俄亥俄州立大学时,被报道得像一场丑闻。即使是20世纪90年代初,保罗·莫里亚蒂从德克萨斯大学转到布林学院再转到俄克拉荷马大学,也是一件大事。
而现在,这已很普遍。洛杉矶闪电队的接球手布伦嫩·汤普森就在四年前从德克萨斯大学转学到俄克拉荷马大学,随后在密西西比州立大学结束了他的大学生涯。四分卫凯西·汤普森的大学生涯始于德克萨斯大学,终于俄克拉荷马大学,期间曾在内布拉斯加大学和佛罗里达大西洋大学效力。跨越宿敌阵营的球员名单大幅增加。球迷们仍然不喜欢这样做,但如今的球员感觉不同。
“对我来说,这没什么大不了的,”利文斯通说,“我只需要做对我以及我的未来最有利的事情。归根结底,无论是俄克拉荷马大学、德克萨斯大学还是印第安纳大学,我觉得最终的选择是俄克拉荷马大学。”
这些变动是否奏效则是另一个话题。利文斯通在秋季训练营中遭受了脑震荡,本赛季仅有6次接球,而俄克拉荷马大学的进攻在2-2的开局中陷入苦战。德克萨斯大学排名No. 1,但科尔

帕克·利文斯通在一年前的“红河宿敌赛”中为长角牛队接到了两次传球。 JEROME MIRON / IMAGY IMAGES
他在四场比赛中仅有 12 次接球,总码数为 208 码,不过他也拿到了四个达阵。曼宁的场均传球码数、每次尝试的码数以及传球效率都低于
上赛季。
“帕克是我的一位好朋友,他在这里曾是一名优秀的球员,”曼宁上周告诉《The Athletic》,“当他转学到俄克拉荷马大学(O.U.)时,我确实感到有些惊讶,但最终他必须做他认为对他最有利的选择。我不会祈祷他失败。我祝他一切顺利,但下周我们肯定都会努力击败俄克拉荷马大学。”
利文斯通及其亲近的人坚称双方并没有过节。大家都已经释怀了。但现在是宿敌周,即便这只是职业竞争,情感依然会再次涌现。
“我在德克萨斯大学的时候,那是我们所有人都期待的比赛。我们想去那里,想把俄克拉荷马大学彻底击败,”利文斯通在春季时表示。“现在穿上俄克拉荷马大学的球衣,我想去那里,把德克萨斯大学彻底击败。”
足球
分析

卡万·沙利文(Cavan Sullivan,8号)上周在对阵墨西哥的比赛中进球,成为美国国家男子足球队历史上最年轻的进球者。主教练毛里西奥·波切蒂诺(Mauricio Pochettino,左)表示,工作才刚刚开始。

RICK SCUTTER / ASSOCIATED PRESS
作者:保罗·特诺里奥(PAUL TENORIO) 《竞技网》(The Athletic)
明尼苏达州圣保罗 —— 11天内第四次,《带我回家,乡村路》(Take Me Home, Country Roads)在一家美国体育场内回荡,成为了庆祝的赞歌。
在此之前的过程并不总是那么完美,但这并不重要。主教练毛里西奥·波切蒂诺率领的美国国家男子足球队在接手后的第二个周期开局即取得四连胜。在周二的比赛中,美国队必须在充满犯规的比赛中生存下来,并与身体对抗强烈的加拿大队搏斗,最终以 1-0 获胜。但找到赢得结果的方法,为这个窗口期画上了句号,而这个窗口期的意义在于成长,正如其他任何方面一样。
对于波切蒂诺来说,这在几乎所有方面都是一个理想的开始。他利用这次集训发出了信号,预示着他希望看到该项目的转型和进步,因为在一次主场世界杯结束时,该项目仍未达到满意状态。在 16 强赛中输给比利时,以及输球的方式,给美国队留下了苦涩的回忆,而美国队在最初四场比赛中的表现曾吸引了如此之多的球迷。
因此,至关重要的一点是,这个窗口期不能让人觉得只是在重复过去。波切蒂诺召集了 13 名此前从未在成年国家队出场的球员。其中许多人仍是青少年。从一开始,他就坚持认为,这两周的核心不在于结果,而在于该项目的进步。
在一段疯狂的旅程结束时,球队在五个州和三个时区之间奔波,所有 13 名球员都完成了美国成年队的首秀。其中一些球员证明了他们应该在未来的球队角色中得到考虑。而美国队也取得了结果 —— 分别击败秘鲁、智利、墨西哥和加拿大,总共打入 12 球,并在最后两场比赛中保持零封。
波切蒂诺在此过程中取得了率队击败该地区主要竞争对手的首胜,他将功劳归于球员。
“我认为不能只谈论结果;要谈论的是我们竞争的方式,以及我们共同构建这段旅程的方式,”他说。“我认为这太棒了。这是一个继续前进的起点,在已知我们所讨论的基础和原则的情况下,以这种方式发展和进化。”
他补充道:“我们在两周内踢了四场比赛,并且始终保持同样的强度、同样的投入和同样的热情,这是我们要保持的一点。”
美国队需要在守门员、中后卫、边锋和前锋等几个重要位置上挖掘深度并增加竞争。它在所有这些位置上都找到了一些有能力的球员。
在守门员位置上,来自巴塞罗那青训学院的 20 岁球员迭戈·科琴(Diego Kochen)表现稳健。纳什维尔队的守门员布赖恩·施瓦克(Brian Schwake)是本次首秀球员中年龄最大的(25岁),他在对阵加拿大的比赛中完成了一次关键扑救,在首次首发中实现了零封。
奥斯顿·特拉斯蒂(Auston Trusty)和克里斯·理查兹(Chris Richards)看起来将成为未来的首发中后卫,而尼尔·皮埃尔(Neil Pierre)仍然是一个令人期待的新星,应该在奥运队中扮演重要角色。
青少年球员马蒂斯·阿尔伯特(Mathis Albert)和卡万·沙利文(Cavan Sullivan)分别成为了美国国家男子足球队历史上最年轻的进球者 —— 先是阿尔伯特,几天后沙利文打破了他的纪录 —— 两人看起来都有能力为成年队做出贡献,并增加匮乏的边锋位置的深度。
在里卡多·佩皮(Ricardo Pepi)因伤退出集训后,前锋朱利安·霍尔(Julian Hall)和贾斯汀·埃利斯(Justin Ellis)在四场比赛中合砍五球。(此次集训最大的负面因素可能是埃利斯遭受的小腿挫伤。)
“我认为显然有很多新面孔,他们在集训期间都展现出了极大的活力并非常努力,”中场球员吉奥·雷纳(Gio Reyna)说道。“现在每个人都要回到各自的俱乐部。至于谁能回来,谁不能回来,这个决定由毛里西奥(Mauricio)做出。这无疑带来了竞争,而这正是我们所有人都需要的。我认为对于接下来的周期来说,推动每个人进步是非常棒的。”
波切蒂诺(Pochettino)显然对这组球员感到满意,但他也表示工作才刚刚开始。他说,那些新球员现在将以成年国家队成员的身份回到俱乐部,并且必须维持这一标准。在未来的每一次训练和比赛中,他们承担着“更多的责任”去努力并发挥水平。
“最困难的事情是我们如何支持这些年轻球员,”波切蒂诺说。“这
最简单的事情总是让他们抵达这里并完成首秀。但现在,我们该如何带领他们进化,以及我们该如何保护他们?”
除了新面孔,波切蒂诺还对队中的老将提出了更高要求。尤努斯·穆萨被重新召回,试图赢回主力位置。泰勒·亚当斯被任命为队长。或许最令人惊讶的是,23岁的雷纳在全部四场比赛中均首发。
对于一名经历过多次伤病的球员来说,这是一个重要的时刻。波切蒂诺表示,他认为雷纳将在本周期承担更大的领导角色。
“感觉很好,”雷纳说。“坦白说,现在更多的是在思考如何继续前进……继续深化我一直在做的事情,每天坚持出现,训练,恢复,做所有我需要做的事情,以便在心理和身体上为每场训练和比赛做好准备。不过感觉不错。每次踏上球场,我都感到更加自信。出场时间相当充足,所以显然我对这次集训窗口的表现非常满意。”
波切蒂诺现在面临的任务是将此次集训窗口开启的势头延续到11月的中北美及加勒比海足球联合会(Concacaf)国家联赛四分之一决赛中。在那里的目标将是让重要球员重新回归球队,理想情况下包括福拉林·巴洛贡、克里斯蒂安·普利希奇和韦斯顿·麦肯尼。
美国队将与一支渴望在自身世界杯表现基础上进一步提升的海地队进行主客场对决。对于波切蒂诺来说,这仅仅是一个延续过去两年建立的标准,并由一群成功留下深刻第一印象的年轻球员在本次集训窗口中予以强化的过程。
“如果我们能保持这种专注度、投入度和一切努力,竞争将会变得简单,”波切蒂诺说道。
作者:布莱恩·汉密尔顿(BRIAN HAMILTON) 《竞技报》(The Athletic)
拉斯维加斯——在阿贾·威尔逊登台讨论她的第五座WNBA最有价值球员(MVP)奖项之前,奖杯已经先她一步到达。它被放置在桌子上,与之前的四座奖杯排列在一起,这种阵仗在任何运动项目的任何运动员身上都罕见。
于是,拉斯维加斯王牌队的超级巨星威尔逊在周四下午走上台阶,注视着加入其中的2026年雕像,然后在其顶端放置了一顶全尺寸的王冠。
“我想确保人们明白,如果你要戴上这顶王冠,如果你要以自己的方式驾驭它并佩戴它,你必须
“必须意识到压力会变得很大,”威尔逊在米凯洛布超能体育馆(Michelob Ultra Arena)举行的新闻发布会上说道,“但这并不意味着它必须掉下来。在我值守期间,绝不会。”
威尔逊目前已连续三次获得最有价值球员(M.V.P.)奖项,且在五个赛季中获得了四次。没有其他 W.N.B.A. 球员获得超过三次,而 N.B.A. 中只有三位球员获得过五次或更多:比尔·拉塞尔、卡里姆·阿卜杜勒-贾巴尔和迈克尔·乔丹。
这就是威尔逊现在所处的顶尖境界,这或许也是为什么前副总统卡玛拉·哈里斯在周四通过一段录制视频传达了官方消息并表达了个人祝贺。
“把她从拉什莫尔山移走吧——她就是珠穆朗玛峰,”拉斯维加斯王牌队教练贝基·哈蒙说道,“现在我要把她从珠穆朗玛峰移走,我得把她放在另一个星球上。她拥有这一切。”
“因为你可以成为一名非常有天赋且技术精湛的篮球运动员,但却不能像她那样赢得这么多,也不能在个人能力上达到她那样伟大的高度。”
30岁的威尔逊在这一赛季展现了全面的统治力。她在 W.N.B.A. 的得分(场均 26.2 分)、盖帽(79 次)、球员效率值(32.4)和总胜利贡献值(9.4)方面均排名第一。此外,她的场均篮板数(9.4 个)排名第五。
A'ja 威尔逊,30岁,在 W.N.B.A. 的得分、盖帽、球员效率值和总胜利贡献值方面均排名第一。 ETHAN MILLER / GETTY IMAGES
这些数据甚至都不是她的职业生涯最高值,但有一项是:威尔逊 32.9 的使用率是她职业生涯中最强劲的一次。换句话说,王牌队在进攻端对她的要求更高,而她在成为防守中流砥柱的同时,交出了惊人的答卷。
“如果你能够树立一个标准,如果你能够改写历史,并将自己的名字刻入史册,这意味着很多东西,”威尔逊说,“我非常感激能与这么多不同的人分享这些时刻。但当你能够树立标准,并给他人以及你自己提供一个追求目标时,这总是很有趣的。”
虽然结果在很大程度上在预料之中,但威尔逊对周四的颁奖仪式感到惊讶——同时她补充说,她的男友、迈阿密热火队球星巴姆·阿德巴约已经知道这件事一周了,并且保守了秘密。
在周四晚上热火队战胜新奥尔良队的季前赛后,当被问及此消息时,阿德巴约告诉记者,“能为一个真正 deserving(值得)的人庆祝是件好事。”
“我其实在跟我的队友和妈妈说,我很庆幸今天梳了头发,”威尔逊在一阵笑声中说道。
“你真的无法用语言来描述五个 M.V.P. 的含义,”阿德巴约说,“你只能坐在那里,单纯地仰慕这种伟大。”
威尔逊在克服背部伤势的同时实现了这一成就,该伤势曾促使她为了休息和康复而放弃了美国国家队参加 FIBA 世界杯的一个名额。
在本赛季季后赛期间,她还多次暗示面临其他非篮球方面的挑战——而这还是在她与一名印第安纳狂热队球迷在首轮系列赛第二场第四节发生冲突之前,这次冲突导致她被判技术犯规。威尔逊因这次互动未被罚款或受到进一步纪律处分。
在周四新闻发布会的开始阶段,威尔逊提到“16岁的 A'ja”当时并没有关于冠军或奖项的梦想——只有“在这个世界上生存下去”。随后,或许作为她这个赛季一个恰如其分的结尾,她反思了年轻时的自己会对 2026 年的这一时刻作何感想。
“首先她会笑,因为她会觉得,没门,你竟然做到了这些,”威尔逊说,“但我认为她会对我在自己的原则下完成这一切而感到非常高兴。我总能找到重新站起来的意志力。”
威尔逊在投票中获得了除九票以外的所有第一名选票。明尼苏达山 Lynx 队的 rookie 奥利维亚·迈尔斯(Olivia Miles)获得六张第一名选票,位列第二;印第安纳狂热队(Indiana Fever)的后卫凯尔西·米切尔(Kelsey Mitchell)以两张 MVP 票获得第三名。狂热队后卫凯特琳·克拉克(Caitlin Clark)获得一张第一名选票,并

THEARON W. HENDERSON / GETTY IMAGES
威尔逊在 W.N.B.A. 半决赛中对阵金州 Valkyries 队。这位 Aces 队的超级巨星在年度最佳防守球员的投票中也位列第三。下方为 2023 年她展示冠军戒指时的照片。
LUCAS PELTIER / USA TODAY SPORTS

位列第四。纽约自由人队的布里安娜·斯图尔特(Breanna Stewart)排名第五,达拉斯 Wings 队的佩奇·布克尔斯(Paige Bueckers)排名第六。
威尔逊在年度最佳防守球员的投票中同样位列第三,该奖项由亚特兰大 Dream 队的安杰尔·里斯(Angel Reese)获得。加比·威廉姆斯(Gabby Williams)位列第二。
在 W.N.B.A. 的其他奖项中,Wings 队的杰西卡·谢泼德(Jessica Shepard)被评为进步最快球员;金州 Valkyries 队的贾内尔·萨隆(Janelle Salaun)被一致评为年度第六人;迈尔斯被一致评为年度最佳新秀;Lynx 队的谢丽尔·里夫(Cheryl Reeve)被评为年度最佳教练。

高潮(High Tides)

飓风“伊赛亚斯”在佛罗里达州狭长地带西部登陆后,将继续向北移动并减弱。气旋将在本周末继续向北及东北方向穿过田纳西州和肯塔基州,进入东北地区。强降雨也将蔓延至东北地区,其中最强降雨将于周六晚上抵达肯塔基州,随后于周日下午覆盖纽约市。

截至昨日下午 4 点的 16 小时内的最高 / 最低气温(东部时间),以及截至昨日下午 4 点的 16 小时内的降水量(以英寸计)。今日和明日的预计天气情况。
C< / td><>多云< / ><>S< / ><>晴< / >< / tr><><>F< / ><>雾< / ><>Sn< / ><>雪< / >< / ><><>H< / ><>小雨< / ><>SS< / ><>阵雪< / >< / ><><>I< / ><>冰< / ><>T< / ><>雷阵雨< / >< / ><><>PC< / ><>局部多云< / ><>< / ><>微量< / >< / ><><>R< / ><>雨< / ><>W< / ><>有风< / >< / ><><>Sn< / ><>阵雨< / ><>-< / ><>不可用< / >< / table>
<><>纽约市地区< / ><>昨日< / ><>今日< / ><>明日< / >< / ><><>纽约市< / ><>69 / 53 0< / ><>68 / 58 PC< / ><>64 / 59 R< / >< / ><><>布里奇波特< / ><>70 / 46 0< / ><>67 / 53 < / ><>64 / 60 R< / >< / ><><>考德威尔< / ><>69 / 44 0< / ><>69 / 50 < / ><>62 / 57 R< / >< / ><><>登伯里< / ><>66 / 39 0< / ><>65 / 44 < / ><>61 / 65 R< / >< / ><><>杰尔普< / ><>71 / 46 0< / ><>67 / 53 < / ><>67 / 59 R< / >< / ><><>纽瓦克< / ><>73 / 47 0< / ><>70 / 57 < / ><>66 / 62 R< / >< / ><><>特伦顿< / ><>71 / 45 0< / ><>70 / 52 < / ><>64 / 60 R< / >< / ><><>怀特普莱恩斯< / ><>69 / 46 0< / ><>67 / 51 < / ><>64 / 59 R< / >< / table>
<><>美国< / ><>昨日< / ><>今日< / ><>明日< / >< / ><><>奥尔巴尼< / ><>66 / 40.0< / ><>62 / 44.0< / ><>60 / 52.0< / >< / ><><>布宜诺斯艾利斯< / ><>70 / 58.0< / ><>73 / 59.0< / ><>71 / 60.0< / >< / ><><>安克雷奇< / ><>50 / 42.0< / ><>49 / 41.0< / ><>48 / 37.0< / >< / ><><>亚特兰大< / ><>74 / 62.0< / ><>74 / 61.0< / ><>73 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>波士顿< / ><>74 / 64.0< / ><>74 / 61.0< / ><>71 / 60.0< / >< / ><><>奥斯汀< / ><>84 / 58.0< / ><>83 / 66.0< / ><>84 / 70.0< / >< / ><><>芝加哥< / ><>79 / 56.0< / ><>73 / 58.0< / ><>72 / 60.0< / >< / ><><>巴吞 [...OMITTED...] < / >< / ><><>杰克逊维尔< / ><>83 / 55.0< / ><>73 / 59.0< / ><>70 / 58.0< / >< / ><><>杰克逊< / ><>87 / 63.0< / ><>72 / 58.0< / ><>91 / 61.0< / >< / ><><>杰克逊维尔< / ><>80 / 75.1< / ><>74 / 57.1< / ><>85 / 64.1< / >< / ><><>堪萨斯城< / ><>87 / 63.0< / ><>87 / 61.0< / ><>97 / 61.0< / >< / ><><>基韦斯特< / ><>89 / 81.0< / ><>88 / 82.0< / ><>89 / 81.1< / >< / ><><>堪萨斯城< / ><>87 / 72.0< / ><>87 / 71.0< / ><>87 / 71.0< / >< / ><><>列克辛顿< / ><>82 / 60.0< / ><>70 / 58.0< / ><>57 / 60.0< / >< / table>
<><>小石城< / ><>93 / 61.0< / >< / ><><>洛杉矶< / ><>87 / 66.0< / >< / ><><>路易维尔< / ><>98 / 62.0< / >< / ><><>迈阿密< / ><>92 / 64.0< / >< / ><><>迈阿密< / ><>92 / 61.008< / >< / ><><>纽约< / ><>95 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>Mlyck 圣保罗< / ><>73 / 59.0< / >< / ><><>纳什维尔< / ><>87 / 62.0< / >< / ><><>纽约< / ><>87 / 61.0< / >< / ><><>诺福克< / ><>77 / 65.0< / >< / ><><>俄克拉荷马城< / ><>91 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>奥马哈< / ><>89 / 62.0< / >< / ><><>奥马哈< / ><>91 / 76.015< / >< / ><><>匹兹堡< / ><>77 / 65.0< / >< / ><><>菲尼克斯< / ><>103 / 61.002< / >< / ><><>匹兹堡< / ><>70 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>波特兰(俄勒冈州)< / ><>66 / 41.001< / >< / ><><>波特兰, [...OMITTED...]
OR< / td> 63 / 48.011< / >< / tr> <>罗利< / ><>71 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>罗利< / ><>70 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>罗切斯特< / ><>71 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>里士满< / ><>78 / 57.0< / >< / ><><>罗切斯特< / ><>67 / 39.0< / >< / ><><>盐湖城< / ><>85 / 66.002< / >< / ><><>盐湖城< / ><>92 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>圣迭戈< / ><>82 / 70.0< / >< / ><><>旧金山< / ><>72 / 57.0< / >< / ><><>圣何塞< / ><>94 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>圣胡安< / ><>91 / 79.006< / >< / ><><>圣胡安< / ><>92 / 70.0< / >< / ><><>苏福尔斯< / ><>77 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>斯波坎< / ><>65 / 39.002< / >< / ><><>圣路易斯< / ><>91 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>圣托马斯< / ><>91 / 60.003< / >< / ><><>坦帕-圣
彼得堡< / ><>46 / 30.0< / >< / ><><>坦帕< / ><>89 / 78.030< / >< / ><><>托莱多< / ><>74 / 51.0< / >< / ><><>图森< / ><>97 / 62.0< / >< / ><><>塔尔萨< / ><>92 / 61.0< / >< / ><><>华盛顿< / ><>78 / 57.001< / >< / ><><>华盛顿< / ><>78 / 57.001< / >< / ><><>俄亥俄州威尔明顿< / ><>98 / 58.0< / >< / ><><>西弗吉尼亚< / ><>84 / 61.0< / >< / ><>< colspan="2">非洲< / >< / ><><>阿尔及尔< / ><>77 / 64.002< / >< / ><><>开罗< / ><>85 / 67.0< / >< / ><><>特拉华< / ><>91 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>特拉华< / ><>86 / 79.006< / >< / ><><>达拉斯< / ><>82 / 61.0< / >< / ><><>达科他< / ><>81 / 60.006< / >< / ><><>杜尼卡< / ><>82 / 71.0< / >< / ><><
colspan="2">亚太地区< / >< / ><><>爱沙尼亚< / ><>93 / 64.0< / >< / ><><>曼谷< / ><>83 / 78.002< / >< / ><><>北京< / ><>81 / 56.0< / >< / ><><>伯明翰< / ><>88 / 60.0< / >< / ><><>香港< / ><>88 / 78.0< / >< / ><><>河内< / ><>85 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>耶路撒冷< / ><>78 / 64.0< / >< / ><><>卡拉奇< / ><>88 / 61.0< / >< / ><><>利马< / ><>85 / 63.0< / >< / ><><>孟买< / ><>99 / 63.0< / >< / table>
据预报,飓风“伊斯拉斯”(Islas)今日将快速移向美国中部的内陆地区,沿途将带来强降雨、阵风和强雷暴。东南部部分州将面临龙卷风风险。墨西哥湾沿岸中部的风力、海况和降雨将有所缓解。大西洋沿岸出现的阵风将在高潮时导致轻微的沿海洪水。降雨将在白天扩展至俄亥俄河谷,随后在夜间进入阿巴拉契亚山脉中部,并于周日抵达东北部。
与此同时,强雷暴将从亚利桑那州、新墨西哥州、犹他州和怀俄明州扩散,随后在今晚和周日迎来热带风暴“瑞秋”(Rachel)带来的强降雨。
随着冷空气在西北部聚集,内陆高海拔和中海拔地区的阵雨将转为降雪。
新德里< / td><>97 / 16< / ><>78 / 1< / ><>91 / 13< / ><>91 / 14< / ><>75 / 2< / >< / tr><><>利雅得< / ><>105 / 16< / ><>70 / 2< / ><>93 / 25< / ><>101 / 18< / ><>75 / 2< / >< / ><><>利雅得< / ><>70 / 16< / ><>70 / 2< / ><>79 / 25< / ><>81 / 25< / ><>71 / 2< / >< / ><><>上海< / ><>80 / 16< / ><>64 / 2< / ><>79 / 25< / ><>81 / 25< / ><>63 / 2< / >< / ><><>新加坡< / ><>91 / 11< / ><>81 / 1< / ><>90 / 19< / ><>89 / 19< / ><>71 / 1< / >< / ><><>上海< / ><>81 / 11< / ><>81 / 1< / ><>88 / 19< / ><>77 / 19< / ><>63 / 2< / >< / ><><>台北市< / ><>82 / 69< / ><>81 / 2< / ><>71 / 4< / ><>85 / 13< / ><>73 / 2< / >< / ><><>Tehnan< / ><>88 / 66< / ><>83 / 2< / ><>83 / 5< / ><>81 / 62< / ><>83 / 2< / >< / ><><>东京< / ><>75 / 55< / ><>75 / 6< / ><>77 / 64< / ><>75 / 6< / ><>75 / 6< / >< / ><><>欧洲< / ><>昨日< / >< colspan="2">今日< / >< colspan="2">明日< / >< / ><><>阿姆斯特丹< / ><>64 / 50< / ><>11 / 10< / ><>59 / 49< / ><>58 / 46< / ><>59< / >< / ><><>布宜诺斯艾利斯< / ><>81 / 60< / ><>70 / 1< / ><>69 / 60< / ><>77 / 60< / ><>71 / 6< / >< / ><><>柏林< / ><>57 / 46< / ><>0.16< / ><>63 / 44< / ><>54 / 44< / ><>59< / >< / ><><>布鲁塞尔< / ><>63 / 46< / ><>0.32< / ><>60 / 46< / ><>52 / 46< / ><>46< / >< / ><><>哥本哈根< / ><>65 / 48< / ><>0.24< / ><>59 / 47< / ><>54 / 46< / ><>59< / >< / ><><>哥本哈根< / ><>57 / 48< / ><>0.04< / ><>59 / 47< / ><>54 / 46< / ><>59< / >< / ><><>爱丁堡< / ><>59 / 50< / ><>0.06< / ><>54 / 45< / ><>52 / 45< / ><>51< / >< / ><><>法兰克福< / ><>52 / 41< / ><>0.30< / ><>63 / 44< / ><>58 / 40< / ><>45< / >< / ><><>日内瓦< / ><>63 / 50< / ><>0.28< / ><>61 / 43< / ><>61 / 42< / ><>61 / 4< / >< / ><><>赫尔辛基< / ><>55 / 48< / ><>0.29< / ><>44 / 39< / ><>48 / 43< / ><>43< / >< / ><><>伊斯坦布尔< / ><>75 / 50< / ><>0.07< / ><>60 / 50< / ><>71 / 50< / ><>71 / 5< / >< / ><><>伦敦< / ><>69 / 53< / ><>0.07< / ><>66 / 52< / ><>71 / 53< / ><>59< / >< / ><><>里斯本< / ><>79 / 63< / ><>80 / 1< / ><>80 / 59< / ><>77 / 60< / ><>63< / >< / ><><>马德里< / ><>68 / 50< / ><>0.14< / ><>61 / 46< / ><>61 / 42< / ><>59< / >< / ><><>马德里< / ><>70 / 42< / ><>42 / 1< / ><>75 / 50< / ><>76 / 51< / ><>59< / >< / ><><>莫斯科< / ><>64 / 43< / ><>0.02< / ><>53 / 48< / ><>57 / 50< / ><>50< / >< / ><><>奥斯陆< / ><>72 / 50< / ><>0.13< / ><>51 / 48< / ><>57 / 50< / ><>50< / >< / ><><>奥斯陆< / ><>68 / 37< / ><>41 / 1< / ><>41 / 38< / ><>44 / 36< / ><>41< / >< / ><><>布拉格< / ><>50 / 43< / ><>0.13< / ><>49 / 46< / ><>62 / 40< / ><>45< / >< / table>
草原城< / td><>64 / 33< / ><>43 / 1< / ><>57 / 48< / ><>63 / 40< / ><>45< / >< / tr><><>罗马< / ><>69 / 64< / ><>0.40< / ><>73 / 55< / ><>76 / 58< / ><>58< / >< / ><><>罗马 / 圣地亚哥< / ><>52 / 50< / ><>0.03< / ><>52 / 50< / ><>52 / 50< / ><>50< / >< / ><><>斯德哥尔摩< / ><>52 / 41< / ><>0.49< / ><>46 / 40< / ><>47 / 41< / ><>41< / >< / ><><>圣地亚哥< / ><>64 / 50< / ><>0.08< / ><>61 / 50< / ><>65 / 50< / ><>59< / >< / ><><>华沙< / ><>63 / 46< / ><>0.08< / ><>59 / 4< / ><>58 / 42< / ><>48< / >< / ><><>北美洲< / ><>昨天< / >< colspan="2">今天< / >< colspan="2">明天< / >< / ><><>阿卡普图< / ><>87 / 54< / ><>0.84< / ><>87 / 54< / ><>88 / 76< / ><>76< / >< / ><><>阿尔图瓦< / ><>81 / 53< / ><>0.75< / ><>80 / 54< / ><>81 / 53< / ><>76< / >< / ><><>埃德蒙顿< / ><>48 / 45< / ><>0.11< / ><>35 / 27< / ><>36 / 22< / ><>27< / >< / ><><>瓜达拉哈拉< / ><>66 / 64< / ><>0.11< / ><>70 / 58< / ><>72 / 57< / ><>58< / >< / ><><>吉隆坡< / ><>94 / 51< / ><>0.12< / ><>92 / 52< / ><>92 / 52< / ><>72< / >< / ><><>基格尔顿< / ><>90 / 79< / ><>0.56< / ><>92 / 80< / ><>91 / 80< / ><>69< / >< / ><><>拉各斯< / ><>70 / 53< / ><>0.05< / ><>70 / 52< / ><>70 / 52< / ><>69< / >< / ><><>墨西哥城< / ><>65 / 58< / ><>0.15< / ><>72 / 55< / ><>78 / 58< / ><>58< / >< / ><><>蒙特雷< / ><>79 / 65< / ><>0.25< / ><>84 / 65< / ><>81 / 69< / ><>60< / >< / ><><>墨西哥城< / ><>65 / 58< / ><>0.15< / ><>84 / 65< / ><>86 / 65< / ><>60< / >< / ><><>拿骚< / ><>89 / 81< / ><>0.02< / ><>90 / 81< / ><>91 / 79< / ><>79< / >< / ><><>纳什维尔< / ><>88 / 61< / ><>0.15< / ><>88 / 61< / ><>88 / 61< / ><>79< / >< / ><><>魁北克市< / ><>51 / 41< / ><>0.07< / ><>52 / 36< / ><>63 / 47< / ><>51< / >< / ><><>圣多明各< / ><>90 / 75< / ><>75 / 1< / ><>78 / 64< / ><>80 / 78< / ><>72< / >< / ><><>圣保罗< / ><>65 / 60< / ><>0.13< / ><>65 / 60< / ><>65 / 60< / ><>60< / >< / ><><>温哥华< / ><>57 / 54< / ><>0.11< / ><>57 / 45< / ><>58 / 40< / ><>45< / >< / ><><>维也纳< / ><>54 / 52< / ><>0.12< / ><>47 / 42< / ><>49 / 42< / ><>42< / >< / ><><>南美洲< / ><>昨天< / >< colspan="2">今天< / >< colspan="2">明天< / >< / ><><>布宜诺斯艾利斯< / ><>93 / 54< / ><>0.05< / ><>61 / 51< / ><>62 / 54< / ><>51< / >< / ><><>加拉加斯< / ><>92 / 79< / ><>0.17< / ><>92 / 78< / ><>91 / 77< / ><>71< / >< / ><><>里约热内卢< / ><>70 / 70< / ><>0.15< / ><>71 / 65< / ><>84 / 75< / ><>62< / >< / ><><>基多< / ><>69 / 48< / ><>0.11< / ><>64 / 52< / ><>68 / 52< / ><>51< / >< / ><><>雷奇斯< / ><>86 / 79< / ><>73 / 1< / ><>87 / 8< / ><>85 / 79< / ><>76< / >< / ><><>圣地亚哥-德-雅内罗< / ><>71 / 53< / ><>0.01< / ><>71 / 52< / ><>68 / 52< / ><>51< / >< / ><><>圣地亚哥< / ><>41 / 46< / ><>0.69< / ><>53 / 3< / ><>69 / 50< / ><>58< / >< / table>
今天:晴间高云,最高气温 68. 天空将出现阳光穿过高云的景象,天气保持干燥。气温将进一步下降几度,最高气温接近 10 月上半月的平均水平。
最低气温 58. 更多云层将移入该地区,夜间天空大部分时间多云。风力轻微且方向多变。最低气温将比平均水平高出几度。
最高气温 64. 天气多云,从上午晚些时候起将出现来自 Isales 的降雨。街道和排水不良区域可能会出现积水。风向为东风,风速为 7 至 14 英里 / 小时。
最高气温 69. 天气大部分时间多云,早晨有几场阵雨。风向为北风,风速为 7 至 14 m.p.h.。气温将比往年此时的平均水平高出几度。
周三 ...... 周二晚间有阵雨 周二将有阳光,随后云量增加。下午可能会有阵雨。最高气温 73. 周三早晨有微风,阳光与云层交替。最高气温 64.
在中央公园,截至昨天下午 1 点的 13 小时内。
气温

| 本月日平均偏离常态值....+1.1* | 今年日平均偏离常态值....-0.3* |

| 水库水位 | (纽约市供水) |
| 昨天 | 8.5% |
| 预计常态 | 7.7% |
太阳、月亮与行星
| 新月 | 上弦月 | 满月 | 下弦月 |
| 10月10日 上午11:48 | 10月18日 | 10月25日 凌晨12:11 | 11月1日 |
| 太阳 | 升 | 7:02 a.m. | 月亮 | 升 | 7:00 a.m. |
| 落 | 6:24 p.m. | 落 | 6:06 p.m. | ||
| 下次升 | 7:03 a.m. | 升 | 8:07 a.m. | ||
| 木星 | 升 | 2:18 a.m. | 火星 | 升 | 1:04 a.m. |
| 落 | 4:12 p.m. | 落 | 3:34 p.m. | ||
| 土星 | 升 | 8:34 a.m. | 金星 | 升 | 9:03 a.m. |
| 落 | 6:15 p.m. | 落 | 6:34 p.m. |
从蒙托克角(Montauk Point)到新泽西州的桑迪胡克(Sandy Hook),延伸至 20 海里,包括长岛海峡和纽约港。
风向为北风,风速约为 5 节,下午将转为东风。长岛海峡和纽约港的波高将为 1 英尺或更低,开阔海域的波高为 2 英尺。
高潮位< / td>< / tr><><>大西洋城< / ><>7:48 a.m.< / ><>8:06 p.m.< / >< / ><><>巴纳加特入口< / ><>8:00 a.m.< / ><>8:16 p.m.< / >< / ><><>电池公园< / ><>8:32 a.m.< / ><>8:49 p.m.< / >< / ><><>博施海文< / ><>9:24 a.m.< / ><>9:40 p.m.< / >< / ><><>布里奇波特< / ><>11:46 a.m.< / ><>11:59 p.m.< / >< / ><><>城市岛< / ><>12:00 p.m.< / ><>—< / >< / ><><>五岛灯塔< / ><>8:52 a.m.< / ><>9:08 p.m.< / >< / ><><>蒙托克角< / ><>9:09 a.m.< / ><>9:32 p.m.< / >< / ><><>北港< / ><>11:50 a.m.< / ><>—< / >< / ><><>港华盛顿< / ><>12:09 p.m.< / ><>—< / >< / ><><>桑迪胡克< / ><>8:06 a.m.< / ><>8:22 p.m.< / >< / ><><>舒鲁斯入口< / ><>7:46 a.m.< / ><>8:06 p.m.< / >< / ><><>斯坦福< / ><>11:43 a.m.< / ><>—< / >< / ><><>塔里敦< / ><>10:21 a.m.< / ><>10:38 p.m.< / >< / ><><>威拉角< / ><>11:54 a.m.< / ><>—< / >< / table>
<>< colspan="2">降水量(英寸)< / >< / ><><>周三< / ><>0.00< / >< / ><><>纪录< / ><>7.33< / >< / ><>< ="2">过去 30 天< / >< / ><><>实际< / ><>4.57< / >< / ><><>正常< / ><>4.39< / >< / ><>< ="2">过去 305 天< / >< / ><><>实际< / ><>46.09< / >< / ><><>正常< / ><>49.52< / >< / ><>< rowspan="2">气压< / ><>最高 30.18 9 a.m. 最低 30.08 1 a.m.< / >< / ><><>最高 64% 3 a.m. 最低 40% non< / >< / table>
<>< ="2">燃料消耗指数,追踪当日平均气温低于 65 度的程度< / >< / ><><>昨日< / ><>4< / >< / ><><>本月至今< / ><>33< / >< / ><><>本季至今(自 7 月 1 日起)< / ><>64< / >< / ><><>本季至今正常值< / ><>73< / >< / table>
<>< rowspan="3" ="2">趋势< / >< ="2">温度< / >< ="2">降水量< / >< / ><>< ="2">平均< / >< ="2">平均< / >< / ><><>低于< / ><>高于< / ><>低于< / ><>高于< / >< / ><>< rowspan="4">过去< / ><>10 天< / ><>< / >< / ><><>30 天< / ><>< / >< / ><><>90 天< / ><>< / >< / ><><>365 天< / ><>< / >< / table>
图表显示了近期温度和降水趋势与过去 30 年趋势的对比。
大多数远离海岸的东北部和中大西洋地区已接近色彩巅峰。在更深入内陆的地区,中阿巴拉契亚山脉、卡茨基尔山脉和新英格兰北部的较高海拔地区正处于秋色巅峰。白山、绿山和阿第伦达克山脉的最高海拔地区已过色彩巅峰。
探索诸如 《第二天味道更好的菜肴》等食谱系列。
5 音乐
唐娜·萨默唱的不仅仅是迪斯科。 B 电影 一部纪录片对埃隆·马斯克进行了深入探讨。
新闻 / 评论
9 旅行
在某些地方,欣赏秋叶的最佳位置是在水上。
纽约时报
2026年10月10日,星期六
在罗德里戈·波特拉的制作版中,这部讲述一名男子访问其已故恋人农场的戏剧《农场上的汤姆》(Tom at the Farm)采用了光滑的布景。
作者:伊丽莎白·文森特利(ELISABETH VINCENTELLI)
2017年,阿曼多·巴巴约夫(Armando Babaioff)在里约热内卢出演米歇尔·马克·布沙尔(Michel Marc Bouchard)的剧作《农场上的汤姆》,并期待布沙尔能观看这次新排演。但当这位魁北克剧作家抵达时,他以为自己走错了地方。
这部剧最初用法语写成,背景设定在加拿大的一家奶牛场。在里约,布沙尔“看到了水桶、塑料防水布、麦克风和一双靴子,然后他说:‘不,不对,不是这里,’随后就离开了,”将该剧翻译成葡萄牙语并领导里约演员阵容的巴巴约夫说道。(制作组的一名成员拉住了布沙尔,他最终观看了演出,并且很喜欢。)
这些简约的元素构成了导演罗德里戈·波特拉制作的审美和氛围。它们也使得该剧易于巡演:巴巴约夫在全球范围内表演过约600次《农场上的汤姆》,直到本周六,他一直在纽约大学斯基博尔(NYU Skirball)演出。随后它将移—接 C4 页
在《农场上的汤姆》中,大约30磅的舞台粘土增加了神秘感,甚至带来了一种内在的戏剧紧张感。右图:阿曼多·巴巴约夫和丹妮丝·德尔·韦金(Denise Del Vecchin)在纽约大学斯基博尔的舞台上。
黛博拉·所罗门(DEBORAH SOLOMON) / 评论笔记本
其基金会称罗伯特·劳森伯格的前住所并不重要。其他人则持有不同意见。
人们曾以为它会永远在那里,曼哈顿拉法叶街381号的那栋砖砌联排别墅,有着古朴的红色前门。多年来,这里一直是战后美国艺术之神罗伯特·劳森伯格(Robert Rauschenberg)的住所和工作室。他在2008年去世后,他的基金会继续留在该建筑中,我经常去那里观看他作品的轮换展览,或在楼上的档案室进行研究,在旧文件和书籍中徘徊,感受艺术家一种不可思议的存在感。
但据三名因未获授权公开评论而要求匿名的知情人士透露,罗伯特·劳森伯格基金会于8月悄悄将该建筑挂牌出售(未给出价格),并在之后才通知员工。
自2024年起担任基金会执行董事的考特尼·马丁(Courtney Martin)在通过发言人发送的一封电子邮件声明中表示,这座五层建筑与劳森伯格的生活或作品没有太大的关联。“劳森伯格的世界观并不绑定在某个特定的建筑或地点上,”她写道。接 C2 页
罗伯特·劳森伯格1966年在其曼哈顿工作室的照片,以及1973年在那里举办的一次展览,展出其作品《无题(威尼斯)》。
詹姆斯·波尼沃齐克(JAMES PONIEWOZIK) 电视评论
我并不是在说《库比蒂诺》(Cupertino)是由来自未来的仁慈超级智能创造并被送回过去以警告我们的。但你几乎不得不这样怀疑。
时机太完美了。一方面是对数据中心的抵制,另一方面是人工智能研究人员警告称他们的产品可能会永久删除人类,而OpenAI的萨姆·奥特曼(Sam Altman)则在打造他那个价值万亿美元的“孩子”过程中表示,“世界应该接受一些糟糕事情的发生”。而现在,一部巧妙且具有时效性的剧集在CBS周四晚上播出,讲述了硅谷庞大且可疑的权力,以及一家试图与其对抗的小型律师事务所。(该剧也在Paramount +上流媒体播出。)
然而,当你意识到《库比蒂诺》源自续接在C页?

1968年,罗伯特·劳森伯格在拉法叶街381号的厨房里。现今MoMA PS I的创始人阿拉娜·海斯(Alanna Heiss)回忆道:“这座建筑是他生存的灵魂。” SHLINK KENDER / 1 保罗·盖蒂信托,经由纽约罗伯特·劳森伯格基金会档案摄影收藏
接第 CI 页
劳森伯格的工作室同时也是他的实验室。1965年,贝尔实验室工程师比利·克鲁弗(左)协助艺术家(右)创作其五部分组成的声音雕塑《神谕》(Oracle)。

ROBERT BAUSCHEMBING FOUNDATION / ARTISTS RIGHTS SOCIETY (ARS), NEW YORK, PHOTOGRAPHY ST. LARRY MORSES / THE NEW YORK TIMES
“到1975年,他的大部分艺术创作活动已在其他地方进行。”
那个“其他地方”是指佛罗里达州的卡普蒂瓦岛(Captiva Island),劳森伯格在那里拥有一处占地22英亩的庄园,并以一名致力于保护土地免受开发、具有社区意识的居民而闻名。今年3月,他的基金会将该物业以$45 million的价格出售给了一家拥有南海岛度假村(South Seas Island Resort)的团体。基金会主张,飓风和海岸侵蚀已使该物业成为巨大的财务负担。卡普蒂瓦公民协会在的一份声明中,称此次出售是对劳森伯格价值观的“严重背叛”。
许多对卡普蒂瓦物业被出售以及其著名的艺术家驻留项目关闭感到沮丧的艺术家和艺术史学家,同时也批评了劳森伯格基金会抛弃纽约拉法叶街建筑的决定。作为劳森伯格最后的一处居所,该建筑的估值约为2500万美元。根据其最近的税务表格,该基金会是美国最大的艺术家非营利组织之一,资产达5.24亿美元,其中大部分为艺术品。
马丁在第二份声明中表示,基金会正在考虑“一系列方案,包括可能的搬迁”,以追求更大的建筑面积。她写道:“最近的项目评估强调,为了实现我们的慈善使命,需要额外的空间。”
包括行为艺术家、劳森伯格多年好友劳里·安德森在内的几位艺术家表示,他们希望出售所得资金的一部分能被预留用于艺术资助。马丁没有回答《纽约时报》关于该潜在用途的提问。
这无疑不会让该建筑的众多粉丝受益。安德森对这座房子的记忆可以追溯到60年代,她说那时她可以和同行前卫艺术家们一起闲逛而“无需付费”,“如今的一切都被货币化了,甚至连停车也是。我尤其为年轻艺术家感到担忧。”
凯西·哈布赖希是一位资深的博物馆领导者和策展人,在2023年之前担任劳森伯格基金会的执行董事,她对此同样感到困惑。
“我最自豪的事情之一,就是通过这座建筑向人们介绍鲍勃,”她说。“每当我带人去那里,他们都会惊叹,并立刻感受到纽约曾经的样子以及鲍勃·劳森伯格是一个怎样的人。”
她补充道:“我觉得这座建筑在优雅与古怪之处与鲍勃非常相似。他搬进去了很多垃圾。”
作为一名卓越的城市拾荒者,劳森伯格在50年代成年,并开创了一种将垃圾转化为艺术的美学,将现实的碎片引入前卫艺术。劳森伯格渴望挑战杰克逊·波洛克和抽象表现主义者的统治——这些人曾引导一代人将艺术视为一种崇高的使命——而劳森伯格在城市街道中找到了灵感,那里充满了物体与经验的随机并置。
他给艺术带来了什么?一只填充的山羊、一个汽车轮胎、一条男式领带、一个护膝、灯泡、一个枕头和一条拼布被,这些都是他融入其“组合”(Combines)作品中的现成品,这些作品打破了绘画与雕塑之间古老的界限。如今,当如此多的艺术家在模糊绘画、摄影、数字打印和其他流派之间的界限时,劳森伯格被尊为最初的“混搭大师”。
他的工作室就是他的实验室。根据购房契据,他在1966年情人节买下了位于拉法叶街(Lafayette Street)的房子,当时他40岁,事业初成,此前曾在1964年威尼斯双年展上获得享有盛誉的绘画大奖。与克劳德·莫奈(Claude Monet)在吉维尼(Giverny)的水莲花园等名艺术家的聚集地不同,劳森伯格这座花费65,000美元买下的宅邸具有浓厚的都市气息,是一栋面积为9,200平方英尺的联排别墅,坐落在苏豪区(SoHo)正北边一个卡车轰鸣的宽阔街区。多年来,红门上方可见金色的字母——“圣洁处女传教团”(Mission of the Immaculate Virgin)——暗示了这座建筑曾作为孤儿院的前身。
劳森伯格在底层设立了他的工作室,那是一个曾作为礼拜堂的高天花板房间。当时还默默无闻并担任其助手的艺术家布莱斯·马登(Brice Marden)搬进了家具,并清洗了那些高耸且尖顶的哥特式窗户。在埃米尔·德·安东尼奥(Emile de Antonio)拍摄的邪典纪录片《画家绘画》(Painters Painting,1972年)的采访中,劳森伯格摆出了一种不羁的姿态。他坐在这座已不再作为教堂的礼拜堂的梯子上,棕色卷发,露齿而笑,手里拿着一杯苏格兰威士忌,显得健谈且随和。
这座建筑可能被出售的消息似乎令人惊讶,因为此时其他艺术家及其代表正投入巨大努力,为后代保护他们的工作室。
贾斯珀·琼斯(Jasper Johns)现年96岁,是与劳森伯格同属于那个激荡的战后艺术圈中最后一位主要幸存者,他计划将自己在康涅狄格州夏伦(Sharon, Conn.)的田园庄园及其170英亩土地转变为一个一次可容纳多达两打艺术家的驻留项目。罗伊·利希滕斯坦(Roy Lichtenstein)的遗孀多萝西·利希滕斯坦(Dorothy Lichtenstein)将他位于西村华盛顿街741 / 745号的前工作室捐赠给了惠特尼美国艺术博物馆,该馆最近将其重新规划为独立研究项目的首个永久基地。
其他前工作室已成为重要的研究中心。硬边抽象绘画大师埃尔斯沃思·凯利(Ellsworth Kelly)于2015年去世,他的基金会最近在纽约州斯彭瑟敦(Spencertown, N.Y.)其工作室对面揭幕了一座面向行家的艺术图书馆(两者均需预约开放)。
2005年拍摄的劳森伯格位于佛罗里达州卡普蒂瓦岛(Captiva Island, Fla.)的住宅和工作室。今年3月,他的基金会以4500万美元的价格出售了该房产。
TONY GORDOLA, THE NEW YORK TIMES
TORTALENSKOLA / THE NEW YORK TIMES
艺术爱好者们也可以期待最终能参观杰克·惠滕(Jack Whitten)的前工作室,这位受人尊敬的抽象画家和雕塑家于2018年去世。他在皇后区伍德赛德(Woodside, Queens)的一座改建消防局中工作,预计该地将于2028年向公众开放。规模较小的是,波普艺术家汤姆·韦塞尔曼(Tom Wesselmann)的遗产管理机构最近在他位于彼得·库珀广场(Peter Cooper Square)的前工作室举办了首次公开展览。
劳森伯格1925年出生于德克萨斯州波特亚瑟(Port Arthur, Texas),他来到纽约的原因与几个世纪以来吸引艺术家前往文化之都的原因大致相同:为了成为创意环境的一部分,并结识其他极具才华的人。他与自己钦佩的艺术家以及动物都很容易建立良好关系,他在纽约饲养的动物中包括一只乌龟。“他一直以为那只乌龟是公的,直到有一天它下了一个蛋,”他的长期助手、现任基金会顾问大卫·怀特(David White)回忆道。
AL NBR / THE 120 ANGELES TIMES, VIA GETTY BLOCKS
1996年的劳森伯格,与一张大型染料转移纸作品合影,拍摄于加利福尼亚州比弗利山庄的一个画廊展上;以及他在1965年展示其作品时的情景。 HENES GROSENSICO) THE LIFE PICTURE COLLECTION, VIA SHUTTERSTOCK
罗伯特·劳森伯格基金会 / 艺术家权利协会 (ARS), 纽约, 摄影 Alex Berliner, 经由 SHUTTERSTOCK
2006年,洛杉矶当代艺术博物馆展出了劳森伯格最著名的“组合”作品,该作品打破了绘画与雕塑之间古老的界限:“单字图”(Monogram,1955-59),其特点是一只被汽车轮胎环绕的安哥拉山羊标本。

安德鲁·怀特 为《纽约时报》拍摄 上图为艺术家贾斯珀·琼斯 2018年与其爱犬道格尔在位于康涅狄格州夏伦的一座前马厩工作室内的情景。他计划将自己的庄园改为艺术家的驻留项目。下图为位于苏豪区 Spring 街 101 号的唐纳德·贾德工作室外观,以及 1970 年贾德在工作室内的情景。他的女儿表示,“我们每周都会收到”购买请求。这些报价都被拒绝了。
这座房子的核心是三楼的厨房,朋友们每晚在此聚集,在巨大的铸铁炉上帮忙准备晚餐,那是这座建筑在作为孤儿院时期的古老 Vulcan 炉灶。(由利亚·迪克曼于 2017 年在现代艺术博物馆组织的备受赞誉的回顾展,其恰如其分的副标题正是“在朋友之间”。)他喜欢烹饪卡真炖菜,越辣越好;他的待客风格与他的艺术一样,为协作留有空间。在他买下这座建筑时,他正在组织名为“艺术与技术实验”(E.A.T.)的项目,该项目邀请工程师与艺术家合作,试图以一种理想主义的方式解决世界的疾苦。
在晚餐期间的某个时刻,劳森伯格总是会消失在工作室里。“这座建筑是他生存的灵魂,因为他可以让朋友们陪伴在身边,然后可以在深夜离开厨房,去楼下进行创作,”非营利艺术领域的领导者阿拉娜·海斯回忆道,她补充说,面对潜在的出售计划,她感到“心碎”。
但如果有人提供一笔八位数的房地产交易,会有多少人投票支持拯救一个艺术家的古老厨房?艺术家唐纳德·贾德的女儿及其基金会主席雷纳·贾德就是其中之一。“我们每周都会收到电子邮件,”她说,这些邮件请求购买贾德位于 Spring 街 101 号的前住宅和工作室,该地于 2013 年向公众开放。它被描述为苏豪区最后一栋内部未被分割的铸铁建筑。
“你只需要说:不卖,”她坚定地说道,“我们对此没有任何困惑。甚至没有 .01 percent 的困惑。”
她强调,拥有一栋建筑对于延长任何企业的生命周期是一项有益且有时至关重要的资源。“我妈妈和我喜欢去历史悠久的餐厅和酒吧,”她继续说道,“所有依然存在的那些——比如 Fanelli's, McSorley's, Raoul's——之所以能存在,是因为他们拥有建筑的所有权。”

PALL EATZ, VIA JERID FOUNDATION

FAIL, KATZ, VIA JERID FOUNDATION
关于她的父亲,她补充道:“唐在遗嘱中明确指定了 Spring 街。”基金会的档案管理员给我发了几页贾德遗嘱的电子邮件,相关段落用黄色高亮标出。遗嘱规定,贾德安装在屋内的雕塑必须留在原处。
“作品的摆放位置往往与作品本身一样经过深思熟虑,”遗嘱中解释道。
我向劳森伯格基金会请求提供该艺术家的遗嘱副本,但请求被拒绝了。我对这种神秘氛围感到困惑,尤其是基金会的发言人在给该艺术家之子、基金会主席克里斯托弗的电子邮件中不小心抄送了我,而我在前一天刚给对方打过电话。“如果她再次打电话,我们将感激您不要与她交谈,”邮件中这样指示。
事实证明,劳森伯格的遗嘱是在他去世的佛罗里达州李县提交的,任何人都可以在该县的网站上查阅。该遗嘱在他在去世前数年最后一次更新,其中并未就他位于纽约和卡普蒂瓦的住宅在未来的用途给出任何指示。
或许,遗产规划这一行为本身就与劳森伯格的感性相悖。他精神自由,慷慨且信任他人。众所周知,他曾开出无数张支票,为有需要的艺术家支付医疗费用。他的感性并非那种急于思考在 70 年后谁将拥有他每一幅素描的人。
尽管如此,根据纽约市的房产记录数据库,该建筑尚未售出,其支持者们希望拉法叶大街 381 号仍能被保留下来。正如评论家和学者们所发现的,这座房子提供了金钱无法买到的回报,将我们带回一个已经消失的时代——那时纽约的文化活力,是通过它所吸引的艺术家的质量,以及他们能够在这里体面生活的能力来衡量的。
作者:德博拉·索罗门 (DEBORAH SOLOMON)
文森特·梵高曾将他的工作室描述为可以随时退隐的“避风港”。但工作室也可以是社交场所——与其说是工作地,不如说是展示窗——艺术家们偶尔会利用工作室来举办朋友和盟友的作品展。今年秋天,纽约有几场此类基于工作室的展览正在举行,这些空间远离主流展区,且保证没有礼品店。
美国波普艺术运动的创始人汤姆·韦塞尔曼 (Tom Wesselmann, 1931-2004) 的最后一个工作室位于彼得·库珀广场 30 号一座 10 层办公楼的一楼。该空间(由其遗产管理委员会运营)上个月首次向公众开放,举办了一场双人展,将韦塞尔曼与常驻布鲁克林的艺术家松山智一 (Tomokazu Matsuyama) 的作品相结合。两人从未谋面,但松山的作品显然受到了韦塞尔曼对超市及其他美国主题痴迷的影响。
我参观的这场展览氛围随意,作品从工作室延伸到走廊,甚至摆在木制工作台的顶端。其中包含一些具有历史意义的大作,例如韦塞尔曼的《静物 = 35》(Still Life = 35, 1963),这是一幅令人心醉的广告牌尺寸绘画,将纯净的橙色和天蓝色色块与剪裁而来的 Libby's 牛肉炖菜、Made-Rite 白面包和 Royal Crown 可乐的广告融合在一起。这幅画让人回想起波普艺术初创时期的清新,当时韦塞尔曼对中产阶级生活的讽刺调侃(类似于沃霍尔的《金宝汤罐头》)中,还掺杂着一份经常被忽视的真挚情感。
出生于辛辛那提的韦塞尔曼最著名的贡献,是将一种少年般的色情好奇心引入到奢华的法国具象绘画传统中。在他自命名的《伟大的美国裸女》(Great American Nudes) 系列中,他将亨利·马蒂斯笔下斜卧的奥达利斯克(宫廷女奴)简化为流畅的米色剪影。
他的年轻粉丝中包括出生于日本、在加利福尼亚长大的松山。被称作“Matsu”的他是一名第三代波普艺术家,对他而言,挪用图像是标准操作流程。他从下载的电脑图像中提取基调,范围涵盖从巴洛克绘画、日本浮世绘到牙膏广告,并将它们重新组合成既显得甜腻又带有不祥之感的构图。

汤姆·韦塞尔曼遗产管理委员会 / 艺术家权利协会 (ARS),经由汤姆·韦塞尔曼遗产管理委员会和 ALMINE RECH 提供

MATISVANA 工作室,经由 ALMINE RECH 提供
《我们人民》(We the People, 2025) 是一件长 17 英尺、由三块面板组成的霓虹光彩巨作,场景设定在一家深夜超市的走廊里,商品的细节刻画之狂热,以至于你可以看到一包 DayQuil 药的价格(“$11.99 清仓”)。购物者们——其姿势抄袭自雅克-路易·大卫的《苏格拉底之死》(1787)——在走廊中聚集,呈现出各种焦虑状态。扮演苏格拉底的不再是喝下致命的毒参汁,而是一个穿着海军蓝背心的美国青年,正伸手去拿一碗 Froot Loops 早餐圈。
这场展览足够吸引人,但看着艺术家画作中那种单薄且冰冷的油彩(其中大部分由助手完成),我渴望能看到真实的笔触。另一方面,松山对微小细节的过量追求,巧妙地捕捉到了一个处于永久超负荷状态的文化。
从上至下:右侧为汤姆·韦塞尔曼的《静物 #35》(Still Life #35, 1963),包含面包和可乐广告;左侧为松山智一的《水上烟雾》(Smoke on the Water),是对韦塞尔曼一幅女人抽烟绘画的改编;下方为松山的《我们人民》(We The People, 2025),一幅描绘光线过强的超市走廊的三联画。
位于曼哈顿彼得·库珀广场 30 号的汤姆·韦塞尔曼工作室未来可能会重新开放。与此同时,松山位于布鲁克林格林波因特的工作室接受预约参观:Project@matzu.net。
在接下来的几周里,您可以参观市中心其他基于工作室的展览。
云亨根(Yun Hyong-keun,1928-2007)的六幅画作正在唐纳德·贾德(Donald Judd)位于苏豪区(SoHo)的前住所兼工作室一楼展出。这两位艺术家于1991年相识,贾德被云亨根的画作所吸引,这些作品将极简主义的“少即是多”形式与亚洲哲学的冥想丰富性融合在一起。
云亨根展,在贾德基金会(Judd Foundation)展出至1月16日。周五和周六,下午1点至5点;苏豪区春街101号(101 Spring Street)。
英国艺术家瑞秋·霍华德(Rachel Howard)正在切尔西(Chelsea)的肖恩·斯库利(Sean Scully)工作室展出新画作。霍华德是一位57岁的伦敦艺术家,她的工作室隐藏在一栋未标明名称的蓝色瓷砖建筑内。她的新画作聚焦于监控的危险,将无人机战争的颗粒感图像与沾满泥垢的婴儿的温柔景象相结合。“随着年龄增长,”她曾说过,“你会意识到,仅仅通过生存,你就在经历很多——生命、死亡、孩子、疯狂。这一切都非常、非常近。”
瑞秋·霍华德展,展至11月5日,地点在切尔西西17街447号(447 West 17th Street)的肖恩·斯库利工作室。需预约:447space@gmail.com。
一滩泥扮演的角色
(接第CI页)
……前往伦敦的巴比肯中心(Barbican),将于10月13日至17日上演。
“我那时36岁,现在我45岁了,”巴拜奥夫(Babaioff)说。“我的身体在变化,世界也发生了很大变化,但这出戏没有老去一秒钟。在这里,在爱丁堡,在巴黎,在比利时,在韩国,人们的故事都是一样的。”
巴拜奥夫饰演汤姆(Tom),一名平面设计师,他正在访问阿加莎(Agatha,由受人尊敬的巴西舞台资深演员丹妮丝·德尔·维基奥 [Denise Del Vecchio] 饰演)和弗朗西斯(Francis,由伊亚诺·萨洛芒 [Iano Salomão] 饰演)的农场。此次到访是为了参加汤姆爱人的葬礼——他是他们的儿子和兄弟。阿加莎似乎忽略了她儿子是同性恋这一事实,而弗朗西斯显然对此深恶痛绝。故事在一种充满秘密和谎言的紧张氛围中展开,暴力始终在表面下翻涌,有时会爆发出来。
在带有英文字幕的演出开场时,汤姆描述了他正在探索的这座家族住宅。“一个带烟囱的木炉。阳台。还有一台微波炉。地毯。桌子,”他部分地说道。
然而,从舞美设计奥罗拉·多斯·坎波斯(Aurora dos Campos)那里,我们看到的只有一盏从天花板垂下的灯泡,以及点缀在空旷舞台上的水桶,整个舞台覆盖着一块点缀着干涸红色粘土的深色防水布。“这是巴西的颜色,”巴拜奥夫在后台交谈时,将一些粘土揉在手指上说道。“是乡村的颜色,农场的颜色。”
巴拜奥夫在2014年发现了布沙尔(Bouchard)的剧本,当时一位朋友问他是否想在里约观看泽维尔·多兰(Xavier Dolan)改编的电影。作为一名专注的戏剧演员,他决定阅读原著。
“同性恋者在学会爱之前,先学会了撒谎,”巴拜奥夫引用布沙尔剧本序言中的一句话说道。“在那一刻,我躺在床上读着剧本,意识到我面对的是某种强大的东西。”
从那时起,他便开始了追求。他写信给布沙尔的经纪人询问版权,阐述了“我们在巴西所生活的困难处境”。(除了根深蒂固的问题外,一场总统竞选引发了关于腐败和政府政策的辩论。)这次恳求奏效了:“我买版权的价格低于——我不知道,但就像是负数,负数,,,,,”巴拜奥夫笑着说。
乡村背景被转移到了巴西,波特拉(Portella)想到了泥土的主意,泥土承载着许多象征意义——创造、农场动物、沼泽。
大约 30 磅的舞台粘土增添了神秘感,甚至带来了一种内在的戏剧紧张感:防水布可能会很滑,且在被踩到时会堆积,这要求演员在走动时必须格外小心。
“缺乏稳定性是我们工作的基础,”Babaioff 说道。
随着水分的泼洒,防水布变得更加黏稠,溅在演员身上,最终在 Babaioff 身上覆盖了一层薄膜(他开玩笑说“这对皮肤有好处”)。
隐喻同样具有个人色彩。当被问及阿加莎(Agatha)这个角色时——她比最初设想的要复杂得多——Babaioff 简单地表示:“她就是我的母亲。我必须演这部剧,以便与我的母亲建立一种新的关系。”而这涉及到向她出柜。但他说,“这很简单!”他提到他的母亲是一名女缝纫工,在他小时候经常教导他要“说话强硬”。回想起来,他明白她是担心他,并试图保护他。
Babaioff 最近有很多计划,包括导演工作,但他对《农场上的汤姆》(Tom at the Farm)重要性的信念并未消减。“能继续演这部剧是一种荣幸,”他说。
2009年,劳拉·布什与米歇尔·奥巴马在白宫。奥巴马夫人写了一篇文章,赞扬几位前第一夫人对“我们国家历史的致敬”。
在一篇文章中,这位前第一夫人回顾了以往的白宫修复工作。
“持久的是他们所服务的这个国家的魅力。”
自从离开白宫以来,米歇尔·奥巴马有时会对特朗普总统的政策和领导力发表尖锐的看法。现在,她似乎就另一个话题表达了她的见解:即特朗普致力于彻底重塑白宫本身的努力。
在周四作为一项总统历史计划的一部分发表的关于杰奎琳·肯尼迪的随笔中,奥巴马夫人赞扬了这位前第一夫人为让白宫成为两个年幼孩子的温馨之家所做的努力,同时她还启动了一项保护该建筑历史的修复工程。
“她拥有远见和谦逊,使这座‘人民之屋’焕发活力,并非将其视为自身的延伸,而是将其作为对我们国家历史的致敬,”奥巴马夫人写道,“她意识到第一家庭是流动不居的。持久的是他们所服务的这个国家的魅力。”
这篇随笔还赞扬了南希·里根、帕特·尼克松、希拉里·克林顿和劳拉·布什的贡献,她们追随肯尼迪夫人的脚步,对行政官邸的各个房间进行了“深思熟虑且周到的更新”。随笔中没有提到特朗普先生或现任第一夫人梅拉尼娅·特朗普,但其中引用了肯尼迪夫人的一段话,这段话可以被解读为是对特朗普热衷于扮演“首席改造者”角色的评论。
用肯尼迪夫人的话来说,“白宫里的每一件东西都必须有其存在的理由。仅仅将其‘重新装修’——这是一个我讨厌的词——简直是亵渎。它必须被修复。”
这篇随笔是《追求》(In Pursuit) 系列的最新篇章。这是一个关于直到巴拉克·奥巴马为止的每一任美国总统(以及部分第一夫人)的在线系列文章,由包括奥巴马先生和比尔·克林顿、克林顿夫人和布什夫人在内的两党历史学家和知名人士,以及首席大法官约翰·G·罗伯茨二世共同撰写。
该系列由公民团体“更完美”(More Perfect) 组织,不分党派且专注于历史。但其中一些贡献带有一定的当代政治锋芒。在关于乔治·华盛顿的开篇随笔中,乔治·W·布什赞扬了首任总统的“谦逊”,以及他为确保美国“不会变成君主制,或更糟的情况”所做的努力。
奥巴马夫人的随笔没有直接提到东翼,特朗普先生去年将其拆除以腾出空间建造一个舞厅。她此前将这次拆除定性为对第一夫人角色的贬低,因为第一夫人的办公室传统上设在那里。
查尔斯·奥姆南内特 / 盖蒂图片社
她也没有提到玫瑰园,那是肯尼迪夫人的标志性贡献,而特朗普先生将其铲除,取而代之的是一个让人想起海湖庄园的铺砌露台。这两项变动都没有经过任何正式的审查程序。
奥巴马夫人强调,她和其他第一夫人在对白宫进行改动时,与学者和保护主义者密切合作,以“就我们的计划提供建议并予以批准”。
“无论党派如何,我们的家庭都明白,赢得选举并不意味着我们获得了几英亩顶级房地产的产权,可以按照自己的形象来重新塑造,”她写道。
奥巴马夫人的代表周四没有立即回应置评请求。
在随笔中,奥巴马夫人还强调了肯尼迪夫人在 1961 年创建白宫历史协会(White House Historical Association)中所扮演的角色,这是一个致力于保护和推广该建筑历史的不分党派的非营利组织。
该组织独立于政府,但因没有与其他保护组织一起挑战东翼拆除计划而受到一些历史学家和前工作人员的批评。
在该组织 9 月发布的一篇在线随笔中,其主席斯图尔特·D·麦克劳林 (Stewart D. McLaurin) 表示,其职责不是支持或反对对白宫的任何具体改动,而是要“通过每一任总统任期”来保护并教授这座建筑的历史。
他说,在东翼拆除之前,该组织花费了 200万美元,通过三维扫描和摄影对该空间进行了记录。历史家具和物品已被移走并保存。
“我们的义务是忠实且完整地保存记录,”他说。
本月发行的一套盒装专辑展示了唐娜·萨默(Donna Summer)的音乐跨度如何从剧场曲延伸至夜总会爵士乐。
作者:史蒂夫·克诺珀(STEVE KNOPPER)
关于唐娜·萨默那首带有沉重呼吸声的《Love to Love You Baby》是如何扩展到16分钟48秒的故事,是迪斯科时代的一个经典轶事。尼尔·博加特(Neil Bogart)非常喜爱这首1975年的单曲,以至于将其授权给自己的唱片公司卡萨布兰卡(Casablanca),随后在洛杉矶的一次热水浴缸派对上,他在大麻、可卡因和鱼子酱的迷幻氛围中播放了这首歌。
在2014年的卡萨布兰卡历史回顾录《Going Platinum》中,该公司推广部门负责人巴克·雷因戈尔德(Buck Reingold)回忆道,每当这首四分钟的单曲结束,必须有人去翻面唱片时,那一小群狂欢者就会感到沮丧。
于是博加特委托制作了一个更长的版本。“那是尼尔最好的主意,”在慕尼黑工作室共同制作该单曲的乔治·莫罗德(Giorgio Moroder)说道,“他打电话来时我正在睡觉,大约是凌晨3点。我想,我们花了两周时间才把这首歌延长。”
50年前,《Love to Love You Baby》成为了排名第二的畅销曲,将萨默推向了迪斯科女王的宝座。
(右图)唐娜·萨默,于2012年去世。她在职业生涯中一直感到沮丧,因为粉丝们只将她视为迪斯科女王。下图为萨默与布鲁斯·苏达诺(Bruce Sudano)在1982年《猫》首演之夜派对上的合影。

图片来源:RON GALELLA 收藏,经由 GETTY IMAGES
但于2012年去世的萨默在职业生涯中一直感到沮丧,因为粉丝们只将她视为迪斯科女王。“美国没有人真正意识到,我在欧洲的现场音乐剧领域有着广泛且相当成功的背景,或者我实际上能够演唱其他类型的音乐,”她在2003年的回忆录《Ordinary Girl: The Journey》中写道。
本月发行的全新盒装专辑《Donna Summer: The Casablanca Studio Albums》通过7张CD(或10张黑胶唱片),力求捕捉萨默在职业生涯的大部分时间里试图证明的音乐广度。在博加特唱片公司的四年里,她凭借《I Feel Love》和《Hot Stuff》获得了迪斯科热门金曲。该合辑还收录了萨默演唱的近18分钟版本的流行金曲《MacArthur Park》,这首歌在今年奥林匹克运动会上,由于刘亚莎(Alysa Liu)以该曲作为自由滑冰的配乐而再次在排行榜上爆红。
但该专辑还记录了萨默在百老汇风格剧场曲(《There Will Always Be a You》)、新浪潮合成器摇滚(《Journey to the Center of Your Heart》)、60年代女子团体风格(《Love's Unkind》)以及深情夜总会爵士乐(《I Remember Yesterday》)方面的尝试。
萨默与莫罗德以及共同制作人皮特·贝洛特(Pete Bellotte)构思了《I Remember Yesterday》(1977年)。这张专辑灵感来自英国小说家安东尼·鲍威尔(Anthony Powell)的12卷系列小说《时间之舞》(A Dance to the Music of Time),旨在将其打造为一场从40年代到未来的时间线音乐课。为该盒装专辑撰写内页注释的克里斯蒂安·约翰·维凯恩(Christian John Wikane)在一次采访中表示,这是“她在卡萨布兰卡发行的第一张让听众开始意识到‘这里确实有很广的跨度’的专辑。这张专辑是理解她并非单一维度歌手的一个很好的切入点。”
维凯恩补充说,1979年的《Bad Girls》专辑充满了摇滚元素——萨默迪斯科生涯中的巅峰热门曲目之一《Hot Stuff》,包含了一段由多产的摇滚吉他手杰夫·(臭鼬)·巴克斯特(Jeff (Skunk) Baxter)演奏的独奏。在《Casablanca Studio Albums》的内页注释中,贝洛特被引用为:“我非常渴望让唐娜脱离纯粹的迪斯科。我热爱摇滚乐队、吉他以及所有这类东西。”

Casablanca 唱片公司的顶尖艺人还包括 Kiss 和 Parliament,根据《Going Platinum》一书的记载,该公司有着像“普通兄弟会宿舍”一样的名声,毒贩们接受毒品订单就像帮人去买三明治午餐一样随意。“尼尔·博加特是一个天才唱片人,”萨默的丈夫兼共同创作者布鲁斯·苏达诺在谈到这位厂牌老板时说道。“Casablanca 遭到了不公正的评价:‘哦,好吧,它就是一个迪斯科厂牌,’而且到处都是关于毒品和豪华轿车的故事。但被人们忽视的是作品的质量。”
苏达诺在 1977 年于洛杉矶的一位共同好友家中与萨默相识。这位好友是苏珊·穆瑙,一名 Casablanca 的高管,后来成为了萨默的经纪人;当时萨默刚搬到这座城市,尼尔的妻子乔伊斯·博加特正在教她开手动挡汽车,两人决定顺道拜访。“我们立刻开始写歌,那就是我们关系的开始,”苏达诺说。贝尔洛特补充道,不久之后,苏达诺来到萨默家参加一次共同创作会议,而萨默因为在打一个电话,抱歉地让他等了半小时。那个电话是打给一名占星师的,咨询她是否应该甩掉男朋友并与苏达诺在一起。贝尔洛特在等待期间写下了《I Feel Love》的歌词。
“对于唐娜来说,结果不能更完美了,”他说。“所以,向那位占星师致敬。”
“这里确实展现了很广的跨度,”一名记者说道,“她不是一个单一维度的歌手。”
萨默在 Casablanca 的时光结局并不美好。她抱怨博加特否决了她录制更多摇滚乐的野心,并批评他在监督她的职业生涯中扮演了“像斯文加利一样(操纵人心)的角色”。基于这个原因——以及她认为版税支付不足——她在 1979 年 Casablanca 发行其精选集《On the Radio: Greatest Hits Volumes I and II》后提起诉讼。该诉讼最终以和解告终,萨默随后离开并签约大卫·格芬的同名厂牌。
苏达诺与夫妇的三位女儿共同管理萨默的遗产,他授权了英国 Demon Music Group 厂牌推出的 Casablanca 盒装套装,该厂牌在 1 月份还发行了一套更广泛的作品集《Summer Time — The Singles Collection 1974-2010》。这两套收藏集都强调了萨默的多样性:“坦白说,唐娜能一次性把电话簿唱得动听,”Demon 的全球商业经理迈克尔·奈杜斯说道。
尽管如此,被广泛称为“迪斯科之父”的 86 岁莫罗德也能体会萨默的沮丧。“我不认为她说过自己不快乐,”他说。“也许她不是那种‘极度快乐’。这在某种程度上也是我的问题。比起被叫作‘迪斯科之辈’,我更喜欢被叫作‘电子音乐之辈’。”
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我的祖父 ____ 远离尘嚣的生活 在 ____ 的田园山丘之间。 他 ____ 饮用当地的“补药”。
请用互为字母易位词(anagrams)的单词完成这首诗。每条下划线代表一个字母。 谜题由 STUART (CLELAND) 设计
昨日答案:Sam, Cola → turncoat
横向 1 首两个首字母代表“Maurits Cornelis”的艺术家 7 比如,进一步了解 15 善良的 16 “今天不行,撒旦” 17 像哈姆雷特、麦克白和李尔王那样 18 “养家糊口的地方?”(双关语) 19 就职仪式的一部分 20 俯瞰格林德瓦山谷的山峰 21 帮倒忙? 22 Frito(德州-墨西哥风味菜肴) 24 “像蝴蝶般飘逸”且“像蜜蜂般刺痛” 26 办公大楼的 ____! 27 一个人难以承受之重 30 曾经很热(for) 31 很可能 35 当地人称之为 Muncibeddu,意为“山中之山”
36 西雅图的 W.N.B.A. 球队 39 自夸 40 2025年超级碗冠军球队成员 42 简·方达在20世纪80年代的一些表演 44 绕圈圈? 47 Este dia 50 确定市场价格? 51 伦敦的花园 53 “现在说得通了” 55 在某种程度上修补 56 HBO剧集《不安全》中的主角 Dee 57 独自演奏 59 拥有标志性翘发发型的动画角色 61 荷官的询问 62 以某种方式隐藏,如通信 63 州政府收入来源 64 成为……的受益人
请在网格中填写数字,确保每行每列的数字不重复,且每个粗线框内的数字通过框内指定的加、减、乘或除法运算,得出所示的目标数字。4x4 网格使用数字 1-4;6x6 网格使用数字 1-6。 更多游戏请访问:www.nytimes.com / games Reckfast 是 Monday, LLC 的注册商标。版权所有 © 2024 www.REMEN.com。保留所有权利。
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2< / td><>1< / ><>4< / ><>3< / >< / tr><><>1< / ><>4< / ><>3< / ><>2< / >< / ><><>3< / ><>2< / ><>1< / ><>4< / >< / ><><>4< / ><>3< / ><>2< / ><>1< / >< / table>
向下 1 法律禁止 2 学生的一种
3 自由落体 4 与 grade 或 school 搭配的词 5 dermis 的前缀 6 门 7 嘻哈的发源地(口语) 8 “真可惜” 9 传统上佩戴橙色臂章的体育人物(简称) 10 部分加州理工学院毕业生(缩写) 11 手腕附近可见之物 12 平民 13 开始 14 “Buona __”(罗马的睡前用语) 21 “我不需要更多了,谢谢”
24 像个可疑的人 25 拥有 2016 年冠军单曲《Cheap Thrills》的单名歌手 28 牙线品牌 29 华特·迪士尼最初将其设计为一座乌托邦城市 30 演唱会周边商品 32 加油站 33 墙花(指社交场合中拘谨的人)经常站的地方 34 痛苦的声音 37 播客主持人 Joe 38 20 世纪 80 年代拥有半重复名称的冠军乐队
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41 以女神命名的相机品牌 43 演员 Penn 45 被击中 46 法兰克(Francia)的邻居 47 笑声轨的内容 48 撰写了《Butterfield 8》的 John 49 某种点心蛋糕 52 减轻 54 担任联合国儿童基金会首位亲善大使的 Danny 56 秘鲁 ____ 兰花(犬种) 58 Rihanna 的冠军单曲及 SZA 的冠军专辑标题 60 morph- 的后缀
哥伦比亚电影公司
女演员伊娃·玛丽·圣(Eva Marie Saint)于周二去世,享年 102 岁。她在首部电影《码头风云》(On the Waterfront)中一举成名。在片中,她饰演一名被谋杀的码头工人的坚强姐姐。她在该角色中展现的道德坚定,为其职业生涯奠定了基础,此后她专注于饰演那些尽力应对家庭和文化风暴的富有同情心的女性。以下 10 部电影展示了她如何为那些在剧本中看似刻板的“好女人”类型角色增添复杂性和深度。
作为职业生涯的巅峰之作和目标宣言,圣的首部电影角色为她赢得了奥斯卡最佳女配角奖,并确立了她作为复杂“好女人”类型的形象——一个在不完美世界中坚守道德标准的旗手。在《码头风云》中,圣饰演的角色率先向导致其兄长被杀的黑帮控制的工会发起挑战,她的正直既让一名码头工人(马龙·白兰度 饰)感到惭愧,又激励他采取行动。
白兰度突破性的表演吸引了绝大部分关注,但他那痛苦的脆弱感在很大程度上是对圣的回应,因为圣坚定而安静的信念唤醒了他沉睡的良知。这部电影是一部关于做正确之事的激昂剧作,同时也尖锐地解释了为什么导演埃利亚·卡赞(Elia Kazan)在两年前决定在美国众议院非美活动委员会上“指认姓名”。
可在 Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play 和 YouTube 上租赁。
弗雷德·津内曼(Fred Zinnemann)这部炽热的情节剧改编自迈克尔·V·加佐(Michael V. Gazzo)1955年的舞台剧,旨在成为吗啡成瘾者的《迷失的周末》(The Lost Weekend)。这部电影不过是将四名演员挤在狭小的空间里,然后不断加码冲突。故事主要设定在纽约市的一个公共住房项目中,《雨帽》以一名自大的父亲开场,他并不被大多数人认可。他有两个儿子:一个是朝鲜战争退伍军人(唐·默里 Don Murray 饰),拥有忠诚的妻子(伊娃·玛丽·圣 Eva Marie Saint 饰)和一套不错的公寓;另一个(安东尼·弗朗西西亚 Anthony Francisia 饰)则被父亲视为失败者。父亲没有意识到的是,那个“好儿子”每天要花费 40 美元购买吗啡,而那个“坏儿子”为了应付那些阴险的毒贩正陷入财务危机。圣饰演的妻子在丈夫的兄弟面前,其对丈夫的忠诚受到了情感的考验。
可在 Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play 和 YouTube 上租赁。
左图:伊娃·玛丽·圣与马龙·白兰度在 1954 年电影《码头风云》(On the Waterfront)中的剧照。
圣在片中被巧妙地进行了反类型选角,饰演阿尔弗雷德·希区柯克(Alfred Hitchcock)标志性的冰山金发女郎。在《北北西快车》中,她首次出现时是一个狡黠的盟友,协助一名广告主管(加里·格兰特 Cary Grant 饰),而一名外国间谍(詹姆斯·梅森 James Mason 饰)及其爪牙将该主管误认为另一个人。当两人在中西部逃离追捕者,并最终在拉什莫尔山展开决战时,她的隐藏动机被揭露,但圣直到最后仍让对方(以及观众)对其忠诚度猜测不已。圣与格兰特之间的化学反应为希区柯克这部最强有力的作品增添了额外火花,这是他对《39级阶梯》(The 39 Steps)中开启的“被误认之人”剧本的一次规模扩大且极具娱乐性的演绎。
可在 Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home 和 YouTube 上租赁。
这部改编自里昂·尤里斯(Leon Uris)小说的作品,由导演奥托·普雷明格(Otto Preminger)和编剧道尔顿·特朗博(Dalton Trumbo)共同打造,是一部关于以色列建国的 3.5 小时巨作。圣在片中饰演观众的替代视角——一名被遥远冲突卷入其中的美国护士。故事始于塞浦路斯的一个拘留营,在那里,犹太社会正强烈推动联合国就建立巴勒斯坦故土进行投票。《出埃及记》依靠圣饰演的纯真且善良的寡妇,引导美国观众经历一场政治转型。这里的催化剂是保罗·纽曼(Paul Newman)饰演的阿里·本·迦南(Ari Ben Canaan),一名巴勒斯坦犹太人,他接管了一艘载有 600 多人的船只,并采取激进行动以影响联合国的投票,从而将船引导至巴勒斯坦。他们最终的浪漫情缘为这堂沉重的历史课提供了一个易于共情的中心。
可在 YouTube 上观看。可在 Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV 和 Fandango at Home 上租赁。
在圣与约翰·弗兰肯海默(John Frankenheimer)合作的两部电影中,这是第一部(且较逊色的一部)。圣在片中饰演艾可(Echo),她是沃伦·比蒂(Warren Beatty)魅力下的众多牺牲者之一,比蒂在片中同时击碎了爱人和家人的心。当比蒂饰演的流浪汉贝里-贝里(Berry-Berry)在监狱服刑一段时间后回到镇上,几个兄弟(布兰登·德·怀尔德 Brandon de Wilde 饰)中最兴奋的是看到他,但当贝里-贝里对艾可(他的迷恋对象)产生浪漫兴趣时,他的热情便消退了。《众皆陨落》是一部模仿田纳西·威廉姆斯风格的过热南方情节剧,但它最大限度地挖掘了像圣和比蒂这样演员的潜力,比蒂将自己从一个掠夺性的无赖转变为一个真正令人怜悯的人物。
在《满洲候选人》三年后,乔治·西顿这部流畅的惊悚片延续了大致相同的剧本:一名美国军官被敌人操纵,用于达成邪恶的政治目的。在本片中,詹姆斯·加纳饰演一名二战期间的美国陆军少校,他深知盟军将在诺曼底登陆,但被纳粹击晕并绑架,对方让他相信自己正身处1960年的一家美国医院;圣饰演一名护士,她同样在执行一套精心设计的骗局,试图从他口中套出关于入侵的信息,但她参与其中的原因使这个角色变得复杂。《36小时》并没有太深奥的思想,但它是一个有效的“迷离时空”式剧本,其中一段替代历史正处于被改写的边缘。 可在 Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play 和 YouTube 上租赁。
这部电影采用了类似《疯狂的世界》那种“规模越大越好”的群像喜剧模式,《俄罗斯人来了,俄罗斯人来了》在当时获得了足够高的评价,甚至获得了最佳影片提名,这在很大程度上是因为它试图讽刺(并有助于缓解)冷战中期的长期紧张局势。时间并未对诺曼·朱维森这部宽泛的闹剧特别宽容——讲述的是一支俄罗斯潜艇部队在纽英格兰一个古朴小镇外搁浅的故事——但演员们的表演很活跃,尤其是艾伦·阿金和厄尔·里斯。这场“俄罗斯革命”涉及一名伪装成挪威人的中尉,以及一名对共产主义入侵毫无准备的度假家庭男人。圣饰演赖纳的妻子,为紧张气氛增色,并与他一起奋斗,试图结束他们漫长的夏季假期。 可在 Amazon Prime Video 和 MGM+ 上流媒体播放。可在 Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play 和 YouTube 上租赁。
圣与约翰·弗兰肯海默的第二次合作可能是史上最出色的赛车电影,至少在动作戏集中在 Formula 1 赛车手争夺国际霸权的城市赛道上时是这样。然而,在赛道之外,《大奖赛》在其三小时的冗长篇幅中,花费了相当一部分时间讲述四名赛车手的生活与爱情,圣在片中饰演一名美国记者,与伊夫·蒙当饰演的资深世界冠军发生了关系,而后者恰好已婚。但所有这些戏剧冲突在比赛本身面前都显得微不足道,比赛场景的拍摄具有极强的平视即时感,且始终伴随着在眉睫的危险感。就像弗兰肯海默在60年代巅峰时期的最佳作品一样,《大奖赛》将冷峻的纪录片细节与巨大的类型片冲击力结合在了一起。 可在 Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play 和 YouTube 上租赁。
尽管被标榜为喜剧,但欧文·克什纳这部标题带有讽刺意味的电影《爱》揭露了一个时代的家庭危机——当时性解放正在侵蚀传统婚姻的基石。乔治·塞加尔饰演一名商业插画师,他忽视妻子(圣)和两个孩子,转而追求身边的女性,包括他商业伙伴的妻子。克什纳及其编剧唐·德夫林对侧线议题(例如塞加尔的办公室,更像是一个大客户)的关注程度之高,使其具有一种短篇小说的质感,而非试图推动情节发展。塞加尔饰演的风流之辈在不停地玩弄感情,仅此而已,但其后果在一次70年代风格的狂欢派对上,围绕着一个儿童走入式娃娃屋展开,在荒诞与痛苦之间达到了绝妙的平衡。
在远离电影演出 14 年后,圣(Saint)回归出演了《毫无共同点》(Nothing in Common)。这部平庸的喜剧正剧最值得关注的地方在于杰基·格里森(Jackie Gleason)饰演的马克斯·巴斯纳(Max Basner)的天鹅之歌——巴斯纳是一个脾气暴躁的销售员,在自己的广告主管儿子(汤姆·汉克斯 饰)失去工作和婚姻后,对他提出了种种要求。但从圣的职业生涯来看,看到她离开一段糟糕的关系,而不是与那些有缺陷、不值得或勉强维持关系的男人一起受苦,是非常迷人的。作为巴斯纳的妻子,她反映了在被卷回即将到来的卧室戏剧之前,那种脱离关系后的喜悦,随后她表达了对他的厌恶,并让他独自面对悔恨。这段对话比那个关于年轻的都市青年学习生活中真正重要之事的陈词滥调故事更真实。
可在 Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play 和 YouTube 上租赁。
玛雅·菲利普斯 / 影评笔记本
JOHN JOHNSON / TEDO-MAX
这部 HBO 系列剧集对继承白人前任衣钵这一主题提供了细致的观察。
在 HBO 系列剧《灯笼》(Lanterns)的结尾,约翰·斯图尔特(John Stewart)在空中盘旋,随后伴随着巨大的音爆飞离,这是他作为新任绿灯侠(Green Lantern)的首次行动。这不仅仅是一个典型的英雄式谢幕;这是一个用尽一生准备佩戴那枚令人向往的戒指的顶峰时刻。
这是一个显而易见的结局,而且在一部风格像硬核“拍档警察”故事的超级英雄剧中,看到约翰(由亚伦·皮埃尔饰演)僵硬地漂浮在地面上的景象似乎过于俗套。然而,它能引起共鸣,因为这是约翰正式作为一名“灯笼”的亮相,而我们见证了他如何在周日完结的这部剧集中赢得这一头衔。在全部 8 集中,《灯笼》在刻画超级英雄故事中一个日益常见的情节时做得最出色:一个黑人角色继承了一个白人英雄的角色。
在约翰·斯图尔特之前,有山姆·威尔逊(美国队长)、莉莉·威廉姆斯(铁心,钢铁侠的一个迭代版本)以及迈尔斯·莫拉莱斯(动画《蜘蛛侠:平行宇宙》中的蜘蛛侠),他们都是重新定义了所继承头衔的黑人英雄。
当然,我们见过其他零散的黑人领衔英雄——黑豹、卢克·凯奇、神奇先生——但这种从一代传给下一代的接力棒传递更值得观察。将一个黑人角色提升到经典英雄的位置并非易事,因为故事必须考虑到一种必然的差异:即当一名黑人男性或女性戴上之前深受喜爱的白人英雄的面具、服装或魔法珠宝时,情况会有所不同。
在整个《灯笼》中,皮埃尔优雅地体现了约翰·斯图尔特坚如磐石的决心;他像雕塑一样,身材魁梧,目光坚定,仿佛能吸收周围的一切。他知道自己注定要成为下一任绿灯侠——这个 DC 漫画英雄在 80 多年前被引入,使用一枚戒指将物体具象化为实体的 3-D 形式。毕竟,他的出身并非偶然;约翰一生都知道自己最终将承接这个头衔。
就像《猎鹰与冬兵》中山姆·威尔逊晋升为美国队长一样,一整部剧集可能是探索角色背景故事及其进入该角色之动机最令人满意的方式。《灯笼》展示了当约翰还是婴儿时,他的父亲未能通过成为下一任绿灯侠的测试。当约翰的母亲伯纳黛特(Bernadette)发现她最小的儿子可能有机会成为一名“灯笼”时,她决心将他培养成一个无畏的人。在他 5 岁生日时,他得到的是一把枪而不是蜡笔。这意味着要经历像威廉·特尔(William Tell)那样的勇气测试,以及许多随意的童年危险经历。
撇开糟糕的育儿方式不谈,这个关于魔法戒指的故事中最真实——也最能引起共鸣——的部分是,在黑人英雄背后,是一位要求她的儿子在追求伟大角色的过程中获得诚实且公平对待的黑人母亲。贾斯敏·塞法斯·琼斯(Jasmine Cephas Jones)强悍的表演将伯纳黛特刻画成不仅是约翰的母亲,更是他的教练、他的拥护者,有时甚至是他在成长过程中需要克服的首个反派。她愿意扮演坏人,因为她知道他需要去做一件这个国家教会她是不可能完成的事:融入一个已经由白人男性拥有并定义了的角色。
自然地,那个白人男性,即绿灯侠哈尔·乔丹(Hal Jordan,由凯尔·钱德勒饰演,其表演呈现出一种讨人喜欢的讨厌感),并不喜欢一个更年轻、更有能力的男人来接替他的角色。他不尊重约翰,最初将他斥为乏味且缺乏想象力。但约翰证明了自己的能力,这不仅是因为他的军事训练和战略头脑,更因为他的创造力。
到周日的最终集,约翰已经为自己找到了他需要成为的那种英雄。绿灯侠本应是无所畏惧的,因此约翰一直过着一种试图压抑或忽视恐惧的生活。但现在,他决定采用一枚由绿光和黄光共同驱动的戒指和灯笼,象征着勇气与恐惧。成为绿灯侠从来不像接替哈尔那样简单;在某个时刻,约翰有机会拿到戒指,但在意识到这将如何影响他的人性后,他拒绝了。当约翰重新夺回戒指时,他成为了最好的自己。他塑造了自己的旅程,而这一切——直到灯侠的誓言——都反映了这一点。
在超级英雄剧集《灯侠》(Lanterns)中,饰演约翰·斯图尔特的亚伦·皮埃尔(左)和饰演哈尔·乔丹的凯尔·钱德勒。
最终集中令部分粉丝感到不安的一个方面是,当约翰诵读经典的灯侠誓言时,他修改了那些著名的台词,以承认他新的自主权:“在最明亮的白天,在最黑暗的夜晚,我将拥抱我的恐惧,我将做正确的事。我选择这枚戒指,我选择这场战斗,服务于这盏灯的光芒。”但这种改变与该剧讲述一名黑人男性行走——或飞行——在自己道路上的方式是一致的。约翰·斯图尔特作为漫画历史上最早的黑人英雄之一出现,永远改变了正典。因此,在《灯侠》中,这个约翰·斯图尔特再次改变正典,是恰如其分的。
BANDAINAHCO
詹姆斯·波尼沃齐克 / 电视评论
接第 CI 页
上图:在《库比蒂诺》(Cupertino)中,迈克·科尔特(Mike Colter)和瑞秋·凯勒(Rachel Keller)饰演的律师创办了一家律所,旨在帮助那些被科技巨头公司侵害的人。左侧的勒妮·埃莉斯·戈兹伯里(Renée Elise Goldsberry)饰演一名竞争对手律师。 摄影:伊丽莎白·费舍尔 / CS
。该剧由罗伯特·金和米歇尔·金(Robert and Michelle King)创作,他们之前的系列剧集——包括《傲骨之妻》(The Good Wife)、《傲骨之战》(The Good Fight)和《邪恶》(Evil)——都对科技及其权力与荒诞之处深感兴趣。
此前,这种痴迷只是关于法律、政治和宗教剧集的侧面点缀。而现在,科技成为了主线故事。这部充满活力且好斗的《库比蒂诺》以一种民粹主义精神主张,科技已经变得如此无孔不入,以至于它实际上成了唯一的故事——而且,如果我们不小心,它可能将是我们最后一个故事。
剧集始于科技公司 S-Talk(没错,读音同“stalk”,意为跟踪 / 窥视)的办公室,在这里,资深律师迈克尔·普莱斯(Michael Price,迈克·科尔特 饰)和法学院新鲜毕业生奥利维亚·西弗雷(Olivia Siffre,瑞秋·凯勒 饰)刚刚被解雇——前者显然是为了被窃取股权,后者则是在遭受性骚扰之后。两人共同创办了一家资金匮乏的法律事务所,旨在帮助那些被大律所忽视的“大卫”们,而那些大律所正靠着科技“歌利亚”们的薪酬单发财。
“在淘金热期间,”一名同行警告迈克尔,“不要起诉金矿。”
正如在《邪恶》(科尔特在其中饰演一名调查超自然现象的牧师,展现了其内敛的魅力)中一样,《库比蒂诺》建立在一种“古怪搭档”的组合之上。迈克尔出身法律名门,但与经营着一家传奇律所的父亲(乔·莫顿 饰)关系疏远。奥利维亚则是来自中西部基督教出版商之女,聪明但生活单纯。(在享有盛名的电视创作者中,金夫妇较为罕见地认真对待信仰,而现在,既然人工智能高管们正在游说梵蒂冈,这一点或许会派上用场。)
但他们都被伤害过,并且准备将一切付之一炬。事实证明,他们并不孤单。在为律所寻找商业伙伴时,奥利维亚搜索了“讨厌硅谷的人”;结果列表没完没了地向下滚动。
他们找到了一群杂牌支持人员,包括被前雇主抛弃的工人阶级前台克里斯蒂·帕拉迪诺(Christy Palladino,埃拉·斯蒂勒 饰),以及来自科技巨头前任、心怀复仇之情的娜塔莉亚·布特拉(Natalia Boutella,比齐·菲利普斯 饰)的资金支持。
《库比蒂诺》采用了半程序化的节奏,将一个涉及没有护栏的强大 AI 模型的长期惊悚主线与每周的独立案件相结合。该剧的哲学是,现在的每一个法律案件都是科技案件,因为科技已经嵌入到如此多的工作和决策中,无论是在警务、医疗、教育还是家庭法领域。
你可以称这种手法为“取材于头条新闻”,但更像是金夫妇在预判头条新闻。他们观察科技现状,将人性弱点和贪婪因素考虑在内,然后推测接下来会发生什么。
结果令人印象深刻。其中一个故事涉及一个通过照片级真实视频聊天与用户互动的 AI,这个设备对我来说似乎太离谱了。或者说,直到我看完那一集几天后,我看到一家公司宣布开发出了一款恰好能实现这一功能的 AI 聊天机器人。
该剧的早期剧集给人一种略显简陋、在飞行中组装飞机的感觉。随着迈克尔和奥利维亚开设他们那间名为办公室实为门面的简陋场所,配角们逐渐登场,包括饰演一名像鲨鱼一样凶猛的竞争对手律师的勒妮·埃莉斯·戈兹伯里(与菲利普斯在剧中实现了一次小型《Girls5Eva》重聚),以及饰演顾问兼全能科技讲解员的尼克·多达尼(Nik Dodani)。
好消息是,金斯夫妇将有 20 集——没错,整整 20 集——来充实这个故事,这是在传统网络电视(network TV)工作的优势。而劣势在于,与在流媒体平台播出的高度连续剧化作品《好斗律师》(The Good Fight)以及同样在流媒体完结的《邪恶》(Evil)相比,这部剧的野心显得较为狭隘。
尤其是《好斗律师》,它是过去十年中最大胆的政治剧,是一场关于特朗普时代法律的暗黑喜剧式狂想曲,它运用了从疯狂阴谋到药物幻觉,再到卡通音乐视频的所有手段,来描绘一个正处于崩溃边缘的宪政秩序。
相比之下,《库比蒂诺》(Cupertino)中政治色彩较为淡薄。考虑到政府监管(或缺乏监管)在当今 AI 焦虑中所占的分量,以及科技巨头们如何与现任政府套近乎,这一点显得有些奇怪。(剧中提到过娜塔莉的大亨前夫参加了就职典礼。)在《库比蒂诺》中,政府的存在似乎仅仅是为了维持法院运转,不过我不确定这究竟是刻意回避,还是在陈述这个世界中真正的权力所在。
但无论多么精彩,《好斗律师》的影响范围有限。而《库比蒂诺》正在将
Cupertino CBS。周四晚上 10 点播出。Paramount+ 流媒体同步播出。
网络监控、对艺术家作品的数字窃取、在线诈骗以及科技大亨们的掩体心态,带给《追踪者》(Tracker)和《治安官之乡》(Sheriff Country)的观众。上一次我会说秋季最好的新剧在广播电视上播出时,那年的年份中间可能有两个零。(事实上,那部剧可能是《好妻子》。)
金斯夫妇理解并尊重网络电视这一媒介,且执行得像专业人士一样。案件情节紧凑,形式虽熟悉但转折出人意料,演员阵容也极其出色。普莱斯和凯勒之间有一种令人心动的兄妹动态,戈兹伯里饰演了一个诱人的阴谋家,而菲利普斯则在扮演一名奔走呼号的“硅谷前真实主妇”时获得了极大的乐趣。
像许多伟大的剧集一样,《库比蒂诺》清楚自己的主题及其原因。像许多强大的软件模型一样,它具有持久性和迭代性。它开局迅猛,每隔几集就升级一次,在我为了评论而观看的半季结束时,让我渴望下一次更新。
我并不是在说《库比蒂诺》强而有力且不可或缺。我也不是在说它是一部聪明且紧迫的娱乐作品,在提供快感的同时发出了关于 AI 末日的警示。我不敢这么说。毕竟,某个 AI 可能正在阅读这篇文章。
克里斯托弗·拜尔德 / 电子游戏评论
对有组织宗教的批判贯穿于这个故事之中。
《黎明行者之血》(THE BLOOD OF THE DAWNWALKER)是一款扣人心弦的新角色扮演游戏,风格类似于 CD Projekt Red 的《巫师》系列。该游戏由位于华沙的 Rebel Wolves 工作室开发,该工作室由多位前 CD Projekt Red 开发人员领导,并具备了使《巫师》系列游戏令人难忘的许多标志性特征——从涉及侦探式实地调查的任务,到与动机不明的角色进行互动。贯穿其中的是一种东欧精神:对人类缺陷保持警觉,接纳道德上的模糊性,并以坦然的态度对待性。
游戏设定在喀尔巴阡山脉附近的一个偏远地区,开篇于 14 世纪的黑死病期间。(其设定灵感源自芭芭拉·塔克曼的历史综述《遥远的镜。
(灾难性的14世纪$^{[6]}$)。故事讲述了一个名叫科恩(Coen)的年轻人带着被瘟疫感染的妹妹行走,结果遭到了负责处决任何感染迹象者的士兵袭击。但兄妹俩被一名年长的吸血鬼布伦西斯(Brencis)救了下来,布伦西斯屠杀了那些武装人员,随后在部下的帮助下接管了该地区。作为驱除战争、瘟疫和税收员的回报,布伦西斯实施了一项“血液契约”:所有人必须在满月之夜参加吸血鬼弥撒;饮用能治愈疾病的布伦西斯之血;并作为回报,献出定量自身的血液。对组织化宗教的批判贯穿于游戏始终。对于任何熟悉波兰与教会历史的人来说——教会曾践踏该国古老的多神信仰,并在不同时期支持过解放主义政权和压迫政权——其中的历史隐喻是不言而喻的。
《黎明行者之血》的叙事总监雅库布·沙马莱克(Jakub Szamalek)告诉我:“我们确实有一段遭受暴力权力统治的历史,而权力与暴力之间的这种相互作用,正是我想要探讨的主题之一。”考虑到14世纪欧洲人因剧烈动荡和无处不在的疾病而陷入的极度贫困,沙马莱克发现,试图创造一个可能比那时更糟糕的场景是一项挑战。“这是我们向玩家提出的问题,也是他们在世界中探索的内容,”他说,“这件事与这些人之前经历的事情相比如何?”谈到游戏中鲜明的波兰特色,沙马莱克表示,其中存在一种“对事情发展结果的潜在悲观情绪”。
他补充道:“我认为,那种认为历史并不温柔、且很少有人能不负盛名地活下去的阴暗预感,是我们从小就根深蒂固的认知,你懂吗?”
在吸血鬼的枷锁下苦苦挣扎的科恩加入了一个试图推翻压迫者的反抗组织,但他们的努力被全面镇压。在混战中,布伦西斯出于某种神秘的原因袭击了科恩,并在科恩未察觉的情况下将其变成了吸血鬼。游戏中巧妙叙事的一个例子是:当科恩在失去意识后苏醒,在战友中寻找幸存者时,他遇到了一名血迹斑斑的战士,随即失去控制,吸食了同伴的血液。随后,一个教程界面告知玩家,如果科恩的吸血鬼生命值低于某个阈值,他在与他人(甚至是朋友)交谈时可能会失去控制并吸干对方的血,这可能会导致某个任务线突然中断。

科恩在吸血鬼横行的《黎明行者之血》中执行拯救家人的任务。
科恩有30天的时间来拯救他的家人,否则布伦西斯将在加冕仪式上将他们杀死。(这种时间限制为科恩的探索增添了一种紧迫感,解决了其他角色扮演游戏中的一个缺陷——那些游戏虽然给了玩家一项至关重要的任务,但随后却鼓励玩家随心所欲地闲逛)(A)。在随后的时间尺度中,科恩是一名“黎明行者”,这在吸血鬼中极为罕见;当太阳升起时,他会变回人类。脑海中回想起科恩暴食同伴的画面,我对游戏中的前几个夜晚感到恐惧。我对开发者的处理方式表示赞赏,他们将我置于这种心理状态中,让我与科恩的处境共情,认同他的意图。然而,随着时间的推移,我开始期待夜晚的到来,因为科恩的吸血鬼形态凭借增加的生命值和特殊能力(如“猩红之盾”,允许在完美格挡敌方攻击时恢复部分生命值),能给对手带来更强大的威胁。
《黎明行者之血》(The Blood of the Dawnwalker)的剧情线和迷人的角色确实提升了这款游戏的格调。例如,“恐怖之夜”就是一个格外令人难忘的任务。在寻找失落宝藏的过程中,科恩陪同一名谨慎且强势的吸血鬼拉克拉(Lacra)进入一片沼泽,在那里,他们必须通过讲述自己最深沉的情感痛苦,来诱导鬼火(幽灵之光)引导他们走向目标。我认为,衡量一款高质量角色扮演游戏(R.P.G.)的标准,在于它在多大程度上让你渴望下一次对话而非下一次战斗,就此而言,《黎明行者之血》表现得非常出色。
海伦·肖 / 戏剧评论


摄影:MUSIC BRENNER

技术故障导致一场全男性演出的《皆由你愿》在首演之夜陷入停滞。
英格兰,斯特拉特福德——这里的白天足够平静,低垂着一片温和的灰色天空。一群天鹅在河中坚定地滑行,向游客们讨要面包。而在周二晚上,由皇家莎士比亚剧团(Royal Shakespeare Company)呈现的一场全新的全男性版《皆由你愿》也同样在流畅地进行着。
但随后,演出“破碎”了。
从一个(字面上的)意义来说,出问题的可能是电机。观众们在皇家莎士比亚剧院里盯着一块巨大的布景看了很久,那块布景上升了大约两英尺后便停住了,而幕布后的梯子被四处拖动。但从另一个令人欣喜的意义上来说,这部华丽且具有解放感的《皆由你愿》恰恰在莎士比亚可能预设它该破碎的地方破碎了。
在第一幕结束时,几位流亡的贵族正远离文明世界,前往亚登森林。每个人都因为恐惧而离开那个金碧辉煌的宫廷世界:聪明的罗莎琳德(乔纳森·格罗夫 饰)发现她邪恶的叔叔——公爵(加里·威尔莫特 饰)想要杀死她;她的表妹西莉亚(菲萨约·阿基纳德 饰)无法忍受没有她的生活;英俊的奥兰多(埃利奥特·巴恩斯-沃雷尔 饰)则与一个有杀心的哥哥闹翻了。
在这部由皇家莎士比亚剧团共同艺术总监丹尼尔·埃文斯执导的壮丽作品中,公爵的宫廷像一副国际象棋棋盘一样毫无色彩:扭曲、怪诞、冰冷且阴森。格罗夫饰演的罗莎琳德穿着一件黑色维多利亚风格的长裙,穿过一扇大约20英尺高的白门进入现场;公爵穿着一件长长的黑色祭袍,像棋盘上的主教一样诡异地滑动。在某个时刻,公爵的仆人们戴着威胁性的白兔面具。这就像我们的英雄们都是走错了镜子方向的爱丽丝。
随着第一幕接近尾声,西莉亚喊道:“现在我们心满意足地奔向自由吧”,天籁之音开始唱起“奔向自由!奔向自由!”埃文斯将西莉亚和罗莎琳德的逃亡场景与奥兰多同时奔向自由的画面交织在一起,因此全场观众都处于一种对逃脱的极度期待之中。但在周二晚上,当宫廷的墙壁试图升起以让路时——嗡嗡声,刺耳的噪音,女士们先生们,我们深表歉意。
这次技术性的停顿给了我们时间去思考,全男性演员阵容是如何重新调整莎士比亚的剧作的,它解开了几个世纪以来的表演惯例,重新回到了伊丽莎白时代的易装模式。
首先——令人惊讶的是——它缓和了喜剧中的残酷感。《皆由你愿》可以是刻薄的,其不友好的恶作剧通常由罗莎琳德主导,她伪装成一个男孩加尼美德,并说服奥兰多在她身上“练习”求爱。作为加尼美德,她嘲讽女性,并对骄傲的牧羊女菲比(蒂姆·普雷斯顿 饰,他贡献了当晚最令人晕眩的幽默表演)说出刻薄的话,而菲比愚蠢地爱上了折磨她的人,却不知道那是穿着裤子的罗莎琳德。
但埃文斯的全男性剧团在有机会时便会唱起紧凑的和声歌曲,这给整个作品带来了一种甜蜜的同志情谊。(各种威尔士歌曲的声部安排需要高亢且迷人的假声男高音,这并非巧合。)这里对性别的处理方式多种多样:有些演员完全融入了女性形象,而另一些则选择了哑剧中的“丑角夫人”方式。无论他们做出怎样的选择,那些笑话都不会伤害到他们。
顶部,乔纳森·格罗夫饰演的罗莎琳德(右)和菲萨约·阿基纳德饰演的西莉亚在皇家莎士比亚剧院演出的《皆由你愿》中;上方,格罗夫与阿基纳德;右上,喜剧在多场婚礼中落下帷幕。
对于这个特定的罗莎琳德来说,森林体验是一个真正抛弃伪装的机会。在绿林之中,格罗夫可以穿上可爱的徒步短裤,并用低音说话!做回自己是多么美好。
随着舞台监督不断要求观众等待,期待感也随之攀升。一个多小时后,埃文斯本人在观众的欢呼声中宣布,皇家莎士比亚剧团的工作人员已经“手动移开了宫廷”,为逃亡者扫清了道路。
《随你所愿》 11月7日止于英国斯特拉特福-upon-Avon的皇家莎士比亚剧院;rsc.org.uk。
随后,亚登森林终于、终于出现了:那是一个巨大的、阳光普照的、长满苔藓和高草的山坡。角色们在这个多层级的童话林间空地中嬉戏穿梭,或从绿色的草丛中窥视,像是在树篱中向外张望的鸟儿。(舞美设计安妮莎·菲尔兹、音效设计保罗·格鲁特胡伊斯和灯光设计瑞安·戴共同协作,赋予了整个剧场一种慵懒的夏日宁静感。)
一部《随你所愿》的基调通常取决于其罗莎琳德,而格罗夫饰演的这个角色尤其令人喜爱且充满欢乐。即使在嘲讽他人时,格罗夫也拥有一种天赋,能向其他角色(他与巴恩斯-沃雷尔之间擦出了真实的火花)以及观众散发出真诚的喜爱。在剧终独白中——当罗莎琳德发誓要亲吻观众席中任何一个拥有“令我心动的胡须”的人时——这个承诺显得十分可信。
埃文斯这部作品的关键在于西莉亚,这个冷面笑匠般的直率女性和尖刻的助手。她对罗莎琳德谈论女性的方式感到真心受伤,而这两位挚友之间面临的决裂,是整场演出中唯一具有真实风险的时刻。出色的阿基纳德如此幽默,以至于埃文斯经常让他不发一言地站在舞台中央的一簇草堆上,仅仅是为了提供一种随时可见的反应镜头。(在罗莎琳德进行那些更古怪的玩笑时,我一直关注着西莉亚。她的表情通常在说:“没门。”)
但在首演之夜,主导演出那种“濒临混乱”氛围的是一次技术事故:人们感觉如果全场观众不屏息祈祷,我们可能永远无法进入森林。我相信他们不可能每晚都把布景弄坏,但我会为以后参考而记录下,这种事故确实促进了一种昂扬的团结感。
不过,即使没有这种统一的崩溃恐惧,我也相信埃文斯及其超级剧组能够保持他们那令人眩目的共同愉悦感。这是一个完美协作的团体,像舞者一样优雅平衡。当晚最精彩的场景或许是四个人的爱情告白:憨厚的当地森林居民西尔维乌斯(爱德华·贾奇)、他的爱慕对象菲比、菲比的爱慕对象罗莎琳德,以及罗莎琳德的爱慕对象奥兰多。“告诉这个年轻人什么是爱,”菲比要求道。“爱就是由叹息和泪水组成,”西尔维乌斯回答。
不过,对于奥兰多和加尼美德来说,情况并非如此。他们在整个追求过程中一直欢笑不止,整个山坡也随之变得晕眩。(“Giddy”原意为“被神灵附身”,这与这场温柔的绿色酒神祭般的情节十分契合。)《随你所愿》以四场婚礼结束,埃文斯花时间用一种缓慢的喜悦和尊严将其呈现。演员们跳起了一种帕凡舞,唱起另一首令人心碎的动人歌曲。然后,男人接男人,一个个微笑着投入另一个男人的怀抱。
艾丽莎·威尔金森 / 文档镜头

LIF / ALAMY STOCK PHOTO / BLEEDDER STREET 在由亚历克斯·吉布尼执导、时长近四小时的新纪录片中,埃隆·马斯克的形象如此呈现。
亚历克斯·吉布尼的《马斯克》是对这位富有的企业家的深度研究。
根据你的心态,一部关于埃隆·马斯克、时长近四小时的纪录片听起来可能令人兴奋,也可能令人痛苦。
对于那些倾向于崇拜这个地球上最富有的人的人来说,由多产的电影制作人亚历克斯·吉布尼打造的这部肖像画在预设中就带有负面偏见,因为在电影开始制作之前,马斯克就在他的社交媒体平台 X 上发帖攻击吉布尼。吉布尼在由他担任旁白的《马斯克》(正在院线放映)开头部分承认了这一点;在电影于威尼斯首映后,这位万亿富翁在 X 上花了几个小时对他进行辱骂。可以肯定地说,《马斯克》的拍摄对象并不是他的粉丝。
但吉布尼同样不是他拍摄对象的粉丝:“埃隆·马斯克是如何获得如此巨大的权力的,而我们为什么把权力交给他?”他在片头提出了这个问题。马斯克——其公司包括特斯拉、SpaceX 和卫星服务 Starlink——拒绝接受采访,因此吉布尼采取了一种不寻常的人类学方法:他及其研究团队收集了马斯克多次公开露面和声明的档案。随后,他们创建了一个由计算机生成、经 AI 增强的虚拟形象,用这个真实人物的声音和话语直接对着镜头“说话”。(我想说它是照片级写实的,但这个虚拟形象似乎经过了美颜。)
这个代理角色契合吉布尼的整体隐喻。他假设,马斯克(他吹嘘自己的电子游戏技巧,尽管这似乎大多是空谈)将世界视为一场必须赢得的游戏,而其中的大多数人要么是被要击败的敌人,要么是可有可无的非玩家角色(NPC)。这在很大程度上是成立的;马斯克曾多次谈到他对模拟理论的信仰——即我们可能生活在某种更高智能创造的模拟之中——如果世界不是真实的,那么为什么不把它当成游戏对待呢?
《马斯克》的前半部分主要是传记性质的,讲述了他如何变成现在这个样子。吉布尼采访了马斯克的合作伙伴,他们概述了马斯克建立其技术天才和卓越商人名声时,有时采取的令人质疑甚至完全欺骗的手段。呈现出来的是一个像压路机和魔术师一样的企业家形象,(根据他们的说法)他愿意将自己没做过的事情据为己功。在 10 分钟的中场休息后,电影转向马斯克近期的活动,特别是他领导的政府削减成本计划 DOGE,以及他向极右翼政治的转向。
《马斯克》中最有力且最具毁灭性的部分来自与两名女性的对话。一段与他的第一任前妻贾斯汀·马斯克的坦率采访,勾勒出了这位大亨早年的商业生涯,并表明他从一开始就具有支配欲。在他们的婚礼上,他告诉她自己是“阿尔法男性”。她说,当他们争吵时,他总能找到办法让她觉得是她错了。她说,通过这段关系,她学会了“煤气灯效应”(gaslighting)这个词。
另一个揭露真相的来源是艾希莉·圣克莱尔,这位前保守派影响力人物也是他最小孩子的母亲。她谈到了与马斯克两年的关系,并解释了他对待 14 个孩子的四个母亲的方式,其中包括签署保密协议(NDA),以及圣克莱尔称在公开批评他之后缩减了 60% 的子女抚养费。她还揭示了他的意识形态:据她称,他曾在一条信息中说,他们应该在“内战之前拥有一个孩子军团”。
这些对话之所以如此具有启发性,是因为它们填补了部分幕后细节,并至少尝试解释他的心理状态。这部电影试图为其商业和政治举措(尤其是近年来的举动)寻找解释。是因为他的童年?是对被崇拜的渴望?还是据称的药物使用?或者可以说,他是否已经变得如此“互联网脑”,以至于他对世界的看法变得日益扭曲?
电影没有找到答案,或者更准确地说,它找到了太多答案,以至于无法得出定论。虽然吉布尼在片头提出的问题——马斯克是如何变得如此强大的,以及我们为什么允许这种情况发生?——是非常深刻的,但这部电影并没有真正回答这些问题。其中一部分被含蓄地表达了:在硅谷创始人的时代,美国人崇拜那些反复无常、有时甚至残酷的天才;而且在更长的时间里,我们一直对像他这样的人采取宽容态度。
《马斯克》最大的优势在于其深入且全面的研究。然而,到电影结束时,我并没有学到太多此前不知道关于他的事情,这得益于他在整个职业生涯中,尤其是近年来海量的媒体报道。
这部电影没有做到的——尽管这或许是不可能的——是将这个人与他周围的文化联系起来,将其视为某种更深层次社会衰败的体现。讽刺的是,我发现自己希望这部电影能更长一些,能够更全面地阐述他在历史中的地位,就像埃兹拉·埃德尔曼出色的 2016 年电影《O.J.:美国制造》,或者吉布尼关于山达基教的电影《透明》那样。如果问题确实是我们为什么允许马斯克拥有如此大的权力,那么答案肯定部分在于我们自己。

经典港口线(Classic Harbor Line)提供哈德逊河游览行程,途经新泽西州的帕利塞兹(Palisades)。 MEIGHAN MAY HART / CLASSIC HARBOR LING
在经历了酷暑之后,清新的空气和秋叶让旅行者们得以共同舒一口气。由于汽油价格高企,开车赏枫之旅可能不再那么吸引人,但仍有许多地方可以让您从水上视角欣赏色彩的盛宴,无论是数日的巡航还是一个下午的航行。首先,您需要选择目的地。AccuWeather 的高级气象学家查德·梅里尔(Chad Merrill)预测,西部地区长期的干旱将导致落基山脉地区的树木“提前进入休眠”,高峰期将在 10 月初出现。对于赏叶爱好者来说,这意味着色彩会较为暗淡且叶子提前脱落。梅里尔先生表示,在东南部和中大西洋南部,干旱压力和春季晚霜将使叶色无法达到最佳状态。看到最鲜艳色彩的最佳机会可能在五大湖地区和东北部。平原地区、西北部和加利福尼亚州预计将出现典型的秋色。以下是一些关于在何时、何地从水上欣赏最佳秋色的选择。RYLEY OBER

JETTLEIGHT
俄勒冈州和华盛顿州
在卡斯卡特山脉(Cascade Mountain Range)的山峰之下,哥伦比亚河在前往太平洋的 1,200 英里旅途中,沿着俄勒冈州和华盛顿州的边界蜿蜒而行。在波特兰附近,峡谷被茂密的道格拉斯冷杉、西部红杉和宽叶枫林覆盖,使其成为秋季观光的绝佳目的地。
若进行一日游,可登上从卡斯卡特锁海事公园(Cascade Locks Marine Park)出发的后桨轮船(Sternwheeler),该公园距离波特兰不到一小时车程。哥伦比亚峡谷的巡航时间从一小时到四小时以上不等,并提供多种行程,包括约 $100, 的水坝船闸之旅、$55, 的探险之旅,或 $120. 的早午餐和晚餐巡航。儿童、老年人及残障人士可享受优惠价格。
美国巡航线(American Cruise Line)的九日哥伦比亚河与蛇河巡航让游客完全沉浸在河流不断变化的景观中,随着向河流上游移动,景观将变为草原和山艾树。该巡航线遵循刘易斯和克拉克(Lewis and Clark)的路径,承诺在船只经过一系列现代船闸和水坝时,提供丰富的历史探索。2027 年的秋季巡航价格在 $5,800 到 $10,000. 之间。2026 年秋季的名额有限。
发布年度秋叶预测的《老农历》(The Old Farmer's Almanac)估计,色彩高峰期将从 10 月中旬持续到 11 月初。


哈德逊河巡航
纽约
泰勒斯瀑布场景船游

明尼苏达州-威斯康辛州边界
圣克罗伊河(St. Croix River)在明尼苏达州和威斯康星州之间形成了约 130 英里的边界,它是 1968 年《野生与风景河流法案》最初保护的八条河流之一。由冰河时代冰川雕琢而成的壮丽岩壁耸立在水道两旁,沿岸分布着原始森林与小镇。
在明尼普利斯东北方向约一小时车程处,家族经营的泰勒斯瀑布风景船之旅(Taylors Falls Scenic Boat Tours)使用两艘明轮船提供河上行程,已有 120 年的历史。他们的 45 分钟或 80 分钟之旅从明尼苏达州的泰勒斯瀑布出发,探索该河岩层历史,包括圣克罗伊河得名之由来的一座石十字架。
成人票价约为 $30 起,老年人 $28,儿童 $18。在游览小镇时,
ASPAD BINEDEK / GETTY
不妨顺道去 Drive-In 餐厅,这家美式快餐店提供必尝的自制根啤漂浮(root beer float)。你绝对不会错过它——只需寻找那个巨大的旋转马克杯即可。
如果想从明尼普利斯出发体验更短的车程,可以尝试圣克罗伊河游船(St. Croix River Cruises)在河流威斯康星州一侧提供的秋叶之旅。游船从古朴的威斯康星州哈德逊镇(Hudson)出发,这个镇名是由首任市长命名的,因为这里的河岸悬崖让他想起了哈德逊河。秋季游船成人票价为 $28,儿童 $20。
《老农历》(The Old Farmer's Almanac)预测,这里的秋色将在 10 月上中旬达到顶峰。
纽约州北部
位于纽约州北部加拿大边境的圣劳伦斯河(St. Lawrence River)将旅行者吸引进一个由林地、滨水庄园和宏伟城堡组成的童话场景中,例如亚历山德里亚湾(Alexandria Bay)著名的博尔特城堡(Boldt Castle)和奇佩瓦湾(Chippewa Bay)的辛格城堡(Singer Castle)。多家游船公司提供穿梭于千岛湖(Thousand Islands)地区的行程,从一小时的短途游到为期一周的旅行不等,这里实际上是由 1,800 多个岛屿组成的群岛。
在 Tripadvisor 和 Google 评论中获得高分的亚历山德里亚湾山姆叔叔船之旅(Uncle Sam Boat Tours)提供辛格城堡或“百万富翁大道”(Millionaires' Row)的游览,后者是一片由 19 世纪末和 20 世纪初富裕家庭建造的奢华豪宅岛链。大多数行程成人票价约为 $30,不过部分行程进入城堡需额外付费。对于寻求秋季特定选项的游客,克莱顿岛游船(Clayton Island Tours)提供的秋季日落之旅包含一条时长两小时且不断变化的路线,由船长根据其最喜爱的区域决定。成人票价为 $27,儿童 $16。
对于希望在今年秋天乘船观叶的狂热者来说,时间至关重要。根据《老农历》的说法,秋色将在 10 月中下旬过后度过顶峰。

NANTAJALA OUTDOCK CENTER — CHATTODGA JIVER OUTPOST
无论您是喜欢欣赏庄严的灯塔、五彩斑斓的树冠,还是仅仅想手持一杯德国皮尔森啤酒在河上巡游,任何秋季行程中都能找到完美的哈德逊河之旅。
Circle Line 的 40 英里巡游因其十月节(Oktoberfest)主题而在 TikTok 上走红,该行程包含现场音乐、德国啤酒以及各式德国香肠、炸牛排和椒盐卷饼。游船从曼哈顿中城的 83 号码头出发,沿河向北行驶至胡克山州立公园(Hook Mountain State Park)。标准票价为 $69,高级套餐为 $110, 包含顶层座位、私人酒吧和德式美食拼盘。
TENNESSEE, NORTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA
如果您更倾向于豪华游艇,Classic Harbor Line 提供多种秋季赏叶巡游,包括
根据《老农历》(The Old Farmer's Almanac),哈德逊河下游沿岸的秋叶将在 10 月中旬达到顶峰。
早午餐之旅、城市自然主义之旅和帆船远足。这些行程从曼哈顿的切尔西码头(Chelsea Piers)出发,可以欣赏到哈德逊河下游西岸陡峭悬崖的绚丽景色。价格在 $82 至 $124. 之间。
哈德逊河游船(Hudson River Cruises)从纽约州金斯顿的东岸街(East Strand Street)出发,带领乘客在讲解员的引导下参观哈德逊河的灯塔和水滨豪宅。现场提供食物和饮料购买。票价为成人 $41,老年人 $38,儿童 $25。
每年,赏叶者们纷纷涌向北卡罗来纳州的蓝岭公园大道(Blue Ridge Parkway)和田纳西州的大烟山国家公园,在南阿巴拉契亚山脉琥珀色与金黄色的秋叶中驾车或徒步。但您可以通过将公路改为水路,在当地顶级的急流中漂流,从而避开人群。只需确保穿着干式潜水服即可。
初级刺激寻求者可以尝试田纳西州本顿的奥科伊河(Ocoee River)。若想体验更平静的氛围,可以在佐治亚州罗斯威尔的查塔胡奇河(Chattahoochee River)按自己的节奏进行漂流、皮划艇或独木舟运动。或者,可以追随吉米·卡特的划桨足迹,前往南卡罗来纳州与佐治亚州边界的查托加河(Chattooga River),这里为初学者和经验丰富的漂流者都提供了选择。
总部位于北卡罗来纳州布赖森城的南塔哈拉户外中心(Nantahala Outdoor Center)为上述每条河流提供导览游或设备租赁。行程起价约为 $45, 包含午餐的较长行程价格在 $135 至 $155. 之间。
《老农历》预测秋叶将在 10 月中旬至 11 月中旬达到顶峰,不过户外装备供应商通常在 10 月底结束本季营业。
在 Las Violetas,这座布宜诺斯艾利斯如大教堂般宏伟的甜点店里,杯碟发出轻微的叮当声。我准备享用我的早餐:一个黏稠甜美的 medialuna(新月面包)和一杯 cortado(浓缩牛奶咖啡)。周六早上 8:30,我骑车来到位于阿尔马格罗(Almagro)区的这家咖啡馆,开启我对这座城市一些最受喜爱场所的一日之旅。
精美的彩色玻璃窗为空间投射出温暖的光芒,店内装饰着卡拉拉大理石柜台和新艺术风格的青铜吊灯。所有这些奢华与这家咖啡馆的历史形成了鲜明对比——在 1976 年至 1983, 年的“肮脏战争”期间,那些被阿根廷政府绑架的孩子们的祖母们,曾在这里以伪装的生日派对为掩护,举行秘密的组织会议。是的,我正在享用点心,但厚重的历史感让我心生敬畏。
布宜诺斯艾利斯拥有大量古老的酒吧咖啡馆,其中许多建于阿根廷的“美好时代”(约 1880 年至 1920年代, 年),当时该国是世界上最富有的国家之一。该市正式认定约 100 家此类场所具有文化、建筑或历史意义。如今,这些被指定为“著名酒吧”(bares notables)的地方保留了一个正在消逝的优雅咖啡文化时代。我的旅程一直延续到深夜。幸运的是,这座城市在一天中的每个小时都有这样一个瑰宝。RUFFIN PREVOST

Las Violetas 是甜点和咖啡的胜地,成立于 1884, 年,不过其目前的建筑可追溯至 20 世纪 20 年代。 摄影:AGUSTIN NETO 为《纽约时报》拍摄


午餐时间,我前往圣特尔莫(San Telmo),那是这座城市最古老的街区。这里有波希米亚风格的店铺、古灵精怪的画廊和著名的市场,以及 Bar El Federal,其色彩斑斓的历史与周围环境相得益彰。
与我共进午餐的朋友们看得出神,凝视着墙上排列的一系列遗物和古玩。我们享用了 Gran Federal——一个被称为 picada 的丰盛肉类和奶酪拼盘——然后看着一名厨师熟练地手摇一台坚固的旧飞轮切肉机。
一个带有绿色彩色玻璃拱门的长形雪松木吧台占据了空间,这里的每一处都散发出年代感和真实感,带着那种经过数十年积累而成的粗犷与古色。
另一位顾客加布里埃尔·奥利瓦雷斯(Gabriel Olivares)是一位来自圣特尔莫的 53 岁土木工程师,他这样总结在那里的体验:“你总是知道自己会得到什么,因为它从未改变。”
El Federal 成立于 1864, 年,催生了无数民间传说(其中一些是真的)。据报道,其二楼曾是一家妓院,传说中前店主的女儿在正门口被谋杀。这里的氛围虽然并不阴森,但几乎可以支撑任何哥特式故事。
Bar El Federal 提供肉类和奶酪拼盘,其色彩斑斓的历史与其粗犷的古色相匹配。
在圣尼古拉斯(San Nicolás)剧院区,El Gato Negro 小巧的店面用橱窗里错落有致的香料吸引着人们。走进店内,一股旋转的芳香气息将我包围。

沿着建筑深处的一面墙,装满香料、茶叶和咖啡的古董木制展示柜一直延伸到接近天花板的高度。小豆蔻、咖喱、红椒粉、欧芹、乌龙茶和牛至的香味让我感到一种愉悦的震撼。在零售柜台对面,一个配有木椅和小圆桌的咖啡区提供了一个舒适的地方,可以品尝茶叶和咖啡,并从一份出人意料地丰富的菜单中点餐。
商店,并使用他最初的咖啡烘焙机。

这个空间自西班牙移民维多里亚诺·洛佩斯·罗布雷多(Victoriano López Robredo)开业以来的 98 年里几乎没有变化。他曾是一位探险家和冒险家,曾在新加坡、菲律宾和锡兰(现称斯里兰卡)生活。如今,唐·维多里亚诺的家人仍在经营这家
在专门经营香料、茶叶和咖啡的 El Gato Negro,游客可以在咖啡区品尝这些商品。

我买了一小袋 dulce de leche 茶(这种茶带有在阿根廷随处可见的牛奶焦糖味),准备送给家乡的一位爱好者。


闷热潮湿的天气、一个爆胎以及布宜诺斯艾利斯混乱的交通,让我骑行 5 英里前往 Varela Varelita 的旅程,成了一个理所应当的借口,让我能在傍晚时分享用炸薯条和苦艾酒。
这家酒吧开业于 1950, 年,是我访问的酒吧中最年轻的一家。但与许多同类场所一样,Varela Varelita 仿佛时间凝固了一般,即便它所在的帕勒莫(Palermo)区已经经历了剧烈的士绅化,并诞生了无数时髦的新餐厅和潮流鸡尾酒吧。
Varela Varelita 邀请顾客实践 sobremesa 的艺术,即在用餐结束后继续逗留聊天。
我的炸薯条(papas fritas)端上来时,外皮酥脆,内里软嫩;我的苦艾酒(vermut)配有一个专属的 sifón(一个小苏打水瓶),让我可以随心所欲地喷洒。
无论我看向哪里,人们都在惬意地实践着 sobremesa 的习俗——在用餐结束很久之后依然逗留聊天。附近,两位拿着空咖啡杯的老先生在悠闲地交谈,一名戴着巨大耳机、拿着笔记本电脑和棋盘的大学生则像是在这里扎了根一样。
面向人行道的大开窗让观察行人变得极其惬意,并带来了令人愉悦的微风。我又点了一杯苦艾酒,只是为了能从我的 sifón 中再喷几次水,并幻想再次回来。
Los Galgos 无疑忠实于其作为 1930, 年创立的饮水之地的根源,但其极具启发性和创意十足的食物与饮品,则与其他知名场所那些呆板的常规选择截然不同。
晚餐高峰期时,空间内挤满了人,从繁忙的人行道上涌入的感染力极强的活力让这里热闹非凡。我和伴侣享用了两杯平衡感极佳的鸡尾酒,其中使用了 Hesperidina——一种由橙子和草药制成的经典阿根廷开胃酒。
“对我们来说,关键在于‘身份是活的’这一理念,”44, 岁的共同所有者胡利安·迪亚斯(Julián Díaz)说道,他在 2015 年翻新并重新开设了 Los Galgos。“我们不把这家酒吧视为过去的博物馆。”
在享用了 stracciatella 奶酪、无花果和搭配柑橘黄油的巴塔哥尼亚鳟鱼后,我们又挤出了时间去最后一站:位于巴拉卡斯(Barracas)区的舞厅 Los Laureles。毕竟,我们心想,以后什么时候还能有机会参加一场午夜的 milonga 舞蹈派对呢?
近十对不同年龄的舞伴正精准且快乐地跳着探戈、萨尔萨和昆比亚。我想尝试跳一次,但我们还是把舞蹈留给了当地人。毕竟,在弗雷德·阿斯泰尔(Fred Astaire)出生之前,他们就已经在这个舞池中翩翩起舞了。
位于右侧附近的 Los Galgos 提供创意美食和饮品。Los Laureles 则举办被称为 milongas 的舞蹈聚会。



摄影:SOUTH FREMSON / 纽约时报
初次访问不列颠哥伦比亚省的温哥华,你应该将一些标志性景点列入行程:斯坦利公园、格兰维尔岛、盖斯镇,以及观看水上飞机在雄伟的北岸山脉上空滑翔。然而,当地人会坚持认为,最有趣的餐厅、艺术工作室和社交场所分布在市中心核心区及其周边之外,位于像山顶乐园(Mount Pleasant)和东温哥华部分区域这样繁华且绿树成荫的社区中。时髦的新餐厅反映了近期来自拉丁美洲的移民浪潮,这为原本就拥有丰富中国、印度和菲律宾代表性的文化融合增添了新色彩。与这些发展相辅相成的是今年开业的 Time Out Market(由温哥华知名餐厅坐镇);前往西雅图的铁路交通已变得更加便捷,并推出了全新的美铁(Amtrak)列车组;以及这座城市今年夏天作为世界杯主办地的角色,这使其娱乐区恢复到了疫情前那般热烈辉煌的状态。GERALD NARCISO




温哥华的天际线,背景为北岸山脉;唐人街 Phnom Penh 餐厅的盐蒜鸡翅;约翰·亨德里(鳟鱼湖)公园;基齐拉诺(Kitsilano)社区 Cowdog 的抹茶特调饮品;以及东温哥华新开的塔可与龙舌兰酒吧 Pantitlán。
在两年前引入电动滑板车之前,温哥华壮丽的海堤(一条长达 17 英里的连续滨水路径)主要由骑行者、跑步者和身着运动休闲装的当地人使用。现在有超过 5,000 辆可供租赁的 Lime 电动滑板车(通过其应用程序预订,价格不等),这是欣赏如镜般的城市景观和北岸山脉无敌美景最高效的方式之一。在基齐拉诺海滩附近领取你的电动滑板车,骑行穿过格兰维尔岛、奥林匹克村、耶鲁镇和西端(West End)等社区,并在 Batch 稍作停留喝杯啤酒,这家全年营业的酒吧就在东侧几步之遥。在接下来的周内,在黄金时段之前前往西端(最近的还车点位于海滩大道和霍恩比街)——在你的最后一个风景点日落海滩,电动滑板车是被禁止的。
从日落海滩向上走 10 分钟即可到达戴维村(Davie Village),这是西端边缘一个充满活力的 L.G.B.T.Q. 区域。在周围漫步,你会发现各种男同性恋酒吧和高评分餐厅,其中包括当地热门的 Tom Sushi。温哥华被广泛认为是北美顶级的寿司目的地——即便在全市 450 多家寿司店中,Tom Sushi 也名列前茅。这里的握寿司尤其出色,其中飞鱼籽和鹌鹑蛋值得特别提及。如果你愿意挥霍一下,点缀着金箔碎的蓝鳍金枪鱼刺身三拼几乎在口中融化(6 片 48 加元,约 $34,)。
这里的拉丁餐厅正势头强劲,这既得益于拉丁裔移民的增加,也得益于由于加拿大人选择避开美国而导致前往墨西哥城的当地旅游热潮。Pantitlán 是东温哥华一家新开的塔可与龙舌兰酒吧,前往那里需要像进行一场探索一样。从市中心出发,乘坐出租车向东行驶 20 分钟到达 Mercado Panaderia(一家墨西哥面包店)。走到后面寻找那扇亮黄色的门,但在你与 Pantitlán 那酸甜可口的鸡尾酒以及巨大的烤猪肉卷之间,存在着强烈的反差。这家仅有 20 个座位的酒吧氛围私密,用阿多波(adobo)腌制的塔可阿尔帕斯托(tacos al pastor,每个 4.75 美元)风味浓郁,而皮斯科酸玛格丽特(pisco sour margaritas,16.25 美元)则让不可避免的宿醉变得值得。
Cedar Cottage 是东温哥华的一个社区,可以通过温哥华的天车(SkyTrain)线到达,这里具有历史特色,聚集着时髦的年轻家庭,并伴随着不断的重新开发之声。在商业大道(Commercial Drive)的南端,Flourist 是一家悠闲的面包店,非常适合买杯咖啡和一块点心——豆蔻卷(the Mars)位于餐厅的右侧。这里的鸡肉曲奇是全市最好的之一。将它们打包带走,步行五分钟前往约翰·亨德里(John Hendry,即鳟鱼湖 Trout Lake)公园,这是一个 70 英亩的绿地,在 10 月底之前的周六上午会举办一个受欢迎的农贸市场。浏览当地摊贩的行列,或许可以从由葡萄酒打造的房屋中挑选一棵树。然后漫步穿过公园进入周围的社区,在阴凉的榆树、郁郁葱葱的花园和色彩斑斓的独立房屋之间穿行。
首批中国移民在 19 世纪中叶抵达温哥华,如今,华裔加拿大人约占该市人口的五分之一。拥有 141 年历史的唐人街位于市中心的东缘,这里曾有许多老旧的家庭小店,是这座城市的顶端。现在它是这座城市的几处根基。唐人街故事讲述中心(门票 18 美元)通过沉浸式展览(如 1950 年代唐人街的重建场景)讲述这段历史。该中心的礼品店 Foo Hung Curios 不是那种标准化的纪念品店;这里有设计师麻将套装、叉烧包毛绒玩具和微缩模型,以及他们自己的角落,可以前往参观孙中山古典中国园,这是一个位于中国文化中心后方的宁静户外空间。
当地人会很乐意向你推荐位于唐人街的 Phnom Penh,这是一个不讲究装饰但鸡翅异常美味的地方。这家柬埔寨与越南融合餐厅由同一家族经营数代,凭借其炸得恰到好处的盐蒜鸡翅(大份 17 美元)和腌制黄油牛肉(17.50 美元,为酸味的生牛肉片)而拥有了一批忠实拥趸。对于少于 6 人的客群,它不接受这两道菜的预订,因此即使在午餐时间,也请做好排队的准备。如果你需要点心,New Town Bakery & Restaurant 沿着西彭德街(West Pender Street)步行五分钟即可到达,其菠萝包(每个 2.50 美元)和受中国及菲律宾影响的叉烧蒸包(siopaos,每个 4.50 美元)在全市享有盛名。
温哥华的酷文化中心不在其市中心,而是在距离市中心约 10 分钟车程的芒特普莱森特(Mount Pleasant)。从主街(Main Street)和东 22 街(East 22nd Avenue)开始,Front and Company 拥有精心挑选的古着服装和配饰,从迪奥(Dior)手袋到由 Virgil Abhol 的餐厅 green bag 提供的街头服饰。紧邻其后的是 Vancouver Special 设计店,其店名致敬了当地的一种建筑风格,店内提供色彩丰富的斯堪的纳维亚家具、搞怪的时钟以及一系列稀有的咖啡桌书。穿过街道,可以在 Weik's 挑选一件古灵精怪的纪念品,这是一家深受喜爱的杂货店和龙虾天堂。在步行之余,可以在陶瓷精品店兼咖啡馆 Coco & Olive,或者在 Foglifter 喝杯咖啡,后者供应着作者吃过最棒的胡萝卜蛋糕。
在芒特普莱森特一个经过振兴的前工业区,博蒙特工作室(Beaumont Studios)是一个由两栋建筑组成的艺术工作室社区(总共聚集了 100 多位当地艺术家),其中包含一家咖啡馆、一家美发店、一家古着店、一家纹身店和一个社区广播电台,所有这些都与当地艺术家紧密相连。游客可以自由四处走走,尽管不能保证在你访问时,包括在 Instagram 上著名的 Sneaky Artist 在内的任何艺术家会在场。但你可以通过窗户窥视他们的工作室和艺术品,建筑内部装饰精美的走廊和楼梯间也像展厅一样。在大多数夜晚,一名当地的 DJ 会在面向街道的广播工作室里打碟,观众则是遛狗的人和在路上奔赴晚餐的人群。
位于基茨拉诺(Kitsilano)的从农场到餐桌餐厅 AnnaLena,其用餐体验感觉经过完美编排,且不失西海岸的酷感。首先上桌的浸在牛脂中的手撕面包为后续菜品奠定了基调——也带来了极高的期待。这里还提供人均 20 美元的优质套餐,包括熟成北京烤鸭和炭烤芦笋面。这些菜品的共同点是卓越的呈现方式、当地食材和浓郁的风味。如果你无法预约,可以穿过街道前往 Plaza Toyokan,这是一家以保龄球和排球为主题的居酒屋,尝试其最受欢迎的黑鳕鱼(24 美元)和海胆奶油披萨(32 美元),后者是日本风味与意大利烹饪方式的奢华结合。
LaLa 是一家位于热门餐厅 June 地下室的私密酒吧和休息室,它以实验性鸡尾酒和 DJ 阵容而闻名,DJ 们用黑胶唱片播放从爵士乐到复古嘻哈的所有音乐(例如 A Tribe Called Quest 和 French Tour),这里成了许多情侣啜饮饮料的场所,比如甜美的 Still Manilla,这是一款融合了椰子、香芋、青柠等菲律宾风味与梅斯卡尔酒(mezcal)的饮品(24 美元)。位于主街的 Good Thief 是一家装饰着祖母绿、聚集着时尚人群的珠宝盒式酒吧。与其隔壁的姐妹餐厅一样,这里也是一个精致的用餐空间。越南料理通过使用传统食材的创意鸡尾酒得以体现——“会安之夜”(Hoi An Nights)融合了坦奎雷 10 号(Tanqueray No. Ten)金酒、山竹和茉莉花(18 美元)。
无论是归功于加元在日本的强势,还是由于前往日本旅游的温哥华人数创纪录,温哥华对日本文化的所有热爱都在日益增长。近年来,抹茶文化在温哥华爆发式流行,当地博客宣布新抹茶咖啡馆开业的消息,就像体育队的自由球员签约一样令人兴奋。位于基茨拉诺(Kitsilano)的 Cowdog 就是一家值得关注的店,它最初是由店主 Joe Lee 创办的快闪店,他是这座城市 100% 的国家之一。最受欢迎的活动几乎就是抹茶冰沙(9.75 加元),味道格外鲜美。在市中心,极简主义风格的 Nizu Cafe 提供源自静冈的顶级抹茶储备拿铁(9 加元)——其鲜艳的翡翠色是关键的质量指标——以及正宗的日本点心,如蛋肉三明治(15 加元)。
从市中心乘坐 20 分钟的出租车(约 18 加元),在英属哥伦比亚大学以东、绿意盎然的西点格雷(West Point Grey)地区,便是太平洋精神区域公园(Pacific Spirit Regional Park)。为了最大限度地欣赏秋叶的壮丽景色,请要求司机沿帝国大道(Imperial Drive)行驶至西 16 大道的公园入口。在这座占地 2,100 英亩的公园里,被高耸的道格拉斯冷杉和西部红杉环绕,你会感到自己的渺小。这里有 50 多英里难度不一的步道,其中 22 英里适合骑行或骑马。秋季地形可能潮湿泥泞,请穿着适当的服装。
如果没有去吃一次点心,温哥华之行就感觉不完整。海港城海鲜酒家(Seaport City Seafood)位于奥林匹克村(Olympic Village)和坎比村(Cambie Village)地区的交界处,紧邻一个天车(SkyTrain)站,20 分钟即可到达机场。但其便利的假期是 dueus;你可能会对 14 加元的惊喜感到意外,例如外层酥脆的烤叉烧包(14 加元)和黑松露炒饭(43 加元)。在 33 Acres Brewing Co.(一家位于芒特普莱森特、经常举办人气十足的街区派对的酿酒厂),你可以用一杯精酿啤酒(14 加元)为用餐收尾,这里还有售价 50 加元的商品——你可以带着潮流周边(羊毛帽,60 加元)和包装精美的四罐装组合(14 加元起)回家。
在一家拥有 450 多家寿司店的城市中,Tom Sushi 以其蓝鳍金枪鱼刺身三拼脱颖而出。
约翰·亨德里(鳟鱼湖) 公园是东温哥华绿树成荫社区中一片 70 英亩的绿地,周六设有一个受欢迎的农贸市场。
中国城故事中心分享了 140 年的故事、图像和沉浸式展览。
在太平洋精神区域公园享受 50 多英里的徒步、骑行和骑马步道,包括剑蕨步道(Sword Fern trail),那是观赏秋叶的热门选择。
在东温哥华 Hastings-Sunrise 社区的一扇亮黄色大门后面,Pantitlan 是一家时髦的新兴深夜墨西哥餐厅,提供正宗的 al pastor 塔可。
位于中国城的金边(Phnom Penh)经常需要排队——这里有这座城市最受赞誉的鸡翅之一。
从农场到餐桌的餐厅 AnnaLena 拥有近乎完美的品鉴菜单,不愧其米其林星级地位。
Plaza Toyokan 是一家以保龄球和排球为主题的居酒屋,提供创意海鲜特产,如番茄味噌黑鳕鱼和海胆奶油披萨。
海港城海鲜酒家提供制作精良的点心,包括香气浓郁的脆皮虾肠粉和黑松露炒饭。
若想在温哥华港体验经典奢华,可以尝试泛太平洋酒店(Pan Pacific hotel),这里拥有无与伦比的周边山海景观。房价每晚 660 加元起,约合 $467.
格兰维尔岛酒店(Granville Island Hotel)是一家位于码头边的精品酒店,步行即可快速到达格兰维尔岛市场。客房允许携带宠物,并设有水岸露台,对于某些旅行者来说,这里让人联想到南海滩(South Beach)多过太平洋西北地区。房价 500 美元起。
最佳西方 Plus Sands 酒店(Best Western Plus Sands)距离斯坦利公园、英吉利湾海滩以及大量实惠的多文化美食仅几步之遥。房价 370 美元起。
对于短期租赁,市中心的高层公寓是一个便捷且稳妥的选择,但建议将搜索范围扩大到附近的社区,如马उंट普莱森特(Mount Pleasant)、基茨拉诺(Kitsilano)和坎比村(Cambie Village,位于加拿大线快速交通列车沿线),以获得更完整的当地体验。不过,由于近期 Airbnb 和 Vrbo 等平台实施了严格的短期租赁限制,房源数量比往年有所减少。
大家是不是都对秋天感到超级兴奋,准备好用漫长寒冷的夜晚来交换漫长温暖的白昼了?很好,我也一样不兴奋。
不过——千万别告诉夏天——我还是有点高兴秋天到了。尽管我热爱夏天的番茄、辣椒和茄子,但我无法抗拒冷季南瓜、厚实卷心菜以及脆到在隔壁房间都能听到声音的苹果所散发的慷慨魅力。前几天晚上我做了满满的烤红薯,并对着我的红薯低语“我想你了”,这非常正常。
所以,今天的食谱选择是对秋天的一次初步尝试——一套由五道快速、简单的晚餐组成的系列,带我们缓缓进入这个季节。(如果你更倾向于直接跳入“惊悚季节”,可以在 nytcooking.com 在线查看一套极具秋季特色的食谱及更多内容。)
LINDA XING 为《纽约时报》拍摄,食物风格:MONICA PIERING
在整个夏天都无视烤箱之后,终于到了(也就是说:每日最高气温低于 78 度)让它工作的时候了。三文鱼柳与一些西兰花小朵一起快速放入烤箱,刷上酱油蜂蜜芝麻釉;你可以从 Lidey Heuck 那里获得一份健康且蛋白质与蔬菜兼备的晚餐。搭配——大家一起说——米饭。
作者:LIDY HEUCK 时间:20 分钟 份量:4 人份
4 汤匙 烤芝麻油
[...OMITTED...]
2汤匙酱油或 Tamari 酱油
1汤匙米醋 1汤匙蜂蜜
1块(2英寸长)新鲜生姜,去皮并细磨成泥(约1汤匙)
2根青葱,切除根部并斜切成1½英寸的段,另准备少量青葱薄片用于装饰
1瓣大蒜,细磨成泥 1磅西兰花,切除根部并切成小朵,丢弃粗茎
1汤匙橄榄油,另准备少量用于刷在三文鱼上
犹太盐和黑胡椒 4块(6盎司)带皮三文鱼 鱼柳
½个青柠,用于食用 芝麻,用于食用
将西兰花朵和1½英寸的青葱段放入烤盘中。淋上1汤匙橄榄油和剩余的1汤匙芝麻油。撒上½茶匙盐和¼茶匙黑胡椒,充分拌匀,烤5分钟。
在西兰花和青葱烘烤期间,将三文鱼鱼柳放在盘中,用纸巾拍干。在鱼柳全身刷上橄榄油,并撒上盐和胡椒。
翻动西兰花和青葱,将它们移至烤盘边缘,在中心为三文鱼鱼柳留出空间。将三文鱼鱼柳均匀地摆放在烤盘中心。在鱼柳上大量刷上调味汁。
将烤盘重新放入烤箱,烤至三文鱼熟透但中心仍微带血色,约12分钟。
在西兰花上挤入青柠汁并撒上盐。在三文鱼上撒上青葱片和芝麻,趁热食用。

ANDREW BUI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES FOOD STYLIT. BENCCA JURKEVICH LINDA ROAD FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES FOOD STYLISH MUNICA FIGURE
夏天适合吃冷面;秋天适合吃热面。更具体地说,秋天适合用少量食材快速完成的热面,因为秋天很忙碌。在这道 Hetty Lui McKinnon 的新菜肴中,红咖喱酱起到了核心作用,为常温保存或冷冻的乌冬面以及几把嫩菠菜带来了浓郁的风味。
1 杯粗切香菜,分次使用
28 盎司乌冬面(最好是保质期较长的真空包装或冷冻且未解冻的),见提示
1 汤匙中性口味的油,如牛油果油
1 个红洋葱或黄洋葱,对半切开并切薄片(约 1½ 杯)
2 汤匙泰国红咖喱酱,或根据口味增加
1 汤匙酱油
2 个青柠,一个对半切,另一个切成四分之一块
5 盎司菠菜(约 5 杯)
4 根葱,修剪后将葱白和葱绿切薄片(约 1½ 杯),分次使用
½ 杯(2 盎司)烤花生,粗切
乌冬面可以用任何干面条代替;大约需要 10 盎司。
将一大锅盐水烧开。加入乌冬面,按照包装说明烹煮,直到面条分开。使用夹子或筷子轻轻将面条拨散。沥干,用冷水冲洗干净,再次沥干。
将炒锅或大平底锅中火加热 1 到 2 分钟,直到极热。淋入油并加入洋葱,搅拌至稍微变软并开始呈金黄色,约 2 到 3 分钟。加入面条(如果放置了一段时间导致粘在一起,请用清水冲洗使其松散,并沥干多余水分)、2 汤匙红咖喱酱和酱油,翻炒。品尝并检查是否需要更多咖喱酱,必要时再加 1 汤匙。加入尽可能多的菠菜直到锅满,不断翻炒,随着菠菜变软继续加入更多。持续翻炒直到所有菠菜都萎蔫,约 2 到 3 分钟。
瑞秋·范尼 (RACHEL VANNI) 为《纽约时报》拍摄,食物造型师:斯宾塞·理查兹 (SPENCER RICHARDS)
第一次尝试阿里·斯莱格尔 (Ali Slagle) 的这个五星级食谱时,请完全按照原样制作,以便体验其温柔、舒缓的简约之美。之后再次制作时,可以大胆尝试:省掉迷迭香,加入一些切碎的姜与洋葱一起炒;用丝滑的瑞士甜菜代替羽衣甘蓝;用罐装扁豆代替白豆。我可以保证这些变体同样美味。
作者:阿里·斯莱格尔 (ALI SLAGLE) 时间:45 分钟 产出:4 人份
3 汤匙无盐黄油
5 瓣大蒜,拍碎并去皮
1 枝迷迭香或 2 枝鼠尾草 盐和黑胡椒
1 磅去骨去皮鸡胸肉
4 杯鸡汤
2 罐(每罐 15 盎司)白豆,如白芸豆,沥干
1 把羽衣甘蓝、苦苣或其他深色叶菜,去除茎部并将叶子粗切
加入鸡肉、鸡汤和白豆。用中火煮至微沸,然后将火力调至低火,盖上锅盖炖煮直到鸡肉完全熟透(最厚部分达到 165 度),约 10 到 14 分钟。
将鸡肉转移到碗中,并在锅边将部分豆子压碎。将叶菜搅拌入汤中。将火力调至中火,在不盖锅盖的情况下炖煮,同时将鸡肉撕成丝。
使用两把叉子将鸡肉撕碎。将鸡肉重新搅拌回汤中,并用盐和胡椒根据口味调味。*
烹饪 Yewande Komolafe 的食谱就是热爱 Yewande Komolafe 的食谱;她的酱汁炖鱼豆类以及苏亚风味鸡肉丸在我家中经常轮番出现。这款赭色的汤使用了整整一罐 14 盎司的南瓜泥,并加入花生酱、辣椒和生姜,正是我在寒冷阴郁的夜晚想要的那种健康且能恢复活力的晚餐。
作者:YEWANDE KOMOLAFE 时间:35 分钟 份量:4 人份
2 汤匙橄榄油
1 个中等大小的洋葱,去皮并切丁(约 1 ½ 杯)
4 瓣大蒜,拍碎
1 块(1 英寸)生姜,去皮并切碎
½ 个哈瓦那辣椒或鸟眼辣椒 1 罐(14 盎司)南瓜泥
3 杯水(或使用鸡汤或蔬菜汤)
2 汤匙新鲜切碎的细香葱(可选)
1 罐(13 盎司)椰奶
1 汤匙龙舌兰糖浆或蜂蜜(可选)
$\frac{1}{4}$ 杯无糖天然花生酱 盐
$\frac{1}{4}$ 杯法式酸奶油或酸奶(可选)
将汤分装在碗中,撒上细香葱,点缀一勺法式酸奶油或酸奶,或者淋上橄榄油以制作成纯素版本。搭配温热的酥脆法棍或块状温热酸面包蘸食。
在一个大型汤锅中,用中火加热油。加入洋葱、大蒜和生姜,经常搅拌地烹饪,直到变软且边缘刚开始变褐,约 4 分钟。拌入辣椒和南瓜泥,并搅拌入水或汤底。煮沸后,调低火力,用小火炖煮 20 分钟,期间偶尔搅拌,直到汤汁略微浓缩并变稠。如果你不喜欢太辣,可以在汤炖好后取出辣椒。
将椰奶、龙舌兰糖浆或蜂蜜(如果使用)以及花生酱加入锅中。使用手持搅拌棒或分批放入立式搅拌机中,将汤搅拌至顺滑。用盐调味,并在小火上保持温热。此时不要让汤再次炖煮或沸腾。(这样可以降低花生酱中的油脂分离并破坏汤品顺滑质地的风险。)
KATE SEARS 为《纽约时报》拍摄:食物造型师 BARRETT WASHBURN
这道来自 Kay Chun 的可靠食谱,非常适合在周四晚餐时制作——此时冷藏抽屉里只剩下半颗冰山生菜、一包被冷落的蘑菇和一颗孤零零地滚来滚去的红薯。我想无需提醒你,多做一些,这样第二天你就有非常棒的卷饼午餐(或早餐!)。
作者:KAY CHUN 时间:30 分钟 份量:4 人份
12 盎司白蘑菇、褐菇或填料蘑菇,切成 ½ 英寸的小块 3 个大波布拉诺辣椒(12 盎司),去籽并切成 1 英寸的小块 1 个中等大小的红薯(8 盎司),去皮并切成 ½ 英寸的小方块 2 瓣大蒜,切末 1 茶匙干牛至 1 茶匙烟熏红椒粉 4 杯特级初榨橄榄油 粗盐和黑胡椒 1 杯切碎的蒙特利杰克奶酪(4 盎司) 1 个哈斯牛油果,用叉子捣碎 4 张(9 至 10 英寸)面粉饼 5 杯酸奶油 1 杯压实后切碎的黄油生菜或比布生菜 5 杯皮科德加约(pico de gallo)或莎莎酱,市售或自制均可
将烤箱预热至 450 度。在带边的烤盘上,将蘑菇、波布拉诺辣椒、红薯、大蒜、牛至、烟熏红椒粉和油混合,并用盐和胡椒调味;翻拌使之均匀覆盖。烘烤,中途搅拌一次,直到蔬菜呈金黄色且变软,约 15 分钟。将蔬菜推成一个 12-by-6 英寸的长方形,撒上奶酪;继续烘烤直到奶酪融化,约 2 分钟。
在每张面粉饼的中心抹上四分之一的捣碎牛油果。在每张饼上放 2 汤匙酸奶油、34 杯生菜和 2 汤匙皮科德加约,然后将带有奶酪的烤蔬菜均匀分摊在上面。将面粉饼的短边向内折叠覆盖馅料;将面粉饼底部向上折叠覆盖馅料,然后紧紧卷起。趁热食用。
"All the News That's Fit to Print"
VOL.CLXXVI.... No.61,033
© 2026 The New York Times Company
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 10, 2026
THE WEATHER
Today, partly cloudy, light winds, high 68. Tonight, mostly cloudy, light winds, low 58. Tomorrow, rain from Isaias, watch for flooding, high 64. Weather map appears on Page B12.
Prices in Canada may be higher
\$4.00

Beehives on a roof amid scars of war. A year after a cease-fire, Palestinians are trying to rebuild their lives and livelihoods. Page A6.
SAHER ALGHORRA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Pulling Hope From Gaza's Rubble
This article is by Ed Shanahan, Luis Ferré-Sadurni and Hamed Aleaziz.
Markwayne Mullin, the homeland security secretary, lashed out at sanctuary city policies and at Mayor Zohran Mamdani of New York on Friday, a day after the mayor rebuked the Trump administration following a federal agent's shooting of an undocumented immigrant in his car.
At a news conference in Washington, Mr. Mullin harshly criticized the sanctuary policies that prohibit local cooperation with im-
migration enforcement and took aim at New York's in particular, saying they made citizens "less safe." He repeatedly described Oscar Belgal, the man shot by immigration agents on Thursday, as a "thug" and "the worst of the worst."
On Thursday afternoon, a federal agent shot and injured Mr. Belgal, a 28-year-old from the Dominican Republic, in the Marble Hill neighborhood of New York City as immigration officers tried to apprehend him. Mr. Belgal was in a car with his 5-year-old son when agents surrounded the vehicle, according to Jessica Tisch, the city's police commissioner. Protests broke out later at the shooting site and at the hospital where Mr. Belgal was treated.
On Thursday night, Mr. Mamdani, a democratic socialist, accused the Trump administration
Continued on Page A16
CAMBRIDGE, Mass. — The name of the proposed Massachusetts Institute of Technology course was as provocative as it was long:
BILL HARRIS, 1945-2026
"Language and Linguistics for Decolonization and Liberation and for Peace and Community Building — From the River to the Sea in Palestine and Israel to the Mountaintops of Haiti and Beyond."

RAMONDO BOREA/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Bill Harris, center, after being captured in 1975, a year after his S.L.A. kidnapped Patricia Hearst.
Bill Harris, a Marine Corps veteran who was one of the main kidnappers of the heiress Patricia Hearst in his role as a top lieutenant of the Symbionese Liberation Army, the underground band of firebrands that epitomized — and, to many, helped discredit — the revolutionary far left of the 1970s, died on Sept. 10 in San Francisco. He was 81.
Steven Weed.
Mr. Harris's byzantine journey into the American consciousness began around 9 p.m. on Feb. 4, 1974, when he and two other "soldiers" from the Symbionese Liberation Army, or S.L.A., burst into the Berkeley, Calif., apartment that Ms. Hearst, a 19-year-old sophomore at the University of California who was known as Patty, shared with her fiancé,
His wife, Rebecca Young, confirmed the death, at a hospital, and said the cause was a heart attack.
Ms. Hearst was a scion of California's equivalent of a royal family. She was a daughter of Randolph A. Hearst, the chairman of the Hearst Corporation, which was founded by her grandfather William Randolph Hearst, the lordly media baron and model for the title character in "Citizen Kane."
"Patricia Hearst was a symbolic target," Mr. Harris said later, add-
Continued on Page A22
By ALAN FEUER and GLENN THRUSH
MIAMI — Joseph diGenova, the man assigned by the White House to lead the investigation into those who investigated President Trump, was walking out of Chuck's Seafood near the beach in Fort Pierce, Fla., and toward his Tesla last month when his cellphone buzzed.
It was his boss, Attorney General Todd Blanche. And he was spluttering mad.
Mr. Blanche had been cautiously supportive of Mr. Trump's decision to call Mr. diGenova, 81, out of retirement in April to kick-start the so-called grand conspiracy case, the Justice Department's most expansive effort to pursue people the president considers his enemies.
Now the attorney general, having soured on Mr. diGenova, was livid that he had lashed out at two prosecutors sent from Washington to help move the case along. Mr. Blanche ordered him to his office on Sept. 11 — or else, according to people briefed on the exchange.
Assuming he would be fired, Mr. diGenova quit, dealing the latest blow to a troubled investigation central to the president's vengeance agenda. More trouble was to come.
Soon after, a top diGenova deputy, Kurt Olsen, also quit. It turned out he had failed a polygraph test about his contacts with foreigners, which imperiled his security clearance, according to two people familiar with the matter. Mr. Olsen said he complied with all requirements regarding foreign contacts and had not resigned over his clearance, but declined to say more.
The instructor was Michel De-Graff, a longtime tenured linguistics professor at M.I.T. who came up with the idea in the months after the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel. He was a leading faculty voice siding with pro-Palestinian campus protesters, whose frequent rallying cry for Palestinian freedom, "from the river to the sea," was seen by some Jews as antisemitic.
Still, the dual departures laid bare months of dysfunction. They also offered fresh evidence that Mr. Trump's demands for revenge have divided the Justice Department, diverted resources from other investigations and continued the erosion of the principle that politics must be kept strictly separate from federal law enforcement.
A New York Times examination of the inquiry, based on more than 20 interviews with current and former officials, found that it was star-crossed from the outset.
The theory of the grand conspiracy case is a bedrock of Trumpist politics: that the various investigations into Mr. Trump, spanning nearly a decade, were all part of a nefarious scheme to take him down. That is, there was an ongoing plot stretching from the investigation into ties between Russia and his 2016 campaign to the two prosecutions overseen by the special counsel Jack Smith into his mishandling of classified documents and efforts to overturn the 2020 election.
To date, Mr. diGenova and others involved in the case have found it difficult, and time-consuming, to meet the standards of evidence and jurisdiction needed to prove anything close to a conspiracy in a court of law.
Still, the pressure has not re- lented. The dozen prosecutors still pursuing the inquiry are fast-
Continued on Page A14
Continued on Page A18
An M.I.T. panel rejected the course over questions about whether Dr. DeGraff, a Haitian scholar and expert in the study of Creole languages, had the expertise to teach it. That was supposed to finish the matter.
To Dr. DeGraff, it was more like the starting gun.
By CHRISTOPHER ROWLAND and REED ABELSON
Millions of people with private Medicare coverage are being forced to change their insurance for 2027 and will pay higher prices for prescriptions and medical care, prompting some experts to warn that more older Americans will face greater financial hardship.
Major insurers, like UnitedHealth, Centene and state Blue Cross plans, have shuttered plans that they viewed as unprofitable in certain markets, leaving some people with fewer choices of policies, and even more limited choices of doctors in 2027. In some rural counties from Oregon to New Hampshire, older Americans shopping for private Medicare Advantage plans will find that op-
Insurers Shutter Plans, Leaving Few Options
tions have vanished completely or are dwindling to just a few plans.
Overall, as open enrollment begins this month, roughly five million people will be forced to switch plans because their current policy has been canceled or is no longer offered in the county where they live, according to an estimate from Duos, a health technology firm. Other estimates are lower, but analysts who have been studying the issue said cancellations would probably surpass the number this year, which was the highest on record.
Dependent on Social Security Continued on Page A13
This article is by Jonathan Wolfe, Aurelien Breeden, Johnatan Reiss and Zane Irwin.
A South African lawyer with a long record in human rights work, including leading a U.N. commission that said Israel had committed genocide, won the Nobel Peace Prize on Friday, a decision that drew Israel's condemnation and underscored the country's deep isolation on the world stage.
The lawyer, Navanethem Pillay, known as Navi, has worked for decades on human rights issues, defending anti-apartheid activists like the future president and Nobel laureate Nelson Mandela. Over the years, she has variously served as a top U.N. official and as a judge on the International Criminal Court and a tribunal investigating genocide in Rwanda.

DANIEL KAHMANN/DTA VIA A.P.
Navanethem Pillay defended activists like Nelson Mandela.
But it was Ms. Pillay's work last year on a U.N. commission on Israel that made the Nobel committee's announcement on Friday an intensely political decision, as it put the prize in the middle of one of the world's most divisive issues. That commission said that Israel was committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, a finding that Israel rejected.
Announcing the award, the Nobel committee did not explicitly mention Gaza, instead citing Ms. Pillay's long career in human rights and a global shift toward "power politics" that had undermined respect for law and justice. The committee chair, Jorgen Watne Frydnes, called the award "a message to those who are attacking" international law.
Ms. Pillay, 85, is *one of the most respected international jurists of
Continued on Page A8
SANCTIONS The U.S. announced financial penalties for the International Criminal Court. PAGE A9

NATIONAL A10-18
Envoy Accused in Debt Scheme A donor says Kimberly Guilfoyle, the U.S. ambassador to Greece, asked him to pay off her credit card. PAGE A15
Hurricane Isaias took aim at Gulf states as the first big storm to hit the mainland U.S. in two years. PAGE A18
9/11-Inspired Crash Intended Investigators said the co-pilot who attacked a FlyDubai captain aimed to crash into Israel's biggest airport after developing extremist views. PAGE A8
Village Votes to Leave the U.K. A plan to house 1,250 asylum seekers near Piddington prompted a symbolic independence vote. PAGE A5
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After two seasons at Texas, Parker Livingstone made a "business decision" and transferred to Oklahoma. PAGE B8

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The foundation of the artist Robert Rauschenberg is planning to sell his former home in Manhattan. PAGE CI
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Bergdorf Goodman, the glamorous Manhattan department store that has survived two bankruptcies in six years, is making its top sales associates the cornerstone of its next era. PAGE B1
Meta had delayed pulling the trigger on Muse for months over safety concerns. But fears of losing a competitive edge compelled Mark Zuckerberg, the chief executive, to move ahead. PAGE B1
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NAVI PILLAY, a South African lawyer who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on Friday. She was making a joke about last year's recipient, María Corina Machado, presenting her medal to President Trump, who has long sought the honor. Page A1.
The amount the Metropolitan Transportation Authority lost to bus and subway fare evasion in New York City in 2025. New saloon-style doors at some subway stations have helped curb fare dodging. Page A17.
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In the latest "Anatomy of a Scene," the writer and director Aaron Sorkin explained how he evolved the character of Mark Zuckerberg in the film "The Social Reckoning," starring Jeremy Strong. Watch at nytimes.com/movies.
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October 10, 1979. Mayor Ed Koch of New York City announced a plan to broadcast the names of people convicted of patronizing prostitutes on a city-owned radio station, The Times reported. "We're going to call it the John Hour," Koch said. He explained that he was motivated by the "unfairness" of a legal system that too often punished prostitutes but not their customers, and compared the radio campaign to the early American practice of putting lawbreakers in public stocks. On Oct. 23, the "John Hour" — which lasted a little over a minute — ran on the city-owned stations at the time, WNYC-AM radio and WNYC-TV. A broadcaster read from a list of names provided to the city by District Attorney Robert M. Morgenthau of Manhattan. The practice was contested by civil liberties groups and newspapers, including The New York Times, whose editorial board called it "a mighty misuse of government power," and the "John Hour" was discontinued.
Canada has long punched above its weight in clinical research, including inventing the world's first surgical robot and performing the first successful lung transplant. With a Scalpel, Canadian Researchers Test the Bounds of What A.I. Can Do At
Half of the sales for Bergdorf Goodman, a 125-year-old luxury department store in New York City, come from customers who spend more than \$10,000 at the store each year, and many spend more than 10 times that. Eyeing Return to a Store's Golden Age B1
In the director Rodrigo Portella's production of the play "Tom at the Farm," the stage is covered by a tarp spread with 30 pounds of reddish clay. As the tarp is splashed with water, the actors are spattered, or covered, in mud. A Big Puddle of Mud Plays A Role Onstage C1
Cancer vaccines are different from the Covid-19 vaccines or vaccines for other diseases like the measles or flu. Those vaccines prevent disease. Cancer vaccines, however, attack a disease that is already present. Details Emerge on Cancer Vaccine Effort A12
Elon Musk has spoken several times publicly about his belief in simulation theory — the idea that humans are probably living in a simulation created by some greater intelligence. Elon Musk is Flush With Power. How Did That Happen? C8
A'ja Wilson of the Las Vegas Aces this week won her fifth W.N.B.A. Most Valuable Player Award. No other player has won more than three. With 5th M.V.P., Wilson Has to Adjust A Crown That Is Growing Heavy Bill

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Four Weekend Recommendations From Around the Newsroom
ROMAN MURADOV
Amid a loneliness epidemic and too much screen time, young people are finding joy in a form of analog com-
Finding joy in a form of analog communication: snail mail. On social media, prospective pals are finding one another and exchanging letters in the hopes of fostering carefree connections. "There's no pressure to respond right away or keep a conversation going in real time," one person said. nytimes.com/styles

If you're in need of a furry companion this weekend, the Travel desk compiled a list of places where you
can commune with llamas and alpacas — yes, you read that right. At a farm in Sonora, Calif., for example, guests can sign up for 90-minute experiences that involve leading llamas on a stroll. Take a walk on the wild side at nytimes.com/travel.

GEORGE CALIFWELL
Second Look Making the Band



Are you tired of your usual workout? Perhaps it's time you expand your horizons. Around the
The gym, communities forge strength beyond the gym and without a barbell in sight. In India, athletes perform acrobatic feats on a wooden pole in the ancient sport of mallakhamb, which tests grip strength, stamina and balance. And in Ghana, competitive arm wrestling has an ardent following. Why not use this weekend to test what you're capable of? nytimes.com/well

The season for thrills and chills is here. If you're looking to get in the holiday spirit, Erik Piepenburg can
help. Every month, Mr. Piepenburg selects five new horror films sure to scare you stiff. In a recent edition, he recommended "Backrooms," the blockbuster about a labyrinthine world of rooms and hallways. "Teenage Sex and Death at Camp Miasma," a dark comedy about a filmmaker's attempt to reboot a 1980s slasher franchise, also made his list. Dig your own grave at nytimes.com/movies.

MARGO FERREIRA
In schools across America, music teachers are accustomed to making music with a shoe-string budget. Instruments are expensive, and students beat them up. Now, school music programs have joined the chorus of interests being squeezed by the Trump administration's tariffs. The prices to replace imported instruments like tubas and cellos have skyrocketed, pushing teachers to reach into their pockets and districts to improvise solutions such as 3-D printing. Arts groups warn that entire school programs are endangered.
Four Films to Stream on Netflix Right Now
Matt Damon found a franchise — and kicked off the most influential spy series this side of Bond — with this elegantly executed adaptation of Robert Ludlum's novel. Damon stars as Jason Bourne, though as the film begins, he's lost all memory of his own identity. But the abilities of gunplay, hand-to-hand combat and high-speed pursuit seem to be built-in muscle memories. Franka Potente makes for a game traveling companion, while Chris Cooper, Brian Cox and Clive Owen are among the memorable antagonists.
This beloved hit from the director Peyton Reed has all the trappings of a typical teen comedy. But underneath the bright colors and dance numbers is a sty and subtle commentary on race, class and cultural appropriation. Kirsten Dunst is marvelous as Torrance, the head cheerleader who discovers her award-winning squad in San Diego, the Toros, has been stealing its routines from a rival group in Los Angeles. She meets her match in Isis (Gabrielle Union), who leads East Compton's Clovers,
Lauren Weisberger's roman à clef was already a sensation when it was adapted for the screen; the resulting film (yes, the original!) helped complete Anne Hathaway's transition to leading lady, and gave Meryl Streep (above right) one of her most memorable roles of the era. Hathaway is

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Andy, an idealistic journalist who feels she's slumming it when she takes a job as an assistant to Miranda Priestly (Streep), the glamorous yet cruel editor in chief of Runway magazine. Stanley Tucci and Emily Blunt steal scenes by the yard as Andy's chief protector and rival, respectively.
Tom Cruise's long, long, long-awaited sequel to his 1986 smash was a shockingly successful attempt to have it both ways. The filmmakers update its events and characters for contemporary audiences (the flying crew is more diverse) and grapple with the themes and ideas that haven't aged as well. But it's not an outright subversion, either. "Maverick" checks the boxes of the original: Not only is there thrilling action, with shades and leather jackets aplenty, but there is also Cruise at his coolest — and an audience-pleasing throwback ending. JASON T. BAILEY

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Dr. Amin Madani, left, and Dr. Timothy Jackson performing laparoscopic cholecystectomy surgery on a patient in the operating room at Toronto General Hospital, with the help of visual A.I. guides, in May. Left, Dr. Madani alongside the computer system that powers his A.I. surgical guide program.

By VJOSA ISAI
TORONTO — Under shadowless operating room lights at Toronto General Hospital, two surgeons clipped away at a pear-shaped gallbladder they were removing from a woman on a spring morning.
"Can we get the A.I. on, please?" called Dr. Amin Madani, an endocrine and acute care surgeon.
On a large monitor, the view from a camera inside the patient bloomed with green and red splotches showing where it was and was not safe to cut. The overlay was powered by artificial intelligence, and Dr. Madani has been training the model to think like the best surgeons.
His colleague, Dr. Timothy Jackson, pointed out that the system might need to show another color: caution yellow, to represent the zones always requiring human judgment that no algorithm has learned to mimic.
The surgical field — what doctors call the area of a body under operation — is among the latest frontiers for artificial intelligence in Canada, a country that has earned a global reputation for the early development of A.I. and is home to some of its pioneers.
Canada spends more on health care than most developed countries, yet its universal, primarily tax-funded system is beset by long waits for family doctors and a shortage of hospital beds, making the promise of A.I. to improve care while cutting costs enticing to the government.
Prime Minister Mark Carney unveiled Canada's national A.I. strategy at an event at Toronto General, ranked among the world's best, describing the plan as a way "to harness A.I. to improve lives and, indeed, to save them."
The push for Canada to step out of Silicon Valley's shadow is driven partly by the rupture in the country's trade relationship with the United States and a desire to assert its sovereignty, even in the digital world. It also builds on Canada's history of punching above its weight in clinical research, including inventing the world's first surgical robot and performing the first successful lung transplant.
Now, with a scalpel, Canadian researchers are testing the bounds of what A.I. can do.
Surgeons have long trained on an apprenticeship model; they observe others at work before operating themselves, and eventually master the techniques well enough to instruct a peer. The American surgical pioneer Dr. William Stewart Halsted called it "see one, do one, teach one."
Over the last few years, Dr. Madani, 40, became fascinated by how surgeons learn — their cognitive processes, their behavioral psychology, what it takes to become elite in the operating room. During the pandemic, when operating rooms were largely closed, he designed tools to train residents to read the surgical field, visually, like putting pilots in a flight simulator.
Then A.I. arrived in medicine.
"All the work that I had done was like a perfect setup to train A.I. algorithms to think and behave like expert surgeons," said Dr. Madani, who founded the Surgical Artificial Intelligence Research Academy at the University Health Network, a public research and teaching hospital group in Toronto known as U.H.N. "It was all very serendipitous."
Laparoscopic operations are recorded by a camera inserted through a small incision, generating the video that trains
Dr. Madani's A.I. model. One of the first algorithms out of his lab was for the common gallbladder removal, and was aimed at improving precision to avoid bile duct injuries. The rare complication is the leading cause of medical malpractice lawsuits against general surgeons in Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom, according to a 2025 peer-reviewed journal article.
Though gallbladder operations are routine, surgeons can misread the anatomy from inattention or overconfidence, a gap A.I. tools are meant to fill, said Nicolas Padoy, the scientific director of the Institute of Image-Guided Surgery in Strasbourg, France, which is conducting similar research.
Dr. Madani's tool — called GoNo-GoNet — functions like a GPS for the operating table — recognizing anatomical patterns and predicting "no-go zones," places where an incision would cause a major complication. Like a stoplight, green indicates cut and red means don't.
But, "there's a yellow zone there, and that's the art of surgery that can't sort of be calculated in zeros and ones yet in an A.I. model," said Dr. Jackson, the operating room medical director of general surgery at U.H.N.
In the operating room, the 44-year-old patient's heart monitor beeped steadily during the roughly 40-minute procedure. (The patient agreed to let The Times observe her surgery.) After the surgeons inflated her abdomen with carbon dioxide to create room for their instruments, Dr. Jackson took his place beside Dr. Madani.
Two monitors — one with the A.I., overlay and one without — showed the same view from inside the patient's abdomen via the laparoscope, a tubular surgical instrument with a tiny light and camera. The surgeons exposed, clipped and cauterized the duct and artery connected to the gallbladder while watching the monitor without A.I., because they said they sometimes find the red and green overlay distracting. Both options are always available to surgeons. Once the organ was free, they slipped it into a bag to keep it from rupturing.
"I didn't personally see it coming, but I find myself in a world where I think interacting with A.I. is unavoidable," Dr. Jackson said.
A.I. has spread through nearly every corner of North American health care, automating clerical work like clinical notes and patient correspondence while speeding diagnoses and identifying personalized treatments. In the United States, the Trump administration is pushing to integrate it into medical care at a pace that some in the field find unnerving.
The Toronto surgeons said that GoNo-GoNet has been quite accurate.
"I was very proud of my A.I. model," Dr. Madani said, beaming after the procedure. He performs about two gallbladder removals a month using the tool for guidance as part of a clinical trial that requires consent from participants.
How much patients need to know about A.I. before agreeing to its use in their care — and how they consent to their data being used, particularly if the models are later commercialized — is one of the field's major ethical questions, said Dr. Jay Shaw, acting director of the University of Toronto Joint Centre for Bioethics.
Another concern is whether A.I. in the operating room will make surgeons more dependent on their tools than their skill. Even automating clinical notes can erode critical thinking, said Dr. Benjamin Chin-Yee, a hematologist and professor at Western University in London, Ontario, who studies how new technologies affect patient care.
"I worry that if we are so quick to outsource that to A.I., a lot of those important steps in the reasoning process will be lost," he said.
It may be a while before that becomes pressing. A 2023 peer-reviewed study found emergency surgeons divided over whether to let A.I. guide surgical decisions. Dr. Madani still sees the gap between early adopters and skeptics. But, "most of us are pretty excited about the digital age of surgery," he said.

A memorial for victims of a mass shooting at Tumbler Ridge Secondary School in British Columbia in February. The killings shattered the tranquil town.
ALAMA PATERSUN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
By VJOSA ISAI
TORONTO — The U.S. authorities have arrested a 30-year-old Washington State resident on charges of conspiring to commit a school shooting in rural British Columbia, eight months after a Canadian teenager killed eight people.
On Feb. 10, Jesse Van Rootselaar, 18, shot and killed her mother and 11-year-old stepbrother in Tumbler Ridge, British Columbia, a tranquil mountain town. She then went to the local school and shot and killed five students and one
educational instructor. She died in the school of a self-inflicted gunshot wound, and her death prompted the Royal Canadian Mounted Police to announce they were not searching for any other suspects.
But on Tuesday afternoon, officials from the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and the U.S. Department of Justice announced that another person had, for months, been in contact with Ms. Van Rootselaar to plot the shooting. That included sending cash — about \$100 for a pair of loafers and \$15 for a lighter — to Ms. Van Rootselaar, as well as dispensing technical advice on how to carry out the attacks.
The suspect, identified by the police as James Cody Bryant, of Bellingham, Wash., was arrested on Tuesday morning, the authorities said at a Seattle news conference. Officials said that the suspect, who was born male and was referred to by the authorities with male pronouns, identifies as female, similar to the shooter, Ms. Van Rootselaar.
The suspect's lawyer, Gregory Murphy of the Federal Public Defender's Office in Seattle, declined to provide a comment.
Ms. Van Rootselaar and the suspect met about three years ago on Omegle, a chat website that connects strangers. After the website shut down in 2023 amid criticism that it was a haven for sexual abuse, the pair kept in touch, said Mike Harrington, a special agent in charge of the F.B.I. Seattle field office.
Their friendship developed over conversations about planning the shooting that began at least six months before the attacks, including communication on Discord, a social media platform. Ms. Van Rootselaar was also active on various other social media accounts, where she documented her fascination with firearms and her mental health issues, for which she took prescribed medications and experimented with psychedelic drugs and other illegal substances.
The suspect, the authorities said, helped Ms. Van Rootselaar test livestreaming equipment, promised to help distribute and amplify footage taken during the shootings, and advised how to start the car that Ms. Van Rootselaar used to travel from her home to the school.
“Without Bryant's misplaced loyalty and willingness to operate the live-stream, we don't ultimately know if the shooter would have gone through with the crime," said Mr. Harrington, adding that he was disturbed by messages between the pair. He said that they were difficult to read, "in part because of the casual tone these two individuals used when discussing the mass taking of innocent lives."
The suspect was committed to assisting Ms. Van Rootselaar and stayed awake after an overnight shift to test the livestream. But during the actual attack, the stream lasted only 20 seconds before failing and was seen only by the suspect, said Charles Neil Floyd, the acting U.S. attorney for the Western District of Washington.
The shooting in Tumbler Ridge shattered the quiet community of 2,400 people, and the school was later demolished. In addition to the eight people who were killed, two students were critically wounded but survived, including a girl who was shot three times at close range.
In the months since the shooting, more than 30 lawsuits have been filed against OpenAI, an artificial intelligence company based in San Francisco, after revelations by The Wall Street Journal that the company had internally flagged Ms. Van Rootselaar's ChatGPT account for violent comments. Despite internal debate about how to proceed, the company chose not to escalate the complaint to the Canadian authorities and instead shut down Ms. Van Rootselaar's account, though she was able to activate another one.
British Columbia sued OpenAI last month in California, asserting that the shooting could have been prevented if the company had taken timely action. Sam Altman, the chief executive of OpenAI, apologized to the province in the months after the attacks and reasserted his company's commitment to A.I. safety regulation, though David Eby, the premier of British Columbia, said those conversations had since stalled.
By MEGAN SPECIA
PIDDINGTON, England — "What a week we've had," a triumphant Tim McNally told dozens of his neighbors in Piddington's village hall.
"I said to you guys, we are going to turn Piddington, this small village, into the largest village on this earth," Mr. McNally, the chair of the parish council, said on a Tuesday night in late September. "That we are going to put it on the map."
And they had.
The village of just over 350 people voted on Sept. 15 to become independent of the United Kingdom, in protest against a government plan to house 1,250 male asylum seekers in a nearby former military site.
Piddington has not, in fact, broken away from the United Kingdom, as the referendum had no legal basis. But it catapulted the rural village in Oxfordshire to the top of news sites and social media feeds, a publicity coup that Mr. McNally likened to a “blueprint” for other places facing the possible arrival of asylum seekers.
Piddington swiftly became an example of how a small place could challenge a national government over concerns that inhabitants felt were being ignored. In this case, how could a small village with no shops or pubs cope with more than a thousand unemployed men suddenly on its outskirts?
The campaign, which at times amplified far-right talking points about immigrants, also illustrated how divisive migration has be-
come around Europe. In Britain, while asylum applications are down since a peak late last year, they remain consistently higher than the pre-2021 average.
The highly visible arrival of migrants crossing the English Channel, almost all of whom apply for asylum, has become a flashpoint, though these small boat arrivals have also declined since their highest level in 2022.
The Piddington vote underlined a dilemma confronting many European governments: Where should asylum seekers be housed as their applications are processed and anti-immigrant sentiment becomes more forceful and widespread?
Among the locals opposing the plan was Melise Witkin, 59, who said the proximity of the site to a village green, the Jubilee Reserve, was worrying.
"No one in their right mind is going to want to walk around the Jubilee worried that they might come down the road and there might be 20 of them," Ms. Witkin, 59, said of asylum seekers. "They might be the loveliest, loveliest guys, but what if they're not?"
That perceived threat to women and children from the arrival of many unemployed men was a focus of the village vote. In Britain, asylum seekers have been barred from working since the early 2000s, and the government has a legal obligation to provide accommodation while claims are processed.
The former military site, on the village outskirts, would house 18-to 65-year-old men, according to the proposals. They would be allowed to come and go during the day.
Rachel Marsh, 54, also opposes the plan, believing the location unsuitable and the militarized setup inhumane. But she was one of 26 residents who voted against independence, after becoming uncomfortable with the campaign's tone.
"They have fallen for the fear rhetoric — hook, line, and sinker," she said of some neighbors. She felt sad, she said, that misinformation about immigrants being disproportionately violent or criminal was being used "to whip people into this radicalized frenzy." (While data is limited, researchers say there is little evidence that immigration has an impact on overall crime rates.)
The independence campaign's Facebook account, which Mr. McNally and others run, shared an A.I-generated animation that depicts an idyllic-looking village populated by white people, who appear terrified and dismayed as shirtless Black men march and leer at young girls, while men in turbans scare children out of a playground.
The campaign, and Mr. McNally specifically, tagged and thanked right-wing activists and figures such as Elon Musk, who has regularly used social media to attempt to influence British politics. In an interview, Mr. McNally said Mr. Musk's resharing of a campaign post was a positive turning point.
"I thought, right, we're definitely onto something here," he said, adding that it helped push a "narrative" about the risks to the community. When asked about accusations that xenophobic and racist imagery was used in campaign videos, he said he did not create the clips. "I don't see it as racism at all," he said, adding, "It's telling the story of Piddington and as far as I am concerned, that is an accurate representation."
In Britain more broadly, anger over immigration has grown in recent years and protests against asylum seekers have become disruptive and at times violent.
In September, hundreds of anti-migrant demonstrators wearing balaclavas gathered in Portsmouth, in southern England, blocking port access for several hours. This week, another group clashed with the police in Gosport, a coastal town where migrants were brought ashore on a rescue boat.
The backlash over using military sites follows an earlier outcry over the use of hotels for asylum accommodation, by the previous Conservative government, to comply with social distancing rules. After the pandemic, the number of people crossing the English Channel in small boats to claim asylum rose rapidly, while the processing of claims slowed, leading to a large backlog that the Labour government has only partly cut.
Shabana Mahmood, Labour's home secretary who is responsible for immigration policies, has embraced a hard-line approach in an effort to show the government has heard voters' concerns. Using former military sites instead of hotels — to create the perception of a less generous and more controlled approach — is part of that.
But efforts to convert military sites can be costly, high-profile and polarizing, said Sunder Katwala, director of British Future, a research organization in London. They also give agitators a place to go, and create a situation where locals' concerns appear to be ignored, he said.
"That's the one thing we should be trying to do: separate out real concerns from agitation and stirring up trouble," he said. "What we don't want, I think, is to cross the wires, where the reasonable parish council meeting attendee is now in receipt of extreme conspiracy narratives from the very far right."
There is little doubt that Piddington residents genuinely oppose the site. A separate initiative,

JOE GIDDENS/PRESS ASSOCIATION, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
"None of that balance was brought into the equation," Ms. Marsh said. She added, however, that the Labour government's failure to listen to concerns had creat-
Wrong Plan, Wrong Site, is mounting evidence-based legal challenges to the proposal. But it has taken a back seat to the independence campaign's more provocative arguments.
ed space for vitriolic voices, saying: "Labour's refusal to engage with the people on this has handed it to the far right."
She and her husband have lived in Piddington for two decades and raised their children here. She is originally from New Zealand, and her husband's parents were from the Windrush generation of Caribbean people who migrated legally

JUSTIN TALLIS/AGENCE FRANCE PRESSO — GETTY IMAGES

JOE GREENS/PRESS ASSOCIATION, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
After Ms. Marsh was interviewed on the BBC on the day of the referendum, she and her family received an onslaught of online abuse. An anti-immigrant campaigner arrived at her home, filmed her and published the footage, showing her address. The clip was shared by far-right agitators, and she met with the police to to Britain after World War II.
Residents unveiled a new sign in the village of Piddington, Oxfordshire, after they voted to become independent in a symbolic referendum intended as a protest of plans to house asylum seekers at a nearby former military base.
discuss her safety.
Still, Ms. Marsh said it remained important to offer an alternative perspective. "I do think there is an agenda here to keep us divided," she said.
Piddington has been here before. In 2001, a plan to develop asylum accommodation outside the village also drew intense opposition. It was scrapped when the government determined it wasn't economically viable.
Prime Minister Andy Burnham said last week that the military site was being considered because voters had wanted people out of hotels.
"But I've heard what people are saying in Piddington and the other places affected," he said. "I don't ignore their concerns."
In a statement, the Home Office said it plans to close asylum hotels and move people to alternative accommodation, including former military sites "designed to be self-contained, with 24/7 security and CCTV, to reduce the impact on local communities."
By CHRIS CAMERON and IVAN PENN
WASHINGTON — President Trump said on Friday that he had reached an agreement with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia to immediately import Russian diesel fuel to the U.S. market, undercutting U.S. sanctions.
The Kremlin issued a statement saying Mr. Putin had expressed a willingness to supply more oil and other fuels to the world in a phone call with Mr. Trump. But the statement provided few details.
Minutes after Mr. Trump's announcement, the Treasury Department said it was lifting sanctions on Russian diesel exports "to allow the supply of Russian diesel to the global market." The announcement gave Russian en-
Chris Cameron reported from Washington, and Ivan Penn from Los Angeles. Alan Rappeport contributed reporting from Washington; Ivan Nechepurenko from Tbilisi, Georgia; and Valerie Hopkins from Berlin.
ergy producers a general license to sell diesel fuel until April.
The United States placed sanctions on Russian energy exports after the country invaded Ukraine in 2022, to limit Mr. Putin's ability to finance that war.
Russia, a crucial supplier of diesel to the rest of the world, last week had extended its ban on diesel exports until the end of October, amid punishing Ukrainian strikes on oil refineries and other fuel infrastructure. Those attacks, and the export ban, have helped keep fuel prices high before the U.S. midterm elections. Mr. Trump has recently criticized Ukraine for the strikes, saying they were driving up prices.
But Mr. Trump said in a social media post on Friday that Mr. Putin had approved shipping potentially millions of tons of diesel fuel in the coming months.
"It was agreed," Mr. Trump said, "that Russia will immediately supply over 300,000 Tons of Diesel Fuel to the American and Global Marketplace, another
500,000 Tons during the month of November, and 1,000,000 Tons immediately thereafter. Additionally, based on the condition of their Diesel Refineries, Russia will then deliver, within a short period of time, 3,000,000 Tons of Diesel Fuel."
The return of Russian diesel to international markets would be a win for Mr. Putin, who has sought for years to break the ice on U.S. sanctions against Moscow's energy sector.
Despite suffering from the most acute gasoline crisis in decades, with many gas stations around Moscow and across the country not able to keep up with demand, Russia has an excess supply of diesel. But Edward Fishman, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, said he doubted that Russia could supply as much diesel fuel as Mr. Trump said it had promised.
"The reason Russia imposed an export ban was that Ukrainian strikes had degraded its refining output, necessitating fuel rationing for domestic use," Mr. Fishman said. "This strikes me as classic Putin — empty promises aimed at sowing further divisions in the trans-Atlantic alliance."
President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine criticized the diesel deal on Friday, while noting that Ukrainian negotiators were in Florida to meet U.S. officials to discuss ending the war with Russia.
"This only fuels Putin's war effort and gives him the ability to wage war even more aggressively," Mr. Zelensky said.
Even if Mr. Putin were to export as much diesel as Mr. Trump claimed, the amounts would be small relative to global demand for the fuel, which is used in trucks, ships, buses, farm machinery and electricity generators. The world burns roughly 30 million barrels of diesel and related fuels every day. The 300,000 tons that Russia will export this month, according to Mr. Trump, is equivalent to about 2.2 million barrels, or less than one-tenth of global daily demand.
It is the latest effort by the Trump administration to ease sanctions on Russia in a bid to lower energy prices. At the beginning of the war with Iran, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent lifted sanctions on Russian oil that was at sea, saying it would add hundreds of millions of barrels of crude to global markets and curb prices.
Diesel cost \$6.28 a gallon on average at U.S. gas stations on Friday, up from \$3.68 a year ago, according to the AAA motor club. The national average reached a high of \$6.53 on Sept. 22.
The jump in diesel prices has become a big political liability for Mr. Trump and Republican candidates in next month's congressional elections, especially in rural states like Iowa, Kansas and Nebraska, where many farmers are deeply dependent on diesel.
Last month, Mr. Trump proposed banning U.S. diesel exports to help lower costs for farmers, truckers and businesses. But the oil and gas industry said a ban would not bring relief to business and consumers and instead lead to global shortages, causing an increase in prices.
Then on Monday, at one of his campaign rallies in Grand Island, Neb., Mr. Trump made another attempt to reduce diesel prices by signing an executive order to allow greater use of so-called reddyed diesel, which is not assessed the federal fuel tax because it is meant to be used in off-road vehicles like tractors.
But oil industry experts said that, like the export ban, the temporary use of red-dyed diesel was likely to have a minimal or no impact on lowering diesel prices in the United States or abroad.
Demand for diesel globally led to record-high exports of U.S. diesel, as much as 1.6 million barrels a day in recent months. Before the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran began on Feb. 28, the United States exported an average of 1.1 million barrels a day.
War in the Middle East
Photographs by SAHER ALGHORRA Article by AARON BOXERMAN
The cease-fire last October ostensibly brought an end to Israel's war in Gaza after the Hamas-led attacks on Oct. 7, 2023.
A year later, however, Israeli strikes, though less frequent, haven't stopped. More than 1,400 people in Gaza have been killed since the truce was signed, according to local health officials. Israel says it is still targeting Hamas militants.
Palestinians in Gaza are trying to reconstruct their lives and livelihoods, seeking to wring a measure of normalcy from the debris. Some are trying to rebuild, using whatever materials they can scavenge. Others are trying to revive their businesses or launch new ones. Thousands of children who suffered life-changing injuries in the war are trying to rebuild their lives.
For three years, the lives of Palestinians have been consumed by death and destruction. But the bombs, hunger and displacement have not erased their aspirations for something better.


Saeed Kafarneh marrying Nemeen Abdul Hadi. Below, getting an improvised version of the traditional wedding bath.
Before the war, weddings in Gaza could be extravagant affairs, featuring sumptuous meals of roast lamb and processions through the winding streets.
Such pleasures now feel like faraway luxuries for many Gazans.
One couple held their wedding in a United Nations school packed with displaced Gazans. Another pair tied the knot on a beach with little fanfare.
To pay for his wedding, Saeed Kafarneh, 21, worked for several months doing odd jobs and selling gas tanks and cartons of aid he received from relief groups to raise about \$2,000.
"We worked so hard to make it happen," Mr. Kafarneh said. "But thank God, we did it."
Last month, Mr. Kafarneh married his wife, Nermeen Abdul Hadi, in a displaced persons' camp in the central Gaza Strip, where Mr. Kafarneh's family had been sheltering. On the day of the ceremony, Mr. Kafarneh and his relatives decorated a large tent donated by a Pakistani aid organization, setting up lights and arranging flowers. They rented a large loudspeaker.
In one Palestinian custom, grooms bathe beforehand at a bathhouse or friend's home, a ritual marking the transition to married life. Instead, friends and neighbors poured water on a grinning Mr. Kafarneh in a tent while they cheered and danced.
The couple had their zifaf, or ceremony. Many friends and family members could not make it. Traveling even a short distance in Gaza — where fuel prices are sky-high — can be enormously expensive. Others avoided making the trip fearing potential Israeli attacks during their return journey after dark, Mr. Kafarneh said.
"Even people just a few kilometers away didn't come," he said. "So we celebrated with those around us."

Nivin al-Ashqar hears two constant hums when she goes onto the roof of her home in the northern Gaza town of Jabaliya.
One comes from the beehives that she and her husband cultivate to produce honey and beeswax for sale. The other is from Israeli drones that hover overhead, a reminder that their house lies just a few hundred yards from the demarcation line behind which the Israeli military has entrenched itself.
The Trump administration's cease-fire plan envisioned a gradual Israeli withdrawal, in parallel with Hamas's disarmament, but neither has happened.
Before the war, in addition to a single hive they kept at home, Ms. al-Ashqar's family had about 400 hives, mostly in the area now under Israeli military control. Almost all those hives were destroyed during the conflict, she said.
Early in the war, Ms. al-Ashqar fled fighting in Jabaliya with her family. When they returned more than a year later to try to clean up their badly damaged house, she heard a relentless buzzing.
"We climbed up to the roof and we saw a cloud of bees emerging from the rubble," Ms. al-Ashqar said. "It was an unbelievable feeling, indescribable."
Ms. al-Ashqar is the primary bread-winner in her household because her husband and one of her sons were wounded during the war. She has turned again to raising bees, hoping to sell their honey.
"With both of them wounded, I've become the one responsible for the home," Ms. al-Ashqar said. "My husband helps, with his experience, but I have to run it."
Gaza's economy was devastated in the war. A few, like Ms. al-Ashqar, are slowly coaxing their businesses back to life.
Fishermen are setting out to sea, although they fear running afoul of an Israeli naval blockade of the enclave if they head too far out. Barbers who once owned their own shops now practice their trade in makeshift salons.
Ms. al-Ashqar's bees now populate six hives but produce relatively little honey. Even basic staples like sugar to feed them are far more expensive, while other materials — like miticides — can be hard to come by at all.



More than half of Gaza is now also effectively off-limits to Ms. al-Ashqar, as it is to the vast majority of the two million Palestinians living there. But, she said, she regularly sees her bees flitting away toward the Israeli-controlled zone, crossing to places she can no longer visit.
"Sometimes, I wish I were a bee," Ms. al-Ashqar said, "so I could fly away from here, go to other countries, rather than stay here, trapped."
Above, a make-shift barbershop. Left, Nivin al-Ashqar has resumed bee-keeping in hopes of producing honey to sell.


At left, swim lessons for those who lost limbs. Above, workers pull iron bars from the rubble to use in other structures.
Jaafar Atallah, 28, once earned a living in his family's factory making bowls and vases from rich clay deposits near his home in the al-Waha area of the northern Gaza Strip. His home was razed during the Israeli military campaign. So Mr. Atallah and his family reestablished their business in al-Zawaydeh, a town in central Gaza.
For a place to live, Mr. Atallah built a modest dwelling out of red bricks fired in their kiln. They no longer have the heavy machinery required to extract clay from the ground, but they have something nearly as good, he said.
"We go to a crater from an Israeli bombing, because there you can get to the clay," Mr. Atallah said. "We dig it out, purify it and get to work."
The dwelling is a single room in which he now lives with his pregnant wife. The walls, made from brick reinforced with hay, provide natural cooling during Gaza's punishing summer heat.
Mr. Atallah hopes they will also help keep them warm in winter.
The United Nations says about 80 percent of Gaza's buildings were destroyed or damaged in the war. Much of the enclave was leveled during Israel's withering attack, which killed at least 74,000 people, according to Gaza health officials, who do not distinguish between civilians and combatants. That offensive was prompted by the Hamas-led assault on southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, in which about 1,200 people were killed and 250 hostages were seized.
A few Gazans are lucky enough to have homes that are still standing or wealthy enough to pay rent. Most of the rest live in the enclave's sprawling tent camps.
Israel restricts the entry of heavy machinery, concrete and cement into Gaza, noting that Hamas — which still controls part of the enclave — used those materials to build a sprawling network of military tunnels.
Some Palestinians are trying to make use of the enclave's most plentiful resource — rubble. One resourceful builder converted broken slabs of concrete into bricks to build a house.
Another, Hassan al-Huweihe, 34, is making a business out of cracking open concrete from damaged buildings to extract the iron struts inside. The metal is straightened and then used as frames for newly built or repaired structures.
"We are trying to make something new out of the rubble," Mr. al-Huweihe said.

Mohammad Abdelhadi with his 9-month-old son, Mahmoud, in their tent, the only home the child has known. Below, going to collect water from a truck.
Mohammad Abdelhadi, 39, had long worked as a carpenter. He had his own workshop where he crafted furniture and had spent time working in Turkey. His profession had lifted him into Gaza's middle class.
The invasion knocked him back down. But Mr. Abdelhadi says he is determined to deliver a better life for his nine children, the youngest of whom — 9-month-old Mahmoud — was born since the outbreak of war.
They have no running water. So each morning, he and his wife, Khitam, along with the children, leave the tent where they now live to fill large plastic containers with water from a nearby truck. They have no electricity. So they charge their phones by paying to use a generator a few hundred yards away.
They often eat simple food, like soft white cheese and bread, provided by aid groups. For lunch and dinner, they rely on communal kitchens, which prepare large pots of staples like rice and lentils.
Most of his children still don't have access to regular schooling, and Mr. Abdelhadi frets at times about what lies ahead for them. "What will be their fate here? Waking up, filling up water jugs, going to soup kitchens, no school?" he asked.
After dark, his family must confront an onslaught of rats, which populate the massive trash heaps that now rise from the Gaza Strip. The war largely decimated the Hamas-run government, meaning public services like trash collection are meager.
Mr. Abdelhadi tries to comfort his children. At the end of the day, he lights a fire. He brews them tea.
He plays with Mahmoud, who has never known a home other than a tent.


A still from a video obtained from social media and verified by The New York Times showing a blast at the airport in Riyadh.
SOCIAL MEDIA, VIA REUTERS
By EUAN WARD
BEIRUT, Lebanon — The Saudi authorities said on Friday that attacks on the international airport in Riyadh a day earlier had killed three people, the latest casualties in a week of escalating strikes by the Iran-backed Houthi militia of Yemen.
The Houthis, who have vowed a prolonged campaign against Saudi Arabia, claimed responsibility for the attacks on Thursday, and said that they had also targeted infrastructure in the south of the kingdom, including an airport in Najran and an air base near Khamis Mushait.
The Saudi authorities did not respond to questions about the Houthi claims but said in statements that they had intercepted missiles fired toward Khamis Mushait and Riyadh, the capital.
Earlier this week, Houthi strikes on airports in Riyadh and Abha, a city in the country's south, left three other people dead and dozens more injured, according to the Saudi authorities.
The escalating violence has brought the conflict in Yemen to the doorstep of the Saudi capital, widening the regional fallout from the U.S. war on Iran, the Houthis' primary backer.
Iran has also stepped up its attacks on oil and gas shipping in and around the Strait of Hormuz, with at least eight tankers targeted over the past week. On Friday, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps said that it had targeted another gas tanker attempting to pass through the strait, according to Iranian state media.
For months, the worsening conflict between the Houthis and Saudi Arabia has made it more dangerous to export oil through the Red Sea, which had provided an alternative to the Strait of Hormuz for Saudi shipments.
The Houthis' attacks on Riyadh have underscored the group's ability to target major Saudi infrastructure, raising pressure on Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the kingdom's de facto leader, to halt the assaults.
With financial and military support from Iran, the Houthis have invested heavily in weapons manufacturing in recent years, according to Farea al-Muslimi, a Yemen and Persian Gulf specialist at Chatham House, a London-based research institute. That has enabled the group to mount more sophisticated attacks, he added.
"All the Houthis have to do is actually have one — just one — that reaches its target," Mr. al-Muslimi said of the militia's missile and drone attacks. "It shakes the image of Saudi globally."
As well as the three killed in the attacks on the Riyadh airport on Thursday, all of whom were Saudi nationals, an unspecified number of citizens and foreign residents were wounded, the Saudi General Authority of Civil Aviation said. Maj. Gen. Turki al-Maliki, a spokesman for the Saudi-led military coalition in Yemen, vowed a firm response to such attacks.
Hours after the assault on Riyadh's international airport, Saudi airstrikes pounded the Yemeni capital, Sanaa, wounding six people, including women and children, according to the Houthi-administered health ministry. Saudi officials did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Saudi Arabia's aviation regulator said on Friday that the two attacks in Riyadh a day earlier had targeted facilities at King Khalid International Airport and an aircraft belonging to the national carrier, Saudi.
The airline said in a statement that an employee had been killed and that a plane had been damaged while on the ground with no passengers. Saudia identified the employee as Capt. Hamoud Ali Al-kalthami, and said that its flights and operations at the airport had later returned to normal.
Still, several international airlines have halted services to Riyadh, and the capital's sense of security has been shaken ahead of the WPC Energy Congress, a major gathering of energy officials and executives, beginning on Sunday. Later this month, the city is also scheduled to host the Future
Investment Initiative, an annual meeting that typically draws world leaders, billionaires and top global executives.
Saudi Arabia has few easy options for restoring the stability on which its economic ambitions depend, analysts say. The kingdom faces the difficult task of stopping the Houthi attacks while avoiding another war against the militia, which has already survived years of Saudi bombardment.
With no sign of any immediate diplomatic resolution to the conflict, Saudi officials announced a new bombing campaign in Yemen this week, and the Houthis have vowed to fight back by hitting airports and energy infrastructure.
Backed by Saudi warplanes, forces affiliated with the internationally recognized government of Yemen have mounted a counteroffensive to retake strategically important territory along the Red Sea. The Houthis seized parts of that coast last month in a lightning offensive that gave the militia greater control over the Bab al-Mandab Strait, a critical route for global trade.
In 2015, Saudi Arabia led a disastrous bombing campaign against the Houthis in a bid to restore Yemen's government, which had been driven out of the capital, Sanaa. The war led to hundreds of thousands of deaths and created one of the world's worst humanitarian crises before a fragile truce was agreed in 2022.
Since fighting reignited last month, nearly 200,000 Yemenis have been displaced, according to the United Nations.

Navi Pillay aided anti-apartheid activists, was on the International Criminal Court and led the U.N. commission for human rights.
FAIRICE COFFRIGN/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
From Page AI
our time," the committee said, calling her "instrumental in ensuring that war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide are prosecuted."
The office of Israel's prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, quickly denounced the committee in a statement, calling its members misguided and saying it had "lost its moral compass." It also condemned Ms. Pillay's work, accusing her of being prejudiced against Jews.
The Israeli foreign ministry went further, calling the Nobel decision a “grotesque weaponization of an award to legitimize anti-Israel hatred and prejudice.”
After learning she had won the award, Ms. Pillay, speaking at a conference of human rights lawyers in Nuremberg, Germany, said she had tried to hew only to the law and facts in her career, not politics.
"Why would you need courage to speak the truth?" she said. "You interpret the law, you look at all the facts. So it's an impartial, you know, impartial decision-making."
Her work on Israel and Gaza, though, was “an important part of the reasoning why she received the prize,” Mr. Frydnes, the Nobel committee chair, told reporters.
President Trump, who has been a staunch supporter of Israel and has openly angled to win the Nobel Peace Prize himself, did not immediately address Friday's award. He did, however, share a post on his social media platform that called Ms. Pillay "an unabashed hater of America and Israel" and said that it was Mr. Trump who deserved the prize.
After receiving the news at the conference in Nuremberg, Ms. Pillay was applauded by more than a hundred fellow attendees, a video posted by the Amnesty International head, Agnès Callamard, showed.
"If you clap a little bit more, I may share this prize with Trump," Ms. Pillay joked, apparently referring to last year's winner, María Corina Machado, the Venezuelan opposition leader who presented her medal to the U.S. president in January.
Marlise Simons, Amanda Taub and Lynsey Chutel contributed reporting.
At a brief news conference, Ms. Pillay mused that "perhaps it was meant to be" that she had received the news in Nuremberg, a city whose famous postwar trials of Nazi leaders were foundational to creating the modern international justice system.
"We are living through an era when international law and human rights are under significant political attack," she said. Such efforts, she said, were "particularly visible with the attacks on the International Criminal Court," which the Trump administration has vowed to dismantle "brick by brick."
Born to a family of Indian Tamil origin, the daughter of a homemaker and a bus driver, Ms. Pillay was one of seven children who grew up in poverty in the city of Durban, on South Africa's east coast. She came of age in a segregated city, attending a school for
Indian South Africans.
As a teenager, Ms. Pillay said, she experienced apartheid's daily injustices and witnessed the violent crackdown by police forces and vigilantes on Black South African protesters and their supporters.
"The government was oppressive, the laws were oppressive and the courts cooperated with these laws," she said in a video published by the I.C.C. in 2017. "We had no remedies, and as a 15-year-old, I wished that we could appeal to a higher system of law, a higher institution, so that we, the victims, can get justice."
Ms. Pillay pursued a law degree and later defended imprisoned anti-apartheid activists, including Nelson Mandela, many of whom faced terrorism charges and placed under surveillance. After the end of apartheid, Ms. Pillay became a judge on the High Court in South Africa, where she championed women's rights and equality.
Soon, Ms. Pillay was drawn into international human rights crises. In 1995, Mr. Mandela — then South Africa's president — appointed her as a judge at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.
Ms. Pillay is the fifth South African to be awarded the peace prize, after Mr. Mandela, the activist Albert Luthuli, former President F.W. de Klerk and Desmond Tutu, the cleric who helped bring down apartheid.
One of Ms. Pillay's contributions to international law was her pioneering work on the gravity of sexual violence during the Rwanda conflict. In a trial at the tribunal, she pushed from the bench to define rape of women and children as a weapon of war.
In 1998, when the tribunal found a former Rwandan mayor guilty of genocide, it was the first time that rape had been defined as part of genocide. Sexual violence has since been integrated in international law as a potential war crime, a crime against humanity or an act of genocide.
Two decades later, in 2019, Ms. Pillay served as an ad hoc judge on the International Court of Justice in a case in which Myanmar was accused of genocide against the Rohingya Muslim minority. Myanmar's government has denied the accusation, calling the campaign "clearance operations."
Even as her work expanded beyond South Africa, she remained a prominent voice for human rights in the country, speaking out against anti-immigrant violence that flared in Durban in 2015 and chiding the South African government for having considered leaving the I.C.C. in 2016.
By ADAM RASGON
TEL AVIV — The Palestinian Authority in the Israeli-occupied West Bank informed France this week that legislative elections in the territory scheduled for Nov. 28 would be postponed by several months, according to two Palestinian officials briefed on the communications.
The message was conveyed in a letter to the French foreign minister, Jean-Noël Barrot, from Hussein al-Sheikh, deputy to the Palestinian Authority president, Mahmoud Abbas, the officials said. Reuters first reported on the letter.
A postponement of the elections would come as Fatah, the governing party of the Palestinian Authority, suffers from division, especially over Mr. Abbas's increas-
Aaron Boxerman contributed reporting.
ingly authoritarian rule. Israel, which controls whether ballot boxes or election observers can enter Gaza, has also shown little readiness. That lack of engagement complicates the work of the Palestinian Authority's election commission, according to three Western diplomats.
The Palestinian officials and Western diplomats spoke to The New York Times on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to comment publicly on the sensitive matters.
A delay in holding elections would not help Mr. Abbas's efforts to convince European nations and the United States that he can deliver changes to the Palestinian political system. The European Union is one of the Palestinian Authority's biggest backers and has pressed Palestinian officials to pursue democratic reforms, including holding elections.
In September 2025, President
Emmanuel Macron of France recognized a Palestinian state at the annual meeting of the United Nations General Assembly, citing a series of commitments that Mr. Abbas had made to him, including "a thorough overhaul of Palestinian governance."
Some three months earlier, Mr. Abbas had sent a letter to Mr. Macron declaring a commitment to hold elections within a year under international supervision "to rejuvenate the Palestinian governance."
Last month, Mr. Barrot reinforced Paris's commitment to Palestinian elections, writing an article in The Wall Street Journal that ended with the words, "Palestinian elections now."
Pierre-Arnaud Blanchard, a French diplomat in residence at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said that there was "profound disappointment and frustration" in France.
"There's also a sense that there's a missed opportunity to breathe new life and legitimacy into the Palestinian Authority," he said.
The Palestinian Authority, which administers parts of the West Bank, has been dogged for years by accusations of corruption, and U.S. officials have said that the body can play a meaningful role in postwar Gaza only if there is a significant overhaul.
Mr. Abbas, 90, was elected to office in early 2005 after the death of his predecessor, Yasir Arafat. As the leader of Palestinian Authority, Mr. Abbas has consolidated his power by ousting rivals, sidelining the judiciary and cooperating with Israel on security.
Analysts said the decision to postpone elections was partially a result of senior Palestinian Authority officials fearing that a vote could result in further erosion of their already waning legitimacy.
"Elections present a threat to the president and those around him," said Jehad Harb, a Palestinian political expert.
The last time Palestinians participated in national elections was in 2006, and it led to a brittle governing body, international isolation and, eventually, violence.
In the voting that year, a rival party that represented Hamas trounced Fatah, leading to over a year of uneasy power-sharing.
The United States and much of the West refused to work with the unity government because Hamas, which many countries designate a terrorist organization, would not accept demands such as renouncing violence.
Fatah and Hamas then fought a brief civil war in the Gaza Strip. That fighting ended in June 2007 with Hamas seizing control there after routing forces loyal to Mr. Abbas and confining his authority to parts of the West Bank.
By PRANAV BASKAR
Emirati investigators said on Friday that the co-pilot who attacked the captain of a FlyDubai flight last week had developed extremist Islamist views over several years and had intended to carry out a Sept. 11-inspired suicide crash into Israel's biggest airport.
The details, disclosed by the Emirati attorney general, offered the most comprehensive official account so far of the co-pilot's motives and preparation. The report also deepened questions about how signs of his radicalization were missed before he was allowed to fly such a sensitive route.
More than 170 passengers, mostly Israelis, were on FlyDubai Flight 1073 last week when the copilot began attacking the pilot with the plane's crash ax and then tried to crash the airliner. The pilot, Capt. Smit Machchhar, managed to unlock the cockpit door, and passengers were able to subdue the assailant, narrowly averting a catastrophe.
Backup pilots were on board and ultimately stabilized the plane, bringing it to an emergency landing in Saudi Arabia.
The Emirati attorney general, Hamad Saif Al Shamsi, said the co-pilot, a 29-year-old Omani national, had planned to crash the plane into the passenger terminal at Ben Gurion Airport in Tel Aviv "with the aim of causing the greatest possible loss of life."
The Emirati statement did not identify the co-pilot, but people familiar with the investigation have said that his name is Hamam al-Hammami, and that his embrace of radical Islamist views prompted the Omani authorities to scrutinize him earlier.
The Emirati investigation found that the co-pilot had begun a "drift towards extremism and terrorism" almost a decade ago, while he was a student in Melbourne, Australia. The Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology said in a statement that the co-pilot was enrolled at the university between 2015 and 2017 but did not complete his engineering degree.
While in Australia, Mr. al-Hammami developed a fascination with extremist literature and online content “glorifying terrorist organizations and suicide operations” the Emirati statement said. He also “received support” from groups related to the Muslim Brotherhood, an international Islamist movement, according to the statement, without elaborating further.
Taking inspiration from the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, and takfir ideology — a view that effectively allows one Muslim to declare another an apostate — the co-pilot became increasingly interested in a similar attack, the Emirati statement said.
He confessed to the authorities that following through on that vision was “linked to his decision to pursue a career in aviation,” according to investigators. Before coming to FlyDubai in January 2026, he was employed by Oman Air for four years and spent a brief stint at Royal Maroc Air, a Moroccan airline, the investigation found.
The co-pilot told the authorities that he acted alone, investigators said, though they added that were still looking into that question. To prepare for the operation, he had used two previous flights to Tel Aviv to familiarize himself with the route, consumed more “material promoting terrorism” and trained in boxing, the Emirati statement said.
But the disclosure left open questions about how Mr. al-Hammami was cleared to fly such a sensitive route. It is unclear whether Omani investigators had shared their concerns with security officials in Israel, the United Arab Emirates — where the flight originated — or with the airline.
Mr. Al Shamsi said the co-pilot "had met the professional and security requirements for employment" at FlyDubai, including completing required checks and providing a certificate of "good conduct." He added that none of the steps revealed "any indications of his extremist views or his intention to carry out a terrorist plot."
The plane's passengers were mostly Israelis, some of whom said the crisis evoked the feelings of dread they had last felt on Oct. 7, 2023, during the Hamas-led attack on Israel, in which about 1,200 people were killed.
After the failed attack on the plane, two posts appeared on a LinkedIn profile bearing Mr. al-Hammami's name. One depicted a photo of Ayman al-Zawahri, who led Al Qaeda after Osama bin Laden's death and was killed by the United States in 2022. It was not clear who made the posts or whether they had been scheduled in advance to be published.
Victoria Kim contributed reporting.

New U.S. sanctions would prohibit financial transactions with the International Criminal Court.
By EDWARD WONG and JEANNA SMIALEK
ATHENS, Greece — The Trump administration announced on Friday that it was imposing severe financial sanctions on the International Criminal Court, its latest effort to cripple the global body that seeks to prosecute those accused of war crimes, genocide and other murderous criminal acts.
The new sanctions, unveiled by Secretary of State Marco Rubio and the State Department, would prohibit transactions with the court after a grace period of six months. Any companies doing business with the court afterward could be subject to punishment by the U.S. government.
The threat of that could constrain the institution's ability to carry out daily operations.
Although the State Department had been preparing the sanctions for months, Mr. Rubio's announcement came just hours after a committee in Norway said it was awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to Navi Pillay, a South African lawyer who served for nine years as a judge on the International Criminal Court and worked as the top human rights official at the United Nations.
The sanctions are an intensification of the Trump administration's push to undermine the court. In February 2025, just weeks after taking office, President Trump issued an executive order directing agencies to come up with sanctions to impose on the court.
At the time, he said the court was trying to violate American sovereignty and undermine "the critical national security and foreign policy work of the United States government and our allies, including Israel."
Mr. Rubio said in a statement on Friday that Mr. Trump would never allow the court to prosecute Americans. "We will ban transactions with this rogue court, cutting off their resources and crippling its ability to operate," he said.
Mr. Rubio announced in July that the United States planned to "systematically disable" the court, which Mr. Trump has long described as a threat to Americans.
The administration has imposed financial sanctions and visa bans on court judges and prosecutors, but the measures announced on Friday are broader.
The I.C.C. said in a statement that the American move was "an assault on the rule of law and on the very foundations of the international legal order, which strikes at the simple principle that no one stands above the law."
Many companies that have business ties with the court will be granted licenses over the next 180 days to continue their work without financial punishments, the State Department said.
During that period, the Trump administration will assess whether its concerns regarding the L.C.C. have been addressed, the department said in a statement. The administration can then adjust the licenses based on that.
The Treasury Department is helping to enact the sanctions and maintains a list of entities punished with financial restrictions.
Of nearly 200 nations in the world, 125 have signed the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and are subject to its rulings. The United States never ratified the treaty establishing the institution, and both it and Israel are among those that are not bound by the statute.
POOL PHOTO BY REMED DE WAAL
However, given the number of countries that are members of the court — including close American allies — the prosecution of U.S. citizens could put those people at risk of arrest and extradition in many parts of the world, in theory. But experts often say that the chances of foreign officials taking those actions are low.
Mr. Rubio announced the sanctions the day after he returned from a three-nation tour of Europe during which he was trying to strengthen alliances. The three countries he visited — Iceland, Greece and Portugal — are all members of the International Criminal Court.
The court, officially established in 2002 and based at The Hague in the Netherlands, has a mission to investigate and prosecute genocide, war crimes and other serious offenses. The Trump administration has in the past pushed back on the court's ability to look into the conduct of U.S. soldiers in Afghanistan, and has also been highly critical of the court's actions against Israel.
In November 2024, the court issued arrest warrants for Benjamin Netanyahu, the prime minister of Israel, and Yoav Gallant, the defense minister for much of Israel's war in Gaza. Prosecutors had investigated the officials for war crimes and crimes against humanity in operations in Gaza, where thousands of Palestinian civilians have been killed and some have starved to death. Israel carried out airstrikes and ground operations after the deadly Hamas attacks in Israel in October 2023.
The Trump administration has already sanctioned many of the court's judges. Mr. Rubio has suggested that even more sweeping punishments were necessary because of the possibility that the court could prosecute U.S. citizens, and American service members in particular.
Such actions would "mean the death of the U.S. as a sovereign and independent nation," Mr. Rubio wrote in an opinion essay published in The Wall Street Journal this summer.
Defenders of the court often point out that it has no police force of its own, and would be able to arrest and try U.S. citizens only if member states carry out arrests.
The Trump administration is not the first to take on the I.C.C.: Under George W. Bush, the United States also pushed back on the court's ability to go after Americans.
Yet the Trump administration's effort to dismantle the institution — "brick by brick, if necessary," according to Mr. Rubio — is an escalation, from skepticism and rhetoric to outright dismemberment.
"This is incredibly disturbing," said James A. Goldston, executive director of the legal organization the Open Society Justice Initiative, calling the sanctions a "calculated attack" on international justice.
Whether the American attack on the I.C.C. will cripple the institution will depend in part on how its member nations respond, he said, and whether they stand by the institution.
"We know that the court has been preparing for this much-rumored eventuality," he said. "We'll have to see."
The European Union's executive arm, whose 27 member countries are also members of the court, said in a statement that "The E.U. will work closely with the I.C.C. to ensure it continues to operate effectively," and called the American move "deeply regrettable."
The E.U. statement emphasized that the six-month delay leaves "room for dialogue." Canada, Denmark, Germany, France, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands and Britain also released a joint statement in defense of the court on Friday.
The court was already in a state of turmoil. Karim A. A. Khan, the institution's chief prosecutor, was removed earlier this year after an investigation into allegations that he sexually harassed a subordinate. Mr. Khan has denied the accusations.
In a recent interview with The New York Times that was conducted before the latest sanctions were announced, Tomoko Akane, the president of the court, said that the institution has been taking "measures to strengthen its resilience" in the face of the Trump administration's threats.
"A permanent body like the I.C.C. must never be shut down," she said. "The stakes extend far beyond the court itself."
This article is by Somini Sen-gupta, Pragati K.B. and Suhasini Raj.
NEW DELHI — Law enforcement authorities in India took extraordinary measures Friday to prevent protesters from assembling in the capital, ordering the cancellation of trains bound for Delhi and the suspension of mass transit in the city. They also effectively put several would-be protesters under house arrest.
The moves came in response to a call by the Gen Z movement known as the Cockroach Janta Party for people from all over the country to converge in central Delhi for a protest on Saturday against what they say is a politically motivated purge of India's voter roll.
Saturday's rally is to be held at a monument called Jantar Mantar, which has been a protest site for many years, but which security forces are currently blockading.
The restrictions imposed by law enforcement authorities led India's highest court to issue a rare emergency order on Friday afternoon, urging the government to reconsider the limits and offer an alternative space for a protest. Responding to an appeal from an opposition party politician, the court also said the city's metro service should not be shut down completely.
"You have to prevent certain things," the chief justice of the Supreme Court, Surya Kant, said.
"But that does not mean you should use a hammer to kill a fly," he added.
(It was Mr. Kant who unwittingly gave rise to the cockroach movement, when he likened unemployed youth to cockroaches. In response, Abhijeet Dipke, then a graduate student living in Boston, wrote on social media: "What if all cockroaches come together?" It gave birth to the Cockroach Janta Party.)
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has not commented on this week's protests.
Saturday's planned protest follows a week of nationwide demonstrations demanding the resignation of Gyanesh Kumar, the head of India's election commission, a body that was long held in high regard for running fair polls but has recently come under intense public criticism because of the voter roll revision. That exercise to clean up voter lists began last summer and ended up eliminating 130 million names. Critics say it is an effort to entrench Mr. Modi's power.
In the capital, opposition parties and other activist groups have held daily protests for the last week, only to be aggressively restrained by police and then detained. On Friday, videos spread on social media of police officers pulling young would-be protesters from trains bound for Delhi in various parts of the country.
There was a heavy police presence in central Delhi on Friday.
Around Jantar Mantar, tall yellow police barricades were chained together. Loudspeakers were erected at traffic circles, playing announcements warning people not to gather. "Violation may lead to legal action against you," the announcements said.
India has long prided itself as a thriving democracy, even as space for dissent has shrunk in Mr. Modi's 12-year tenure.
The government's heavy-handed efforts this week go considerably further than recent attempts to stop anti-government agitation. This summer's protests by the Cockroach party uncorked a generation's rage over a dysfunctional college entrance exam system and won the rare ouster of a government minister. The government did not stop the protesters from gathering this summer but responded with force.
On Friday, Delhi police said they had denied permission for the rally, saying the organizers had not asked for permission sufficiently in advance and broke rules the last time they protested, without offering evidence of which rules they broke. In a news conference, Nupur Prasad, a senior police official, said “reasonable preventive restrictions” had been put in place. She warned legal action against those who violate the order.
Ashutosh Ranka, a leader of the Cockroach party, said in a voice note to The Times on Friday evening that the protest would go on. "The government is in complete panic," he said in the voice note. "They don't know how to deal with peaceful protesters, and that's why they are resorting to absolutely dictatorial measures."
"It's a shame that in the world's largest democracy you have to protest to even go and protest at a designated protest site," he added, referring to Jantar Mantar.
Police tactics have succeeded, to an extent, in preventing protesters from reaching Delhi.
Kunal Choudhary, 26, was planning to lead a delegation of around 30 people to Delhi from a town three hours away by bus. But on Thursday evening, police officers showed up at his home and have not left, he said, offering no warrant for his arrest.
"They showed me a WhatsApp group where there was a list with my name also. They were given orders to go to all those people's homes," he said.
As he narrated the events by speakerphone, a police officer, Manvendra Singh, listened in, identifying himself on the call. He refused to say why he was there, only that Mr. Choudhary would be detained at home through Saturday evening.
Mr. Choudhary's mother, Mitika, served the police officer tea and Oreo cookies for breakfast. "My mother is used to this now. She used to be quite scared," he said. It was the third time in a month police had shown up at his house.

PHOTOGRAPHS BY ENEA LEMRON/REUTERS
People gathering outside a building in Panama City after an earthquake struck near the southern coast of Panama on Friday.
ENEA LEMBUN/HELTERS

The estimated 7.7-magnitude earthquake was followed by a series of aftershocks, including one registering a magnitude of 6.9.
By MARK WALKER and JAMES WAGNER
An earthquake with a preliminary magnitude of 7.7 hit Panama on Friday, causing structures to collapse and shaking the capital of the Central American country, according to the U.S. Geological Survey and videos posted on social media.
The quake hit about 1:56 p.m. Eastern time, according to the U.S.G.S. It was centered about nine miles southwest of Pitaloza Arriba.
It was followed by a series of strong aftershocks in the following hours, including one at 4:25 p.m. that reached a preliminary magnitude of 6.9. Geologists said this was the primary risk for the region at the moment.
The main quake was felt as far away as Costa Rica, geologists said. But there is no longer any threat of the quake triggering a tsunami in the immediate region, according to the U.S. Pacific Tsunami Warning Center.
The epicenter was on the Azuero Peninsula, a scenic outcropping that is a several-hour drive from Panama City, the country's capital. While the peninsula is remote, its wildlife and beaches have drawn international tourism. In the seaside town of El Venao, the El Sitio Hotel collapsed, according to Miguel Batista, the mayor of Pedasi, a town near the earthquake's epicenter. Other videos posted on social media showed damage to roads.
Mr. Batista told Telemetro, a
Jack Nicas, John Keefe, Annie Correal, Paulina Villegas and Ryley Ober contributed reporting.
Panamanian TV station, that no one was injured in the hotel collapse. He said some homes in the area had cracks, a bridge was also damaged. The area was without electricity, he said.
"But for now, the most important thing is: no human lives lost so far," Mr. Batista said.
In Panama City, which is north-east of the earthquake's epicenter, buildings shook and people evacuated into the streets, according to video footage posted on social media. About 2 million people live in the capital region.
Downtown Panama City, known for its skyscraper-filled skyline, largely escaped major damage, witnesses and the authorities said. But as tall buildings shook, water from rooftop pools slosbed onto the streets below, according to videos posts on social media.
Alex Hernandez was reaching for a glass of water in his kitchen in Panama City on Friday when he suddenly felt dizzy. Then the shaking grew stronger, and he realized it wasn't him, it was the ground beneath his feet.
"We are not used to earthquakes like this," said Mr. Hernandez, a journalist who rushed outside to find dozens of people gathering, watching buildings sway. "We have never experienced something so strong."
Mr. Hernandez said there appeared to be no major damage in the capital, though roofs had fallen from some office buildings in the city center. He was relieved that the buildings on his street remained standing, but feared that the worst damage was farther south, closer to the epicenter.
The Panamanian authorities confirmed to Telemetro that about a dozen structures had collapsed in the town of Penonomé, and that there was significant damage to six buildings in Aguadulce.
Telemetro showed live footage from Penonymé of a collapsed hotel, the Dos Continentes, where one side of the building had slumped onto parked cars.
Jorge Sánchez, a top police official from Panama's Cocé province, told the network that the governor's office and a cathedral were also damaged. But he added that so far authorities knew only of injuries, not deaths.
Tocumen International, the country's main airport, suspended flight operations and began evacuating passengers, the airport authority said on social media. The officials said flights would resume once safety inspections of the airport and its air traffic control tower were complete.
Most of the flights bound for Panama City were being diverted to Barranquilla and Cartagena in Colombia, or were circling the area, the airport authority said.
The Panama Canal Authority said on social media that the canal, one of the most vital passageways of international maritime commerce, continues to operate normally following the quake.
'I should care more, but it's hard to keep up.' SEBASTIAN COVEY, 24, who voted for Trump in 2024 and is not sure if he'll vote in November.
'People are just more focused on everyday life.' LINDSAY KRONEMEYER, 35, a conservative Christian mother of two.
By SABRINA TAVERNISE
GOBLES, Mich. — If Democrats make big gains in the midterm elections next month, it may not only be because their most loyal voters come out in force, or because their candidates have converted Republican voters to their cause.
Instead, the Democrats' dream blue wave could come from Republicans who sour on President Trump and stay home. It already has a name: the red undertow.
Across the country, signs are emerging of an enthusiasm gap between Democrats and Republicans, even among those who consider themselves likely to vote. A stretch of rural southwest Michigan — long a Republican stronghold — illustrates the point, with more signs for blueberries and eggs than for political candidates. Volunteers are not showing up to door-knock. And many voters say they are tuning this election out.
"People are just more focused on everyday life," said Lindsay Kronemeyer, 35, a conservative Christian mother of two who works in the construction industry. "I don't hear the chatter on the Republican side of 'Trump this, Trump that.' He's just not there in my head anymore."
Jim Pasek, a retired pharmaceutical plant maintenance worker who lives in the tiny town of Gobles, Mich., was baffled by a president he has voted for twice.
"He's not making sense," Mr. Pasek, 80, said. "It confuses me, and then I just get disgusted and tune out."
The idea of the red undertow was introduced last month by the political analyst Charlie Cook, who argued that the Democratic brand was still underwater but that this election was not about a rising Democratic tide. It was about a drowning Trump brand.
In its wake, Mr. Cook wrote, an undertow will "pull many Republicans under."
In nearly three dozen interviews in Western Michigan, a sense of fatigue was constant, and that feeling goes beyond the region.
"President Trump has been saying, 'Vote as if I was on the ballot,' and that's exactly what I'm going to do — not vote," said Brandon Tremaine, 24, a graduate student in Texas who voted for Mr. Trump in 2020. "You do not campaign on being the ticket of peace and start a war of choice that is directly hurting Americans here at home and gotten Americans killed overseas."
Polls can be unreliable, and moods may be fleeting. Trump loyalists are also known for not taking the calls of polling outfits, and that may be overstating Democratic strengths. Disaffected Trump voters may yet rally to vote as the possibility of a Democratic victory nears, and many Americans still love Mr. Trump.
"I'll go the length with Trump," said Jeff Gilbert, 67, a friend of Mr. Pasek in Gobles.
The numbers aren't drastically far apart. A New York Times/Siena University national poll from last month found that Democrats were more likely to say they were absolutely certain to vote than Republicans, 61 percent to 56 percent. While Democrats led Republicans nationally by seven percentage points among registered voters, the advantage rose to nine points among likely voters.
But in close races, a small gap could prove meaningful.
"People are tired," Al Pscholka, a Republican and a former member of the Michigan House of Representatives, said of Mr. Trump. "The whole divider-in-chief thing, it's gotten to the point where it's just exhausting."
The concern is showing in unlikely places. Representative Bill Huizenga, a Western Michigan Republican whose four House victories were all by comfortable margins, is in “the fight of his life” against a well-funded centrist Democrat from Kalamazoo named Sean McCann, said Rob Pocock, a retired Republican political consultant who has worked on campaigns in the region.
Nancy DeBoer, the local Republican state representative, also faces a serious fight against Joseph McClusky, a graduate of Hope College, a conservative Christian liberal arts college in Holland, Mich., who is openly gay.
"I would be shocked if Joseph wins, but I can't believe he's done as well as he has," said Mr. Pocock, who teaches at Hope and had Mr. McClusky as a student. He said in Ottawa County he was seeing Democratic yard signs in numbers he'd never seen before.
Western Michigan — home of Gerald Ford — may be seeing the ebb tide of the president's MAGA movement, which had surged in a region once known for a sober, Christian-inflected conservatism. In Ottawa County, ardent Trump supporters secured eight of the 11 seats on the county commission after Covid. Pro-
The New York Times

'He's losing touch with the American people.' JIM PASEK, 80. who has voted twice for President Trump.
'I'll go the length with Trump.'
JEFF GILBERT, 67,
who voted for Trump in 2024 and stands by that choice.

PHOTOGRAPES BY JANE KELTER DAVES FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
A mural in Paw Paw, Mich. Few campaign signs of any kind are evident in the area, unusual for this close to an election.
Trump forces won control of the state party, too.
Today, the MAGA wing is down to three seats in Ottawa County. They have also lost posts in Berrien and Kent Counties.
"I think there's a shift in the party back toward, we need a little bit of the establishment folks," Ms. Kronemeyer, the conservative Christian mother, said. "They exist for a reason."
If anybody should be enthusiastic about the election, it is Ms. Kronemeyer. She ran for a statehouse seat in 2022. She knocked on doors for Mr. Trump in 2016 and 2020. But she said that when a friend asked her recently about the races in her area, she had to admit she hadn't been following them closely. She lives in deep-red Allegan County, where "traditionally in election years, yard signs would be peppered everywhere," she said.
But the only signs she'd seen this year were for a judge, she said.
Ten years have passed since Mr.

'There's very low energy on the Republican side.'
DOUG KOOPMAN,
a member of the Kent County
Republican Party's executive committee.
Trump took the country by storm, bringing a message of economic populism that appealed to millions of working-class Americans.
"He was a ball of energy," Mr. Pasek said, sitting at breakfast in Gobles with Mr. Gilbert, his friend. "You could feel it. You could see it."
Now, Mr. Pasek said, Mr. Trump seems to have lost his way. He started a war when he said he wouldn't, sending the price of gas through the roof. And he seems to talk more about ballrooms and arches than he does about how he will bring prices back down.
"He's losing touch with the American people," Mr. Pasek said.
Mr. Gilbert said that he had stopped following the news closely, choosing to spend more time outside with his dog, Mabel. But he voted for Mr. Trump in 2024, and he said he stands by that choice. He said he believed Mr. Trump had a plan for Iran.
Mr. Pasek countered, "He says he has a plan, but then he doesn't tell us what it is."
Mr. Pasek cited gas prices: "He says it's chump change. No, it's not! It's killing the people."
He has noticed someone living in a car in a parking lot he passes when he drives into town, he said. He worried about his granddaughter, 28, a college graduate from Michigan State University who is working three jobs — one full-time and two part-time — but can't find a house she can afford.
Those misgivings are being felt at the local party level. Doug Koopman, a member of the Kent County Republican Party's executive committee, said that it had been a struggle to get the foot soldiers of the midterm elections — volunteer door-knockers and canvassers — to pick up brochures to distribute door to door, leaving bags of them sitting around the party headquarters.
"There's very low energy on the Republican side," he said.
In 2024, people lined up for nearly a mile in the rain in Grand Rapids to see Mr. Trump speak the night before the election. His campaign was dominant on social media, reaching younger people who'd never voted before, such as Sebastian Covey, who remembered Mr. Trump "popping" on his feeds. Mr. Covey had not voted before 2024; he did that year, for the president.
Now '24, he said his focus was elsewhere. He lives more than an hour away from his landscaping job in Hudsonville, a bustling suburb just west of Grand Rapids, because rents are cheaper, but the rising gas price has made his commute painful. He swapped his truck for a car, but a colleague he had been car-pooling with just found another job. He and his girlfriend have been looking for a rental closer to work, but so far they have not found anything they can afford.
He said he hadn't thought about whether he would vote.
"I should care more, but it's hard to keep up," he said during a lunch break in a Wendy's restaurant.
Even Republicans who are in politics say they are tired — worn out by the battles between pro-MAGA politicians and traditional Republicans. Bob Harrison, 76, a Republican county commissioner in Berrien County, where MAGA forces won control of the county G.O.P., said those forces took away the right to vote on party decisions from local elected officials like him.
Those officials "pretty much all walked away from the Berrien County Republican Party" to raise funds for their own political candidates, said Dr. Harrison, a retired community college president.


Dr. Harrison, who voted for Mr. Trump in 2024, said the hard-core Trump supporters remained unchanged, but "they've lost the support of the moderates like myself, people who think and choose and maybe split their votes."
Warren Stewart, 69, who lives in Stevensville, Mich., and works restoring old homes, said he liked to think that Mr. Trump was working to restore the country, but he is starting to have doubts.
Clients often get nervous when the project is only halfway through, he said, but he assures them that he always has a plan for bringing the home back to its original beauty. He wonders if Mr. Trump does, too.
"Does he really know what he's doing?" Mr. Stewart said.
He would never vote for a Democrat; he feels bludgeoned by liberals online, he said. But he's not sure he'll vote for Republicans, either.
"I just spent \$60 on \$30 worth of groceries and am about to go fill up for \$5 a gallon," he said, carrying two bags of groceries to his car. "It feels like they're stress-testing us."

Ken Paxton, candidate for U.S. Senate, above at the 2026 Republican Party of Texas State Convention in Houston. At left, Mr. Paxton after being sworn into office as Texas attorney general in 2015. At the time, Mr. Paxton was a fast-rising Republican star.
ANTRANK TAVITIAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES

SON DAÉMMBRECH, VIA REUTERS
His Past Testimony In a Fraud Inquiry Hints at a Pattern
By LAUREN MCGAUGHY
AUSTIN, Texas — Ken Paxton sat for hours in a federal building in Fort Worth as government lawyers grilled him under oath about his growing wealth and questionable investing history.
At the time, in December 2014, Mr. Paxton was a fast-rising Republican star. He had just been elected the next attorney general of Texas. But outside of public view, he was under scrutiny as part of a federal investigation into possible fraud.
The deposition in the case, obtained by The New York Times, was one of the earliest episodes in what would become a decade-long pattern for Mr. Paxton: accusations of corruption and other illegal conduct repeatedly emerged, only to be resolved without a conviction.
Now, as Mr. Paxton is locked in a fierce Senate race in Texas, the deposition offers a previously unseen account of his finances, his attitude toward money and how he used his connections within the State Legislature to amass his wealth.
Since his first election to public office in 2002, Mr. Paxton has grown his wealth through business investments and real estate purchases into a personal fortune with a reported value of up to \$23 million. His assets now include multiple mutual funds, a cellphone tower and 15 properties across six states.
Mr. Paxton has rarely answered questions publicly about how he accumulated this wealth on a government salary. His finances have been the subject of repeated investigations by local, state and federal authorities into alleged bribery, fraud and self-dealing. The issue has been a frequent line of attack from his political opponents, including James Talarico, the Democratic state lawmaker running against him for Senate.
The 2014 deposition was part of a U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission investigation into Servergy Inc., a technology start-up based in McKinney, Texas, which is part of the district that Mr. Paxton represented as a state lawmaker. The start-up's founder, William Mapp III, known as Bill, was accused of making false claims to investors.
The S.E.C.'s lawyers wanted to know whether Mr. Paxton hid that he had received compensation for recruiting investors for the company.
The S.E.C. eventually brought civil fraud charges against Mr. Paxton that were dismissed. In addition to the federal inquiry, Mr. Paxton was indicted by a grand jury on state securities fraud charges in 2015. In 2024, he reached a deal to avoid trial while admitting no wrongdoing.
Under oath in 2014, Mr. Paxton told the federal lawyers that he had invested more than \$400,000 in various companies. But between legislating and campaigning, he said he didn't have time to track his investments. In fact, Mr. Paxton said, he could not locate stock certificates potentially worth \$200,000.
"I'm so busy," he said in the deposition, "I don't always keep track of this kind of stuff."
The deposition also shed more light on how he defended himself against the securities fraud allegations, which he spent the next decade fighting. Mr. Paxton used phrases like "I don't remember" or "I don't recall" more than 200 times when addressing questions. He also tried to deflect to other men he invested with and to his wife, Angela.
"I haven't prepared a tax return in a long time because I don't have time, so typically — actually my wife actually does them," Mr. Paxton said, when asked about a line in his tax returns that seemed to contradict part of his testimony.
Nick Maddux, a senior adviser to Mr. Paxton, said the release of the deposition was meant to distract from the election and Mr. Paxton's opponent.
"This is a 12-year-old deposition about a case that ended without a conviction, handed to the press by a political opponent less than a month before Election Day," Mr. Maddux said. "Like President Trump, the attorney general has been politically persecuted for years for standing up to the establishment, and Texans have seen through it every time."
The Times obtained the December 2014 deposition from a person who opposes Mr. Paxton's election to the Senate. The Times independently confirmed its authenticity.
Mr. Paxton has been questioned under oath at least three times in the past decade, but none of the depositions were public.
The Talarico campaign has sought the release of two depositions that Mr. Paxton gave in a different case. A lawyer representing Mr. Paxton's wealth manager is fighting to keep them sealed.
Mr. Paxton's recounting of the Servergy transaction began at a Dairy Queen in McKinney. In the deposition, he said he intended to invest \$100,000 in Servergy and met Mr. Mapp there to give him a check. Mr. Mapp turned down the money, Mr. Paxton said, and instead gifted him 100,000 shares of stock.
Mr. Paxton attributed Mr. Mapp's generosity to his religious beliefs.
"I said, Well, who do I make the check out to?" Mr. Paxton told the government lawyers, according to the deposition. "He said, I can't take your money. God doesn't want me to take your money."
The value of the shares eventually grew to \$200,000, according to Mr. Mapp's emails to Mr. Paxton that were described in the deposition.
The government's lawyers asked why Mr. Mapp, who was actively seeking other investors, would give Mr. Paxton shares for free.
"It was not logical," Mr. Paxton responded in the deposition, before adding that "Bill is a spiritual person."
Mr. Paxton said he did not ask a lawyer whether it was "appropriate" to accept the shares.
He listed the shares as stock he held or acquired on his annual financial reports filed with state ethics regulators. Andrew Cates, an expert in Texas ethics laws, said Mr. Paxton may have violated state rules by not also disclosing that the shares were a gift.
Mr. Paxton told the government lawyers that he could not remember the location of the certificate proving he owned the stock. He said he was too busy taking his daughter to visit colleges and preparing to be attorney general.
Mr. Paxton's testimony provided new insight into what he said was a hands-off approach to investing that helped grow his fortune as a state lawmaker.
Given his busy schedule, Mr. Paxton said he would delegate investment pitches to a member of his legislative staff.
The aide would look at the pitch and decide whether or not to consider it, Mr. Paxton said, Mr. Paxton said he would often run the idea by Byron Cook, a Republican lawmaker in the Texas House at the time who had founded a successful video game company, and other businessmen he knew who invested together.
"That's been my strategy," Mr. Paxton said, "rely on other people that know this stuff better than I do."
At the time of the deposition, Mr. Paxton had investments in more than two dozen different businesses. He discussed a handful of those businesses in his testimony, saying he had invested between \$50,000 and \$175,000 in each. One investment saw a return of \$250,000.
Mr. Paxton would eventually place many of his assets in a blind trust after questions over potential conflicts of interest were raised.
The relationship between Mr. Cook and Mr. Paxton did not last. In 2015, Mr. Cook accused Mr. Paxton of steering him and others into investing in Servergy without disclosing that he had received compensation.
The accusation was part of the criminal indictment in state court. Mr. Paxton reached a deal with prosecutors in 2024 to pay Mr. Cook and another investor about \$300,000 in restitution and perform community service. Through a lawyer, Mr. Cook did not respond to requests for comment.
Servergy eventually paid a \$200,000 penalty to settle separate federal civil fraud charges unrelated to Mr. Paxton. Mr. Mapp lost his job and has avoided a public profile since then. He could not be reached for comment.
Federal lawyers questioned Mr. Paxton about emails central to their fraud case in which Mr. Mapp appeared to offer him a commission for recruiting new investors. Mr. Paxton said he did not remember reading many of Mr. Mapp's emails and insisted he did not perform services for the company.
When confronted with a copy of his own tax returns, on which the government's lawyers said Mr. Paxton had disclosed \$100,000 for "legal services" to Servergy, Mr. Paxton directed the lawyers to his wife, who he said prepared the form.
Now a state senator, Mrs. Paxton filed for divorce in 2025, accusing Mr. Paxton of adultery. She declined to comment for this article.
A federal judge dismissed the S.E.C.'s fraud case against Mr. Paxton in 2017, ruling that he was under no obligation to tell investors that he had received something of value from Mr. Mapp.
Mr. Paxton said in the deposition that he never had reason to doubt Mr. Mapp's statements that the company would be successful.
"I tend to trust people until they prove otherwise," Mr. Paxton said. "Once they lie, then you have got a whole different issue. That's what's so difficult about people not telling the truth."
Vitriol in Maine, Michigan and Georgia
This article is by Lisa Lerer, Reid J. Epstein and Patricia Mazzei.
Three debates on Thursday night in key Senate races underscored how fraught the midterms have become, as candidates in Maine, Michigan and Georgia traded personal and heated attacks.
In Michigan, Dr. Abdul El-Sayed, a Democrat, said former Representative Mike Rogers, a Republican, was a warmonger, while Mr. Rogers tried to tie Dr. El-Sayed, a Muslim, to terrorism.
In Georgia, Senator Jon Ossoff, a Democrat, called Representative Mike Collins, a Republican, a "bigot."
And in Maine, Senator Susan Collins demanded a public apology after her Democratic opponent, Troy Jackson, accused her and her husband of profiting from the Iran war.
Here are five takeaways from the debates across three states that could determine control of the Senate.
In all three debates, Democrats said that Republicans marched in lock step with the unpopular president.
Again and again, Mr. Jackson accused Ms. Collins of failing to use her power to oppose Trump administration policies that have hurt Maine, including the war in Iran and tariffs. "We are in a crisis now," he said of energy prices, "because she and her Republican colleagues would not stand up to Donald Trump."
In Georgia, Mr. Ossoff repeatedly asked Mr. Collins how President Trump's tariffs had helped Georgians, at one point calling them the "Mike Collins-Donald Trump tariffs." Mr. Ossoff argued that economic pain for farmers and increased health care premiums for consumers were both "predictable," but that Mr. Collins still voted for Trump-backed policies that contributed to them.
"Whatever Donald Trump says, Mike Collins does," Mr. Ossoff said. "Doesn't matter what it is. Doesn't think for himself."
And in Michigan, Dr. El-Sayed accused Mr. Rogers of being "a guy who wants to be a sock puppet for the Trump administration," especially over the war in Iran, which has pushed gasoline prices higher.
You can usually tell who is winning debates based on the questions. Candidates on offense get to talk about issues that are good for them, while those on defense are trying to change the subject to more favorable territory.
The problem for the Republican candidates in Thursday's debates — along with their compatriots running for offices across the country — is that the issues core to voters' concerns this year are not good for them. Moderators asked about high gas prices, Mr. Trump's tariffs, the Iran war and immigration raids — all topics that forced Republicans to defend unpopular Trump administration policies or explain why they are now skeptical of stances they previously supported.
There were no questions across the three debates about transgender athletes in youth sports, a topic that often divides Democrats and that Mr. Trump and the super PACs he controls have used to attack Democratic candidates.

ATLANTA NEWS FIRST/WAMP
In the Michigan debate, Dr. El-Sayed was not asked about his association with Hasan Piker, the left-wing streamer who campaigned with him during the primary but has since kept his distance. In Maine, Mr. Jackson was not asked whether he is a member of the Democratic Socialists of America, which has endorsed his bid and backed his run for governor earlier this year.
It took just 20 seconds into his first answer, about the federal gas tax, for Dr. El-Sayed to attack Mr. Rogers for backing the war in Iran.
There would not be a single exchange during the debate that did not include a personal attack, with the two men frequently interrupting each other. The two argued about second homes — Mr. Rogers's in Florida and Dr. El-Sayed's overseas. Dr. El-Sayed, who was quicker on his feet and a smoother talker, got the best of Mr. Rogers on many of these exchanges, frustrating the former congressman.
Their jousting continued when they were off the air.
"In 30 years of doing debates, I've never seen it continue during the commercial, but it did," said the moderator, Rick Ablin, of the Grand Rapids NBC affiliate.
Perhaps the nastiest, most personal exchanges came when Mr. Rogers tried to tie Dr. El-Sayed to terrorist organizations. He said the man running to be the first Muslim in the Senate is "bought off by Hamas, Hezbollah, Al Qaeda, those people who are supporting you, pour that money into your campaign."
There is no evidence Dr. El-Sayed has support from terrorist groups.
When he got a chance to speak uninterrupted, he called Mr. Rogers desperate.
"He wants this to be about anything but his own record," Dr. El-Sayed said.
Mr. Ossoff began the Georgia Senate debate by saying it would be the "trial of Mike Collins." Then, he set out to prosecute his case.
He accused the Republican congressman of hiring "half the Third Reich," referring to past Collins aides who had espoused white nationalist and antisemitic views. He slammed him for reposting a video in 2024 in which white male students made racist and profane remarks as they taunted and jeered a female Black student.
"If John Lewis were marching today from Selma to Montgomery," Mr. Ossoff said, "Mike Collins would be grabbing a billy club."
In Georgia, Senator Jon Ossoff left, called Representative Mike Collins a "bigot." Mr. Collins said he "condemned racism, antisemitism, hate."
Mr. Collins said that he has "condemned racism, antisemitism, hate." And he tried to turn the tables on Mr. Ossoff, who is Jewish, by criticizing the Democrat's support for Dr. El-Sayed, whom Mr. Collins claimed "hates Israel" and "loves Iran."
Mr. Ossoff, who is the more polished debater, tied every policy problem to Mr. Trump, while Mr. Collins, who owns a trucking company, leaned into his experience to suggest he was more in touch with regular Georgians.
Mr. Jackson shifted his approach for the second Maine Senate debate of the week. He devoted far less attention to questioning Ms. Collins's support for abortion rights and her vote to confirm Justice Brett Kavanaugh, who joined the conservative Supreme Court majority that overturned Roe v. Wade. Instead, he honed his attacks on rising costs, including the drastic increase in heating oil prices, and accusations that Ms. Collins is abusing her position for personal gain.
"Ever since I was a young boy, I watched power and corruption hold people back," Mr. Jackson said of reports that the F.B.I. last year shut down an inquiry into corruption allegations against an adviser to Ms. Collins.
That prompted a sharp response from Ms. Collins. She repeatedly accused Mr. Jackson — whom she called "Troy" throughout the debate — of lying about her record. "These allegations are absolutely false, and they've been proven false." She also accused Mr. Jackson of running "false ads" about the issue.
Durbin Is Departing With One Big Regret
By CARL HULSE
WASHINGTON — As a junior member of the House 40 years ago, Senator Richard J. Durbin learned a lot about the art of legislating when he improbably defeated the formidable tobacco lobby to win a ban on smoking on airplanes.
As he prepares to leave Congress after five terms in the Senate and seven in the House, Mr. Durbin fears it is becoming a lost art.
"I really miss when we were legislating," said Mr. Durbin, an Illinois Democrat and old-school lawmaker who had conspicuous success pushing his priorities through amendment fights on the floor. It is a practice the Senate has all but abandoned as leaders of both parties maneuver to avoid

SETH PERLMAN/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Senator Richard J. Durbin leaving a polling booth in Illinois in 1996, the year he first won his Senate seat.
politically risky votes for their members.
These days, leaders decide behind closed doors which proposals get a debate and vote, and "you're lucky" if yours makes the cut, Mr. Durbin lamented, "The reason I passed the most significant bills in my career was because I had a shot on the floor."
Mr. Durbin, 81, is on track to finish as the longest-serving senator in Illinois history and has been the No. 2 Senate Democrat — the whip — since 2005. He is among the prominent senior members of Congress winding down their careers at the end of the year, a transition that will significantly change the face of the House and Senate.
Joining him in departing are such notable figures as Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and a former leader, and Representatives Nancy Pelosi of California and Steny H. Hoyer of Maryland, the Democratic former speaker and majority leader, respectively.
As a top Democrat on the Judiciary Committee and its chairman from 2021 to 2025, Mr. Durbin has been in the middle of the judicial confirmation wars that have consumed the Senate. He was also a member of the Senate and House appropriations committees, directing billions of dollars to his state.
It was as a member of the House Appropriations Committee that Mr. Durbin in 1986 began pursuing the airline smoking ban, motivated by the cancer death of his father and his experience being squeezed between two smokers on a plane ride — almost unimaginable today.
The obstacles were significant in an institution where office ashtrays were still a fixture. Nearing committee approval, he found himself needing the vote of Representative Martin Sabo, Democrat of Minnesota and a more senior colleague who could kill his proposal. Mr. Sabo was not inclined to back him, relishing a calming smoke on his flights home.
"I go to him and I say, Marty, can I ask you a question? He said, 'What?' And I said, How long can you go without a cigarette? He said, 'Two hours.' I said: Good. This applies to flights of two hours or less."
The amendment passed and became landmark law, initiating a domino effect that led to sweeping nationwide restrictions on smoking.
"I had no idea that was the tipping point," Mr. Durbin said. "Probably changed the country more than I ever imagined."
Mr. Durbin saw another opening in 2010 but ran into stiff opposition from Wall Street and the banking community when he pushed his proposal to cap the "swipe" fees banks charge merchants for accepting debit cards.
Backers of a major banking overhaul bill resisted Mr. Durbin's efforts to add his amendment, fearing it could complicate passage. He was forced to muster a supermajority when other proposals had sailed through with a

KENNY HUSTON/THE NEW YORK TIMES
simple majority.
"I was the 24th amendment on the floor," Mr. Durbin recounted. "I wasn't on the Banking Committee. They call the roll and I win."
He is still exulting in the outcome: "Cost Wall Street \$8 billion a year."
Mr. Durbin also forged alliances across the aisle, working with Senator Charles E. Grassley, Republican of Iowa, to pass a sweeping criminal justice overhaul signed into law by President Trump over conservative objections. He worked with Senator Su san Collins, Republican of Maine, on multiple tobacco-related measures, including a move to strip a \$50 billion tax break for the industry that was slipped into a bill in 1997.
"I was a brand-new senator, and he had a lot more experience than I did, and we worked together to repeal that," Ms. Collins recalled about their amendment, which ultimately passed on a 95-to-3 vote. "He's always been a great partner because he really cares about getting bills across the finish line."
Yet one major victory has eluded him for decades, and it stings. Mr. Durbin has been unable to pass legislation establishing permanent deportation protection and a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants brought into the country as children — the so-called Dreamers. He has introduced the Dream Act every Congress since 2001. Despite broad public and congressional support for the legislation, it has repeatedly gotten caught up in bigger immigration fights and never been able to pass on its own,
At Mr. Durbin's urging, Presi-
SENATOR RICHARD J. DURBIN, on DACA recipients, whom he has thus far tried unsuccessfully to protect from the threat of detention.
dent Barack Obama, his former Illinois colleague in the Senate, instituted the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program through executive order in 2012. It led to tens of thousands of qualified immigrants being able to legally attend school and hold down jobs. Today, the program is under assault amid uncertainty in the courts and an immigration crackdown by the Trump administration, which has declared that DACA does not provide protection from deportation. That has resulted in hundreds of recipients being detained, and some deported.
Stymied legislatively, Mr. Durbin has instead taken the floor to recount the stories of individual Dreamers, their accomplishments and setbacks. His 153rd story, complete with the usual poster-size photograph, was delivered late last month.
It was the account of Karen Montes Gaga, a DACA recipient who received bachelor's and master's degrees in education and was an elementary schoolteacher for almost a decade. But the Trump administration was slow to renew her work permit, he said, and she had to leave her classroom in the middle of the school year.
Mr. Durbin challenged the wisdom of penalizing a "teacher who is committed to instilling strong values and work ethic into her students."
"To my Republican colleagues, I ask you: If you went out looking for the 'worst of the worst,' would you choose Karen?" Mr. Durbin said on the Senate floor. "If you want to remove from the United States rapists, murders, terrorists, child predators, would you identify Karen as one of those people? Of course not."
Mr. Durbin said he takes some comfort from the way spectators in the gallery and Senate pages pay rapt attention as he unspots the backgrounds of DACA recipients.
"All I can do to pass this bill in the closing months is keep telling their stories," Mr. Durbin said. "If there is anything that emotionally affects me, it is because I've come to know these kids, now adults, and what their lives are like."
"I will tell you," he added, "I regret not getting that done before I left."
By GINA KOLATA
A new type of cancer treatment — vaccines — is so promising that it demands a national effort to expedite discoveries, said the director of the National Cancer Institute, Dr. Anthony Letai.
"We can do things that would not otherwise be done," he said of new resources being made available at the National Institutes of Health. "We can place big bets on new ideas."
The big bet is a planned public-private partnership involving the N.I.H., the nonprofit Foundation for the N.I.H., researchers, pharmaceutical and biotech companies, advocacy groups, philanthropies and patients, all working together to develop and test the vaccines.
The vaccines are treatments that are unique to each patient by prompting the immune system to attack a patient's specific cancer. The injections teach the immune systems's T cells to home in on aberrant proteins found on a patient's tumor and nowhere else.
"We hope this will be like Covid vaccines," said Stacey Adam, a senior clinical officer at the Foundation for the N.I.H., referring to the public-private partnership that led to the rapid development of vaccines for the coronavirus.
She said the vaccine program was expected to begin in December, starting with a focus on pancreatic cancer, liver cancer and colorectal cancer, as well as a subset of pediatric tumors.
An unpublished white paper report, which was shared exclusively with The New York Times, explains the vaccine initiative and states that what is now possible with vaccines was “largely theoretical a decade ago.”
The project is still a bet: There is no guarantee that the early promise of cancer vaccines will pay off. The history of medicine is littered with tales of treatments that seemed incredible in early studies only to fail in larger tests.
Yet enthusiasm for the vaccines is running high.
"This is a completely new frontier," said Karen Knudsen, the chief executive officer of the Parker Institute. The institute has two representatives working with the N.I.H. initiative and is also funding vaccine studies, positioning them as one of its main priorities.
Initial results from studies of vaccines for melanoma, pancreatic cancer, renal cell cancer and even glioblastoma — the brain cancer that has so far resisted all forms of treatment — are "incredibly encouraging." Dr. Knudsen said.
Cancer vaccines are different from the Covid-19 vaccines or vaccines for other diseases like the measles or flu. Those vaccines prevent disease. Cancer vaccines, however, attack a cancer that is already present.
But they are similar to the Covid vaccine because most use mRNA technology, which had fallen out of favor with the Trump administration.
So far, just one vaccine study has been large enough to show definitive results. It involved 1,137 people with advanced melanoma.
Merck and Moderna, which
conducted the study, reported in August that the vaccine increased the time before cancers recurred and increased the time before they spread. The companies plan to reveal the full data set later this month.
Dr. Adam was optimistic: "The science is there, the technologies are there," she said.
"Everything is coming to a head," she added. "Now is the time to jump start."
Though the public-private partnership will draw inspiration and lessons from the global development of the Covid-19 vaccine, the timeline for the cancer vaccines will be nowhere near as fast. Phase I of the initiative, which will consist of small studies, is expected to take about three years and lead to "go-to information on different technical approaches to vaccines," Dr. Letai said.
Larger trials in Phase 2 are expected to take at least four years, involve a national network of clinical trial sites and lead to definitive results. The ultimate goal, Dr. Adam said, is that "in seven to 10 years, anyone who walks into a doctor's office can get a vaccine."
That is still faster than would be expected without the initiative where it can take eight to 15 years to get F.D.A. approval, Dr. Adam said. And work would have been fragmented and uncoordinated.
It was small, fragmented studies with promising results that inspired the initiative.
They included, for example, one involving patients with kidney cancer that was led by Dr. Catherine J. Wu of the Dana-Farber Cancer Institute and her colleagues. The researchers took tumor cells from patients with advanced kidney cancer at the time of their initial surgery. Then, for each patient, they created a vaccine designed to attack the tumor's unique mutations.
It is impossible to know if the patients were entirely cured in such a small study, but all nine were cancer-free after 40 months. Ordinarily, 30 to 50 percent would have relapsed within two years.
Dr. Wu and her colleagues are now developing vaccines for patients with glioblastoma, as well as for those with ovarian cancer.
Another encouraging study focused on pancreatic cancer. Even with the best treatments, close to 90 percent of patients die within five years, said Dr. Vinod Balachandran of Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center.
His group conceived the idea for a small study in 2017 and began it in 2019. When a patient had surgery to remove their pancreatic cancer, the investigators collected tumor tissue and shipped it to Genentech and BioNTech, a company that later produced Covid vaccines. The companies pinpointed the mutations unique to a patient's cancer and then made a customized vaccine.
The investigators treated 16 patients and followed them for up to six years. Seven out of eight who responded to the vaccine are still alive, compared with just two out of the eight who did not respond.
That initial study, though — promising as it was — was not definitive.
"We cannot prove that vaccines are making patients live longer," Dr. Balachandran said. His group and its industry partners began a much bigger study in 2023, enrolling 260 patients.
Based on what he has seen, Dr. Balachandran is hopeful about the future of vaccine therapy. With pancreatic cancer, he took on a cancer thought to be impervious to immune system attacks: "If we crack the toughest nut," he said, "we can crack the rest."
By APOORVA MANDAVILLI and DANI BLUM
As measles continues to spread nationwide, hospitals and health officials are pouring more money into efforts to increase vaccinations, testing and surveillance of the disease. The funds include a surprise \$100 million infusion in recent weeks to states from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
As of Oct. 2, the United States had recorded nearly 4,000 measles cases, the highest by far in decades. About one-quarter of those cases have occurred in Pennsylvania, where state officials say five people with the virus have died. But nearly every state has reported cases this year, including New York, where the governor on Monday declared measles a statewide health emergency.
Some state officials welcomed the funding from the C.D.C., released in two \$50 million tranches in August and September, as a bulwark against future outbreaks.
"Our state has not yet seen a large outbreak as in some other states, like Pennsylvania or South Carolina, but we fully expect to see more cases here," said Dr. Scott Harris, the state health officer at the Alabama Department of Public Health. Alabama received \$300,000 for measles immunization programs and \$600,000 for surveillance and diagnoses, he said.
The funding is intended for immunization programs and for efforts to improve measles surveillance, including diagnoses of severe infections and cases in pregnant women and infants. Measles infections at birth had been extremely rare in the United States, but two of the Pennsylvania deaths were thought to have resulted from such cases.
The infusion of funds *comes at a time when public health funding and staffing has been cut, so it is sorely needed," said Claire Hannan, executive director of the Association of Immunization Managers, which represents state and local officials.
"It's very difficult to hold special vaccination clinics, alert the public, stop transmission and conduct other response activities without preparation," she said, adding that some health departments may use the money to identify where immunization rates need the biggest boost. At least 95 percent of people in a community need to be vaccinated to stem the spread of measles.
Some public health experts noted that the C.D.C. has not launched the sort of publicity campaigns it typically would in outbreaks to increase immunizations.
"In a normal time, C.D.C. and even higher up in H.H.S., people would be talking about measles — what a severe disease it is, how easy it is to prevent, how effective and safe the vaccine is," said Dr.

BRYNS ANDERSON/ASSOCIATED PRESS
The C.D.C. is confronting the largest number of measles cases in the U.S. in decades.
Andrew Pavia, a pediatric infectious disease specialist in Utah, which has reported more than 500 cases this year.
"We're not seeing that," Dr. Pavia said.
Some experts attributed the measles outbreaks to misinformation from officials about the safety of vaccines, which have exacerbated declining vaccination rates.
In August, President Trump called for the measles, mumps and rubella vaccines, which are given together as a single shot, to be split into their separate components. He claimed, with no evidence, that "together, there could be a possibility they're quite lethal."
Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has also repeatedly questioned the safety of the combination shot for measles, mumps and rubella, falsely claiming that the vaccine can be fatal and that it contains fetal debris.
At a Wall Street Journal event on Wednesday, Dr. Erica Schwartz, the new director of the C.D.C., denied that Mr. Kennedy had ever made such remarks. And she added that "the measles, mumps, rubella vaccine is absolutely safe, absolutely effective."
Beyond that, however, Dr. Schwartz has not made clear public statements urging parents to vaccinate their children.
As cases emerge in every corner of the country, hospitals have escalated their preparations for potential outbreaks.
Dr. Neil Hockstein, the surgeon general for Delaware, said the state health department was setting up mobile vaccination units in the parking lots of local businesses and extending hours at state clinics so that more people could get vaccinated.
In other states, hospitals are conducting drills to simulate care for measles patients and training their staffs to identify symptoms.
"We are certainly on our toes waiting for the cases to come," said Dr. Elizabeth Hammershaimb, a pediatric infectious disease specialist at the University of Maryland Golisano Children's Hospital in Baltimore. She added that the hospital started purchasing more measles vaccines this summer to build up its stock.
In Connecticut, Yale New Haven Health has also taken stock of its measles vaccine inventory, largely to ensure there are enough doses available to lower the risk in people who have been exposed and have not yet been vaccinated, said Dr. Scott Roberts, an infectious disease doctor at the health system.
Hospitals also said they were assessing their supply of immunoglobulin, an antibody treatment that reduces the risk of serious illness in those who cannot be vaccinated, including infants, pregnant women and some severely immunocompromised individuals.
"You can go from rarely, if ever, using it to having, say, a doctor's office in which 15 infants were exposed and you need 15 doses overnight," Dr. Pavia said. "That can be a challenge."

Fort Hood in 2009, after a gunman killed 13 people. The Army has said the public execution of the officer convicted in the shooting will be conducted by firing squad.
NICOLE BENGYENO/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Senator Describes Idea to Stream Live 'Beyond Disgusting'
By ROBERT JIMISON
A handful of Republicans in Congress joined Democrats on Friday in criticizing Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth's plan to livestream the execution of the man responsible for the 2009 mass shooting at Fort Hood, comparing it to the tactics of terrorist organizations, authoritarian governments and fallen empires.
"I absolutely support the sentence of death, but live-streaming executions is what jihadists do," Representative Austin Scott, Republican of Georgia, wrote on social media on Friday morning. "America is better than that."
Senator Thom Tillis of North Carolina, a Republican who is retiring and increasingly critical of President Trump and his administration, said the decision was “beyond disgusting.” He likened it to the actions of some of the United States’ most brutal adversaries.
"Public executions are what oppressive dictatorships like Iran and Afghanistan do. It should not be happening in America," he wrote in a social media post.
The criticism came after an announcement by the Pentagon that it would broadcast the execution of Maj. Nidal Malik Hasan, a former Army psychiatrist who killed 13 people and wounded 32 others in a shooting rampage at Fort Hood, Texas, in 2009. The execution is to be carried out on Dec. 3 by the military's first firing squad since World War II, and would be its first execution by any method since 1961.
The decision came at a particularly fraught moment for congressional Republicans, who are fighting to preserve their narrow majorities in both chambers just weeks before the midterm elections. Already burdened by voter discontent over the war with Iran and a string of controversies involving Mr. Hegseth, G.O.P. lawmakers have been struggling to distance themselves from his bellicose stance.
Instead, the idea of a live-streamed military execution thrust some of them into another politically uncomfortable debate.
"An execution shouldn't be a live-streamed spectacle," Representative Rob Bresnahan Jr., Republican of Pennsylvania and one of his party's most endangered incumbents, wrote in a social media post. "The focus should be on justice for the victims and their families, not turning an execution into entertainment. Their pain deserves respect, not a public show."
Senator John Curtis, Republican of Utah, invoked the ancient Roman philosopher Seneca to warn that turning executions into public events risked corrupting society.
"A civilization erodes when it cultivates an appetite for executions as a form of entertainment," he wrote, adding that broadcasting Mr. Hasan's death "diminishes us and is not an effective deterrent."
Even Vice President JD Vance cast doubt on the idea, telling reporters on Friday that he was unsure the plan to broadcast the execution was "actually going to happen." While he emphasized the brutality of Mr. Hasan's attack, he added that if his execution were ultimately shown "through livestream, I'm not going to be watching."
Mr. Hasan was convicted and sentenced to death in 2013. Mr. Trump approved his execution this week, clearing the way for the military to carry out the sentence later this year.
Mr. Hegseth, who recommended the firing squad, said the public should be able to witness the execution of Mr. Hasan to understand the consequences of attacking American service members.
"We'll make sure that people are able to watch it, that it's public," Mr. Hegseth said in an interview with Real America's Voice, a conservative outlet, aboard the aircraft carrier U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln on Thursday. He said he was advocating for the public execution "because people need to understand that there's serious consequences for these types of things."
Democrats roundly condemned the move. Senator Jack Reed of Rhode Island, the top Democrat on the Armed Services Committee, accused Mr. Hegseth of staging a publicity stunt that would give Mr. Hasan the type of martyrdom he sought.
"Livestreaming an execution is a barbaric spectacle," Mr. Reed said in a statement. "This is a gift to anti-American terrorist recruiters."
Still, the announcement drew praise from some of the president's most vocal allies in Congress, including those in the most politically safe Republican territory.
"This is how every Muslim terrorist should be dealt with. We will share the stream live," Representative Randy Fine, who represents a solidly Republican district in Florida, wrote in a social media post, adding: "Fire away!"
Representative Andy Ogles of Tennessee, who is not standing for re-election after losing his primary in August, shared the interview in which Mr. Hegseth made his announcement and called it "excellent."
"Public execution is what this terrorist deserves," he wrote. "We will be watching."
Democrats raised both philosophical and legal objections.
Representative Adam Smith of Washington, the top Democrat on the Armed Services Committee, said the decision was “disturbing and makes a mockery of our legal system.”
"There is a reason why we treat the meting out of justice with the seriousness it demands," he said in a statement. "We are a democratic country and should take the rule of law seriously, not turn it into a spectacle."
Counties Without Any Medicare Advantage Plans
In 187 counties, insurers are not offering any Medicare Advantage plans next year. Rural counties with low populations, fewer hospitals and higher costs are disproportionately losing plans.

REFERENCE ORDERING/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Source: KFF
From Page AI
and other fixed incomes, recipients also will be paying substantially more in out-of-pocket costs next year when they need a prescription drug or go to a doctor or hospital.
The upheaval and confusion in some areas of the country are in sharp contrast to the Trump administration's claims that the Medicare Advantage program is "stable" and that average premiums will be lower next year. Now that about 35 million older Americans are covered by Medicare's private plans, many will face an enrollment period that is likely to be volatile, according to insurance brokers, industry analysts and experts.
The disruptions risk angering older voters before the midterm elections. Many voters say they are unable to afford increases in health care, groceries and gas. A KFF poll released this week found that nearly twice as many likely voters trust Democrats more than Republicans to handle health care costs.
President Trump has announced that the administration was sending out pre-election payments of at least \$90 to 20 million traditional Medicare beneficiaries — but not those covered by private plans. Democrats called it a “desperate” move in the face of voter disapproval.
The changes to Medicare Advantage will require members to carefully scrutinize the fine print of plan options, because costs are rising in multiple ways — from co-payments for doctors and prescriptions to deductibles, health analysts said.
In Pahoa, on the Big Island of Hawaii, Ann and Mick Kalber received a registered letter last week advising them their plan was being discontinued.
Mr. Kalber, 78, has a history of throat cancer and jaw surgeries, and he is now on a feeding tube. This year he was hospitalized twice in nearby Hilo. Together the couple are paying less than \$300 in monthly premiums. Now they are bracing to pay hundreds more. A high priority for the couple is maintaining access to a Mayo Clinic surgeon in Florida who has operated on Mr. Kalber's jaw.
Asked if they could afford any increase while living on a combination of Social Security income, an inheritance and savings from careers making videos of volcanic eruptions, Ms. Kalber said, "No — but we can't afford not to."
Republicans and many Democrats have long championed privatization of Medicare, but some supporters are concerned that Medicare Advantage is losing its luster. For years, the private market for Medicare plans seemed like a gold rush for insurers, which offered low-cost plans and policies that offered benefits like vision and dental care that were not available in the traditional program. By 2023, more than half of the people eligible to enroll had signed up for a private plan.
But the insurance companies soon came under sharp criticism for overbilling the program, prompting government officials to reduce reimbursements. Health care costs also began to climb more sharply, and some insurers say they struggled to make money.
Health Care Service Corporation, which operates nonprofit Blue Cross plans in several states, is sharply reducing the number of places where it offers plans and exiting some half-dozen states.
Like other insurers, the company points to numerous reasons for dropping out of various regions of the country, including changing government policies, medical costs in certain communities and the number of people enrolled in its plans.
The company said it remained committed to the market. "Medicare Advantage is very important to us," said Stephen Harris, who oversees government programs

Mick and Ann Kalber, who live in Pahoa, Hawaii, are bracing to pay hundreds more for health insurance after receiving a letter last week advising them that their plan is being discontinued.
BRUCE OMOR FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
for the insurer.
Cutbacks by UnitedHealth, the nation's largest insurer, are causing some 390,000 people to switch policies.
The company emphasized that 94 percent of individuals eligible for the program would still have access to one of their plans. "The program is delivering real value today," said Bobby Hunter, the president of UnitedHealthcare.
Some of the extra benefits, like dental care, that have made Medicare Advantage especially popular and have been used by insurers for years to woo new customers and build market share are being pared back.
In announcing what plans would be available for 2027, the Trump administration emphasized the program's stability. It said people would pay lower premiums overall and pointed out that most parts of the country would have a robust number of plans competing for business.
Medicare "is fighting to keep high-quality care options affordable and accessible for the millions of beneficiaries who rely on Medicare Advantage and Part D prescription drug plans," said Dr. Mehmet Oz, the administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. "By slashing handouts to big insurance companies," he said, the government "is keeping premiums stable."
“Individual plans make business decisions every year about where and how they participate, but those decisions should not be confused with M.A. instability," Dr. Oz said in a statement, referring to Medicare Advantage.
But industry experts estimate that millions of people will no longer have access to the plans they had chosen, particularly those plans that did not charge a premium.
"In my decade of working in the industry, I have never seen the announcement so disconnected with what the market is experiencing as a whole," said Jenn Kerfoot, the president of Duos, which helps people navigate Medicare. "We're seeing the compounding forces of changes in this program."
Many older Americans on fixed budgets will see monthly premiums rise — and what they must pay toward their medical and drug expenses will also go up. By one estimate, the average out-of-pocket limit on a typical plan will rise to \$6,600, from about \$5,000 in 2024.
Michele Harris-Padron, 74, who lives in Santa Barbara, Calif., can keep her plan but will have to pay \$30 more a month in premiums next year. Her out-of-pocket costs could also go up. The amount she pays to see a specialist will go up from \$45 to \$60 a visit.
She and her husband switched plans two years ago from Blue Shield of California to UnitedHealthcare when her Blue Shield plan no longer covered her doctors.
"I'm really struggling to see if there are any other options for us, but I don't really believe that there are," Ms. Harris-Padron said.
Some states are getting hit harder than others, Insurers in Minnesota cut plans in 2026 and plan to again for 2027, with another 387,000 people caught in plans that are ending coverage either because companies closed the plan or left a county, according to Duos.
The number of counties with no plans available at all in 2027 rose to 187, from 118 this year, out of the nation's 3,069 counties, according to KFF, a nonprofit health policy organization. States with counties that have no plans in 2027 for the first time are New Hampshire, North Dakota and Oklahoma. Alaska's vast rural area and tiny population have made it prohibitive for Medicare Advantage insurers for years.
One of those places where all plans have dried up is Minnesota's Crow Wing County, a two-hour drive from Minneapolis in the center of the state. Nicole Converse, a broker at RG Insurance, said she was advising Medicare Advantage beneficiaries there that they would have to switch to traditional Medicare and purchase a supplemental Medigap plan, which she said would cost \$330 a month in premiums. They also will have to purchase a separate Medicare Part D drug plan. She said the firm had about 1,000 Medicare Advantage clients in the county who would be affected.
"It's been pretty rough so far having to explain that to people," Ms. Converse said. "The biggest concern is they are going to have a hard time affording this."
Rural states are experiencing more turmoil because paying for care in those places can be more expensive for insurers. The limited number of hospitals and doctors outside urban areas makes it difficult for insurers to negotiate favorable contracts, said Roshan Desai, vice president for product and strategy at Rebellis Group, which advises health plans.
"There's a lot of volatility," he said. "Before, plans would never reduce a service area. Now it's common."
For many people in traditional Medicare, their stand-alone prescription benefit insurance, called Part D, also will be changing. About four million people who received this drug insurance with no monthly premium will now be required to pay, because the Trump administration is ending temporary subsidies.
The number of stand-alone Part D plans has declined by two thirds, to 316 from nearly 1,000 in 2021, according to Duos.
Whether erosion and higher costs in Medicare Advantage will continue after next year depends on a number of factors, including any government response.
"This doesn't have to be the new normal, and it shouldn't be," said Rebecca Buck, senior vice president for public affairs for the Better Medicare Alliance, which represents the private insurers. "It all starts by fully funding Medicare Advantage and good stable policymaking."
The 47th President

Attorney General Todd Blanche, right, with Jason A. Reding Quiñones, the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Florida, where the sprawling inquiry is based.
MARCO BELLO/REFUTERS

ERIC LEE/THE NEW YORK TIMES
TOM WILLIAMS/CQ ROLL CALL, VIA AP IMAGES
Joseph diGenova, 81, was
called out of retirement in
April to kick-start the investig-
gation. He quit last month.

The lawyer Mike Davis has pushed to expand the case to add former President Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton.
tracking narrower cases against some chief targets that could be brought quickly, according to people briefed on their work. Leadership of the effort has defaulted back to Washington, and is now being directly overseen by one of Mr. Blanche's top deputies, Aakash Singh, those people said.
A Justice Department official said leaders in Washington had "full confidence" in the prosecutors now working on the case and would act to uphold the law should "evidence of misconduct present itself."
Even if charges are never filed, Mr. Trump has already instilled fear in — and imposed steep financial costs on — potential targets, in his view giving them a taste of what he experienced when he was under investigation.
Two targets have borne a particular brunt: James B. Comey, the former F.B.I. director fired by Mr. Trump in the early stages of the Russia inquiry, and John O. Brennan, the former C.I.A. director who played a role in instigating that investigation.
Inside the Justice Department, another price is being paid.
Prosecutors have watched the case play out with embarrassment and horror. Many have been so unwilling to join the investigation that Mr. Reding Quiñones, an Army reservist, was forced to bring in military lawyers to hack-fill the ranks.
The chief of the office's criminal division has been sidelined. The office's health care fraud unit has been decimated. Many prosecutors say the office feels leaderless, and are worried that a place once known for big drug and white-collar cases has pivoted to politics.
The office once had more than 200 lawyers. It is now slightly more than half that size, after a spate of firings and resignations.
Even furniture has been repurposed to equip the inquiry's two work spaces, one on the fifth floor of the main Miami office and the other up the coast in Fort Pierce.
The investigation has upended the U.S. attorney's office for the Southern District of Florida, one of the most important in the country, which has been plagued by staff departures and low morale under its Trump-appointed leader, Jason A. Reding Quinones, according to current and former prosecutors. The problems with the grand conspiracy case have exacerbated what officials in Washington have described as a growing lack of confidence in Mr. Reding Quinones by his superiors.
The case was sent to David Metcalf, the Trump-appointed U.S. attorney in Philadelphia, but it quickly stalled as prosecutors struggled to make headway. Career prosecutors threatened to revolt if the office went forward.
By fall, Mr. Blanche, then the department's second-in-command, plucked the case from Mr. Metcalf and gave it to Mr. Reding Quiñones, who was close to the right-wing influencers clamoring for a wide-ranging prosecution of the president's opponents.
It is not clear who coined the term "grand conspiracy," or when it became shorthand for the catchall investigation. July 2025 is as good a place to start as any.
Loudest among them: Mike Davis, a media-savvy lawyer who has relentlessly promoted the case as the best way to prove that Mr. Trump has been undermined by the establishment from the moment he took office.
That is when John Ratcliffe, the C.L.A. director, issued a criminal referral of Mr. Brennan to the F.B.L., accusing him of lying to Congress about an intelligence assessment in early 2017 that determined Russia had interfered in the 2016 election.
Mr. Davis, a former Senate aide adept at hurling social media thunderbolts that catch Mr. Trump's eye, aimed high. He pushed the idea that the inquiry should expand to include targets like former President Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton.
Mr. Davis was among those arguing to steer the case to Mr. Reding Quifones in the president's home state. The move made tactical sense. Prosecutors could avail themselves of a grand jury in the Fort Pierce courthouse where the only sitting judge is Aileen M. Cannon, a Trump appointee who issued several rulings favorable to the president, especially in the classified documents case against him.
MONICA JORGE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES tion, including James R. Clapper Jr., the former director of national intelligence; Andrew G. McCabe, the former deputy director of the F.B.L.; Peter Strzok, a former F.B.L. counterintelligence agent; and Lisa Page, a former lawyer at the bureau.

Mr. Trump, impatient to see splashy results, cheered and coached from the sidelines, even posting a fake video showing Mr. Obama being arrested in the Oval Office.
But he was hardly the only problem.
cult to use the search as evidence of a conspiracy connecting Washington to Florida, according to people briefed on the exchange.
One big problem, in the view of Mr. Blanche's aides, was Mr. Reding Quiñones, whom they viewed as a feckless and inexperienced manager not capable of running the day-to-day operations of his office, let alone the grand conspiracy case.
But the move to Florida did not translate into immediate success.
Moreover, they felt that Mr. Reding Quiñones spent too much time in Washington and too little in Florida. To address that concern, Mr. Singh recently removed him from the attorney general's advisory committee, which meets at department headquarters, to refocus his energies on Miami, according to two people with knowledge of the move.

AL DRAGO/THE NEW YORK TIMES
They have also issued subpoenas demanding testimony from Daniel C. Richman, who is a long-time confidant of Mr. Comey's, and several F.B.I. agents who took part in the August 2022 search of Mar-a-Lago, Mr. Trump's Palm Beach club and residence, a key investigative step in the classified documents case.
James B. Comey, top, the former director of the F.B.I., and John O. Brennan, above, the ex-head of the C.I.A., have been targeted for their roles in the Russia investigation.
Mr. diGenova disagreed — he thought that point was legally irrelevant — and he called Mr. Patel, who pulled Mr. Eckenrode off the case, one of those people said.
Prosecutors have demanded documents from other officials connected to the Russia investiga-
The prosecutors also want testimony from Mr. Brennan. But amid the recent turmoil, they pushed back his appearance from its initial date on Oct. 15 to at least early December.
By this time, Mr. diGenova was also becoming frustrated with the resources given to his inquiry. There were never enough lawyers, he told Washington, and the ones he had were so young that he had to block off time to teach them the basics, like grand jury presentations.
Enter Mr. diGenova, who as U.S. attorney in Washington four decades ago led investigations of the Israeli spy Jonathan Pollard and Marion Barry, the city's mayor.
By early 2026, the case had landed on the desk of Maria Medetis Long, a respected national security prosecutor in Miami, who approached the inquiry with an open mind. She eventually determined that the evidence did not support indicting Mr. Brennan, according to people familiar with her account. In April, she put her findings in writing. She was suddenly removed from the case.
Since then, the investigation has expanded beyond Mr. Brennan. The flurry of grand jury subpoenas issued since last year, hailed as bombshells by Trump-friendly news outlets, hints at its breadth.
He was a familiar presence in the capital, known as one of the more dulcet crooners to perform in musical skits at the annual Gridiron Club dinner.
But in recent years, Mr. diGenova has established himself as a stalwart and aggressive Trump defender who embraced unsubstantiated claims about the 2020 election championed by his close friend Rudolph W. Giuliani.
Mr. diGenova showed up for his first day at work with a 190-page memo on how to proceed, listing more than 50 "overt acts" in the conspiracy he wanted to investigate. They started with what he saw as the original deep-state sin — a December 2016 meeting in the White House that he believed to be the linchpin of the conspiracy against Mr. Trump.
In early 2025, with the help of Mr. Davis, he secured an assignment in Miami as the head of that office's civil rights division, where he intended to investigate Mr. Trump's adversaries.
But Pam Bondi, the attorney general at the time, vetoed his hiring, according to two former department officials. Department officials thought he was too old for such a demanding job when his name came up a year later. Ms. Bondi, on the verge of being fired, argued that he had not been in a courtroom for many years.
Mr. Trump, then 79, thought otherwise.
He instructed Susie Wiles, his chief of staff, and Mr. Blanche to sign him on.
At that meeting, Mr. Obama and his aides authorized the intelligence assessment that eventually showed Russia had interfered in the election Mr. Trump had just won. The participants have denied that anything illegal took place.
One of Mr. diGenova's first moves reflected an understanding of the daunting challenges of proving his theory. He asked his predecessor, Ms. Medetis Long, to rejoin the investigation. She turned him down, according to the people familiar with her account. He also made it known that he was looking for cooperating witnesses among the targets of the inquiry, even though Mr. Brennan and Mr. Comey were unlikely to help him.
By May, he had begun hiring staff, including his wife, Victoria Toensing. He immediately encountered problems securing volunteers from either Miami or Washington.
Few career agents or attorneys wanted anything to do with it. As of now, most of the prosecutors on the team are military lawyers or were dispatched from other offices.
Among those who signed on: An F.B.I. agent who had investigated a conspiracy theory that the 2020 election had been hacked by Italian satellites and who was part of a special team assembled by Kash Patel, the bureau's director. There were a largely unknown prosecutor from Fargo, N.D., and a University of California, Berkeley, law professor best known for having written memos justifying the use of torture during the global war on terrorism.
There was a young Justice Department official sent to Florida from Washington who had served as a clerk to Judge Cannon. And then there was Mr. Olsen, a longtime election denier who had no experience in working on criminal cases.
The case that Mr. diGenova hoped to build involved a wide array of targets — not only Mr. Brennan, Mr. Comey and others from the Russia inquiry, but also the prosecutors led by Mr. Smith, the special counsel.
He quickly confronted hurdles. The first: Any crimes arising from the Russia investigation, which ended in 2019, already fell outside the five-year statute of limitations, and had no obvious connection to South Florida. Other problems emerged.
In late summer, Mr. Reding Quiñones agreed to set aside \$1 million from the office's allocated budget to build a secure facility in Fort Pierce to review classified materials.
Just as Mr. diGenova was setting in, Jack Eckenrode, an F.B.I. veteran best known for having gone after Mr. Brennan and Mr. Comey during the Russia inquiry, questioned a central premise of the investigation — that the court-approved search of Mr. Trump's residence was a politically motivated intrusion that tainted everything that followed.
Mr. Eckenrode, part of a special squad assembled by F.B.I. leaders, told Mr. diGenova that Judge Cannon had already ruled that the search of Mar-a-Lago was lawful. That finding, he said, made it diffi-
Mr. Blanche's staff rejected the idea.
Why waste money? There was already a facility nearby run by the F.B.I., they said, according to people with knowledge of the exchange.
By early September, Mr. Blanche dispatched two prosecutors from Washington to Florida to move things forward. During a heated meeting, they peppered Mr. diGenova's staff with questions about its work before the grand jury.
Under the clash of personalities was a deeper divide on how best to move forward.
Mr. diGenova, who wanted to take aim at big-name targets, told one associate he believed that Mr. Blanche was less interested in proving the conspiracy to destroy the president than in securing rapid box-checking indictments of low-level players to keep Mr. Trump happy.
Mr. Blanche, he told that person, was so anxious to maintain his position that he did not want to tell Mr. Trump the truth: A successful investigation needed time.
The coda came when members of Mr. diGenova's team offered him a readout of their closed-door meeting with the two prosecutors: Washington would now be running things.
The attorney general acknowledged the inquiry's complexities on a podcast earlier this year. "I'm not suggesting that we don't have that evidence," he told Sean Hannity of Fox News. "I'm saying when you talk about the challenges, that's the challenge."
Mr. Blanche responded with a profanity-laced phone call and summoned Mr. diGenova to Washington. The attorney general wanted to recount his grievances in person, but never actually planned to fire Mr. diGenova, according to a person close to Mr. Blanche.
Mr. Blanche had his own complaints. His team thought Mr. diGenova was too scattered, too combative and too slow, according to three current and former officials. It did not help that around this time Mr. diGenova and Ms. Toensing left for a long-planned vacation to France.
Mr. diGenova, infuriated, said he would instruct U.S. marshals to remove the prosecutors from the grand jury room if they showed up there to interfere, the officials said.
He never got that chance.

DENETRUS FREEMAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
President Trump's demands for revenge have eroded the independence of the Justice Department.
James Comey is accused of sending a coded threat to murder President Trump by posting an image of seashells on Instagram. The case against him is nearing
ADAM LIPTAK
a crucial turning point.
THE DOCKET
Comey, the former F.B.I. director fired by Trump in his first term, was indicted in April
for posting a photograph of sea-shells arranged to form the number 8647. The Justice Department contended that "86" means "kill." Everyone agrees that "47" refers to Trump. The four digits together, prosecutors said, amounted to a threat to kill the president.
Comey's lawyers have asked the judge to dismiss the indictment in motions that "are now ripe for decision," Judge Louise Wood Flanagan wrote late last month. Unless she grants one of them, the case will go to trial
In The Docket, Adam Liptak helps you make sense of legal developments in a turbulent time. Sign up to receive it in your inbox at nytimes.com/newsletters.
next year.
Judge Flanagan, who was appointed by President George W. Bush, has been hard to read. She has not scheduled oral arguments on the motions and may rule based only on the written briefs. In June, moreover, she said she would not accept friend-of-the court briefs.
That seemed odd to me, as the case presents serious free-speech issues with implications beyond the particular dispute. But some law professors who had hoped to submit briefs told me that the judge may have made a defensible choice to avoid a flood of distracting and duplicative filings.
First Amendment scholars have written that the government's allegations about Comey's seashell threat is problematic as a matter of language, precedent and common sense. The most common dictionary definitions of "86," for starters, are to throw out, eject, get rid of or refuse service to.
Comey's lawyers said that there is a fundamental problem at the heart of the case: The image of the seashells, they say, cannot amount to a threat.
In response, the government's main argument was that a jury, rather than Judge Flanagan, should decide whether the image conveyed a true threat. A cynic might think that the administration was more interested in prolonging the prosecution than in resolving the legal questions since it will take much longer to have a jury to weigh in than letting Judge Flanagan rule.
The briefs clarified one commonly misunderstood point. The case is not about whether the seashells sought to incite violence against Trump by others. The government's brief gestured in that direction in passing, but the laws Comey is charged with violating and the relevant precedents require something else.
The question for Judge Flanagan is whether an objective observer would understand the image of the seashells to be a serious expression of Comey's own intent to kill the president. Only such a message would amount to a "true threat," which is a category of speech unprotected by the First Amendment and the basis for the charges against him.
The Supreme Court has said that speech much more direct than seashell formations did not qualify as a true threat.
In 1969, it threw out a case against a draft protester charged with threatening President Lyndon B. Johnson. "If they ever make me carry a rifle," the protester said, "the first man I want to get in my sights is L.B.J."
The court ruled that the remark was "political hyperbole" and not a true threat because it was conditional, made at a rally and greeted by laughter.
Prosecutors could have charged Comey with inciting others to commit violence — but they did not. Incitement, like a true threat, is not protected by the First Amendment. But the Supreme Court has defined incitement quite narrowly. The message at issue, the court has said, must be both intended to
produce imminent violence or lawlessness and also likely to do so.
In 1969, in Brandenburg v. Ohio, the Supreme Court unanimously overturned the conviction of a leader of a Ku Klux Klan group under an Ohio statute that banned the advocacy of terrorism. The Klan leader, Clarence Brandenburg, had urged his followers at a rally to "send the Jews back to Israel" and to "bury" Black people, using a racial slur.
Because Brandenburg's words fell short of calling for immediate violence in a setting where such violence was likely, the Supreme Court ruled that he could not be prosecuted for incitement.
Trump has been the beneficiary of that ruling. When he was running for president in 2016, he pointed to some protesters at one of his rallies and told the crowd to "get 'em out of here."
The protesters, who said they were then viciously assaulted by others in the crowd, sued Trump for inciting a riot. Trump won the suit. A federal appeals court, referring to Brandenburg, ruled that his exhortation was protected by the First Amendment.
In the Comey case, prosecutors said they would demonstrate to the jury that "86" was "a term of art in the context of organized crime."
John Gleeson, a former federal judge and mafia prosecutor, submitted a sworn statement debunking that idea based on his many hundreds of hours of listening to the surreptitiously recorded conversations of gangsters and to the accounts of cooperating witnesses.
He made clear that he was not submitting the statement as a professional courtesy to a fellow former prosecutor. He and Comey had butted heads while serving in different U.S. attorney's offices in New York City, he said. "Mr. Comey and I are not friends and never were," Gleeson wrote.
But Gleeson scoffed at the government's theory. A mobster might "whack" or "clip" someone, he wrote.
But "the claim that '86' is mafia jargon for 'kill' is preposterous," Gleeson wrote. "If it weren't made in the context of seeking to deprive a man of his liberty, it would be laughable."
By SHARON LaFRANIERE
WASHINGTON — Kimberly Guilfoyle, the former fiancée of Donald Trump Jr., secretly begged a Republican donor to pay her credit card debt while she was waiting to be confirmed as ambassador to Greece, according to an interview with the donor.
The donor, Eric Deters, said that Ms. Guilfoyle had asked him to wire \$100,000 to pay off her American Express card just before her Senate confirmation hearing in early July 2025, promising to serve as his "ride or die in Trump world" if he did.
"Honey please I need you to get this done for me today," she wrote in what appeared to be a text message. Communications between Mr. Deters and Ms. Guilfoyle were reported earlier by The Wall Street Journal. Mr. Deters provided what appeared to be screenshots of their correspondence to The New York Times.
Mr. Deters sketched out a tawdry tale in which a member of the Trump family's inner circle promised access to top administration officials as part of a financial arrangement she insisted be kept hidden. The donor wanted to connect with Pam Bondi, then attorney general, and Billy Long, then the Internal Revenue Service commissioner, for business and personal reasons.
"Every secretary you know defense, transportation, treasury commerce IRS commissioner everyone gets right back to me," she appears to have written the donor
Susan C. Beachy and Kitty Bennett contributed research.
in late June 2025, shortly before her Senate confirmation hearing.
The texts suggest that Ms. Guilfoyle warned him to call her on Signal and keep their interactions strictly private. "You'll literally cost me my ambassadorship," she wrote, according to one of the screenshots Mr. Deters shared with The Times.
"Eric, I really wish you would stop papering all these things," another message said. "It's really dangerous."
Democrats immediately pounced on the allegations as evidence of a pay-to-play pattern during the second Trump administration. Representative Robert Garcia, a California Democrat and ranking member of the House Oversight Committee, said such influence-peddling “would be a brazen abuse of power.” Representative Madeleine Dean, a Pennsylvania Democrat who sits on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said Ms. Guilfoyle should be fired.
"Just because some source told you something," he said vehemently, does not mean "it's gospel."
A lawyer for Ms. Guilfoyle declined to comment. Secretary of State Marco Rubio refused to answer questions on Thursday about the ambassador's conduct as he wound up a visit to Athens.
JAMIE KELTER DAVIS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Mr. Deters, who has hosted annual pro-Trump events in Kentucky, is a firebrand with his own controversies. In the interview, he said he retired as a lawyer in 2013 after facing disciplinary actions in Kentucky and Ohio. He is now battling an adversary's motion to hold him in civil contempt in an Ohio case.

Kimberly Guilfoyle was paid by the donor, Eric Deters, to speak at pro-Trump events in Kentucky.
He said that he supported President Trump's policies, but not his administration's "open grifting and enrichment," which he said Ms. Guilfoyle exemplified.
Mr. Deters said he met Ms. Guilfoyle after he began holding an annual "Patriots Day Freedom Fest" in Kentucky in 2020. He said he paid \$300,000 to Ms. Guilfoyle, \$200,000 to Donald Trump Jr. and \$100,000 to Eric Trump to speak at the events between 2021 and 2024.
He also donated \$125,000 to a pro-Trump super PAC in 2022, according to Federal Election Commission records.
His relationship with Ms. Guilfoyle seems to have intensified after she and Donald Trump Jr. ended their engagement in 2024 and the president nominated her to be an ambassador.
At that point, Mr. Deters asked Ms. Guilfoyle to help him resolve an issue with the I.R.S. involving his tax deductions. He also wanted her to influence the Justice Department to extradite from Pakistan a doctor who had been criminally charged in connection with botched spinal surgeries and to investigate the doctor's medical insurance company. He said in the interview that he was representing patients in litigation over their operations.
He promised Ms. Guilfoyle a million dollars if he got a legal settlement, and if Tucker Carlson invited Mr. Deters on his podcast to talk about the case.
In the early summer of 2025, as Ms. Guilfoyle's confirmation hearing neared, he grew increasingly frustrated with what he saw as a lack of results. He claimed that she never broke through with either Ms. Bondi or Mr. Long.
She insisted that she had pulled out all the stops. "I have never worked harder in my life than to promote and protect you," the texts indicate that she wrote.
She shared with him a copy of a message she said she had sent to Mr. Long, asking him to look into Mr. Deters's situation. "Don Jr. and I are very close with Eric De-
ters," that message reads.
On June 25, 2025, the texts indicate she wrote Mr. Deters: "Please call IRS commissioner Billy Long wrote me back. BOOM."
Two days later, the texts indicate that Ms. Guilfoyle said Ms. Bondi was the only cabinet member who did not respond immediately to her — even though she claimed that “we are tight.”
Earlier that month, the texts suggest that Ms. Guilfoyle had asked Mr. Deters for backdated invoices. He sent her a letter on June 11 proposing to pay her \$50,000 on July 1 — an amount he wrote that he owed — followed by \$50,000 on August 1.
"At the time, I'm her friend, I was considering doing it," he said in the interview. He described the letter as "bs," saying she wanted it to disguise their arrangement.
On July 3, six days before her confirmation hearing, Ms. Guilfoyle sent an urgent plea for money, a text indicates. "Banks are closed tomorrow," she wrote with a praying emoji.
"You could just send it here. It won't show up anywhere if you wire money to American Express that's all that will show," she said in the text exchange. She included a PDF with American Express instructions, adding that he would be her "special guest" at her confirmation hearing the following week.
He turned her down, saying his wife would divorce him if he paid.
"Your needing \$100,000 urgent unfortunately is not going to work," he wrote. "I wish you luck."

SALWAN GEORGES FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Rick Canny, at right with the guitarist Billy Morrison, is the new Kennedy Center artistic director.
CHELSEA ALUREN/WIREIMAGE, VIA GETTY IMAGES
By JULIA JACOBS
The John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts has named a Los Angeles-based manager of rock musicians as its artistic director, leading programming even as the venue's main building, now shuttered, prepares to remain closed for two years of renovations.
The new leader, Rick Canny, is an artist representative whose resumé includes working with the band ZZ Top, the Mötley Crüe drummer Tommy Lee and the Creed frontman Scott Stapp. He began consulting for the center a few months into President Trump's takeover of it, pushing for more commercial, mass-market programming at a nonprofit institution long rooted in classical music, dance and theater.
In a statement, the center said that Mr. Canny would remain a consultant in his new role, and that he would be tasked with setting the center's "overall creative direction" for during and after the renovations.
"Regardless of building closure timelines," the statement said, "the center must continue to curate programming during infrastructure upgrades and deliver a commanding reopening season that brings audiences back and puts the center on stable financial footing."
Expanding the reach of the Kennedy Center during its Trump era has proved difficult, as the increased politicization of the institution has driven away artists, donors and audiences in Washington. Mr. Canny's appointment, announced to employees on Thursday, comes at a particularly chaotic time. The center's efforts
to close have been challenged in court and its finances have become precarious.

In an email to staff members, Matt Floca, the center's executive director, framed Mr. Canny as his chief artistic adviser, writing that Mr. Canny would counsel him on "artistic strategy, business practices, presenting and talent curation, ticketing and pricing models, media opportunities and programming sponsorships."
Until March, Mr. Floca had been the center's facilities chief, and his focus for months has been on the renovation plan. He has little experience in the performing arts world, and it was expected that he would name a deputy to oversee that work.
The legal battle has suspended Mr. Trump's plan to close the building for a \$250 million renovation project. But it was temporarily shuttered last month because of what officials described as deteriorating infrastructure that presented "acute risks to public safety." Its leaders have warned that the center faces "certain fiscal collapse within weeks" unless the president's name is restored to the building's exterior. A federal judge ordered it removed in June.
Mr. Canny did not respond to a request for comment about his plans at the center.
Since Mr. Canny arrived last year as an outside consultant, two employees have raised concerns internally about his fees and expenses. Over one month this year, his consulting fee was \$30,000, and he charged the center for a round-trip flight between Los Angeles and Washington worth \$1,850, according to documents obtained by The New York Times.
The center said in its statement that the \$30,000 fee did not "reflect Mr. Canny's current agreement," but the institution did not provide a specific figure beyond saying his compensation would not increase in the new role. It also said his travel expenses had been reviewed to ensure "any amounts outside policy limits were reconciled."
In its statement, the center underscored the breadth of Mr. Canny's experience to address any concerns that his rock-focused work does not align with the center's broad performing arts mandate. It cited his decades of work as a talent buyer, concert promoter, executive vice president of an artistic management company and founder of a firm that represents artists, noting that it remained committed to classical music, opera, dance and theater.
An annex on the center's campus, the Reach, remains open for limited programming, such as a recent and free magic show. It would remain open under the closure plan. But if a federal judge allows that plan to move forward, the center's overall calendar of performances will be dramatically reduced compared with a typical season. The center has already announced that marquee events such as the Kennedy Center Honors will be held at other venues.
In pursuing an expanded role, Mr. Canny has spoken of his broad entertainment industry connections that could help attract a wider audience and corporate investors. He has cited his ties with Live Nation, an entertainment behemoth, and has been a vocal supporter of the center's shift of its ticketing system to a Live Nation subsidiary, Ticketmaster.
"I know what it will take to reset and move forward," Mr. Canny wrote in an email to the center's former chief financial officer in March that was obtained by The Times. "I'm committed to this effort! I should be the face and voice to our industry. There is no one else at the center who can do this ... unless you hire someone new."
As a consultant, Mr. Canny has advised the center on a range of topics, including marketing, ticketing and artist contracts. He was an executive producer of the ceremony in June for the Mark Twain Prize for American Humor, which honored Bill Maher, and the center said he would take on that role for the honors ceremony in December.
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The New York Times
The 47th President

Oscar Belgal, who is from the Dominican Republic, was shot Thursday as immigration officers tried to apprehend him on West 225th Street in Marble Hill, at the edge of Manhattan and the Bronx.
DAKOTA SAVITIAGO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
of "terrorizing our city" with its immigration enforcement and called the shooting "an outrage."
"Tonight, a 5-year-old child sits traumatized and terrified," the mayor said. "Tonight, millions of our neighbors are wondering whether they will be safe on our streets, in our schools, at their work sites."
Mr. Mullin criticized the mayor's "terrorizing our city" remark, calling it a dangerous statement that would incite the public.
The shooting and the accusations that followed highlighted President Trump's aggressive pursuit of undocumented immigrants, which has resulted in a number of shootings into cars, as well as his fights with sanctuary cities. Those cities say that they are not bound to cooperate with federal enforcement and that if they did, undocumented immigrants would become too afraid to seek help in police or medical
Reporting was contributed by Emma G. Fitzsimmons, Ana Ley, Oishika Neogi, Madeleine Ngo, Nate Schweber, Liam Stack and Jeremy White.
emergencies. The administration argues that the sanctuary policies harbor criminals and make the job of immigration agents tougher and more perilous.
Federal officials have said that Mr. Belgal was in the United States illegally, and on Friday they sought to highlight his criminal record. Mr. Mullin and Marcos Charles, a top leader at Immigration and Customs Enforcement, repeatedly accused Mr. Belgal of being associated with a gang. According to Ms. Tisch, Mr. Belgal has been arrested twice in New York City: on a robbery charge in 2023, for which he pleaded guilty to fourth-degree grand larceny and received five years' probation; and on charges of drug dealing in 2025, which are pending.
ICE also sought to arrest Mr. Belgal because federal officials believed that he had "indirect or direct knowledge" of a shooting that injured an off-duty customs officer in Manhattan last year, Mr. Mullin said.
The shooting on Thursday happened around 4 p.m. in the Marble Hill neighborhood, which is part of the borough of Manhattan but is attached to the Bronx. Mr. Charles accused Mr. Belgal of accelerating his car toward the ICE agents, causing them to fear for their safety and open fire. In some previous law enforcement shootings into cars, police experts have questioned whether the officers were truly in danger, though there is a high bar for prosecuting them if there is evidence they believed they were in peril.

DAKOTA SANTIAGO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Protesters clashed with the police Thursday night outside the hospital in Upper Manhattan where Mr. Belgal had been taken.

KARSTEN MORAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Mayor Zohran Mamdani said he spoke with President Trump and Markwayne Mullin, trying to negotiate Mr. Belgal's release.
The Department of Homeland Security said it was investigating the shooting and that the officers involved were placed on leave, as is customary. Mr. Mullin said the officers were wearing body cameras, but their video has not been made public.
ICE officers were not aware that there was a child in the vehicle when they opened fire, according to Mr. Mullin.
City police officers responding to an unrelated call nearby heard about shots being fired and went to the shooting scene. They found Mr. Belgal handcuffed and on the ground, and took him to a nearby hospital.
A photo from the scene shows a bullet hole in the driver's side of the windshield of a gray Honda. Ms. Tisch said the back windshield had also been shattered.
Many details about the shooting in New York City remain unclear, but Ms. Tisch said that one agent had fired his weapon seven times. Seven bullet casings were recovered at the scene. Mr. Belgal, who was struck in the neck below his left ear, was released from the hospital late Thursday night and taken to a federal detention facility in New Jersey before being moved to one in Brooklyn. Mr. Belgal's son was with his mother.
Lawyers representing Mr. Belgal filed an emergency petition on Friday seeking his release, and a federal judge in Manhattan ordered immigration officials not to deport Mr. Belgal until the petition was heard. The bullet remains in his body, his lawyers said.
"He's afraid," said Harold A. Solis, an attorney from Make the Road New York, an immigrant advocacy group representing Mr. Belgal. "The first thing he asked me is whether his son is OK."
The shooting appeared to be the first by ICE in the city since 2020. It followed a string of violent and sometimes deadly encounters involving immigration agents. Last month, an ICE officer shot a Venezuelan man during a traffic stop in Austin, Texas. Over the summer, immigration agents fatally shot a Mexican man in Houston and a Colombian man in Maine. Two protesters, Renee Good and Alex Pretti, were shot and killed in Minneapolis by immigration officers in January.
"There is no justification for what we have seen today," Mr. Mamdani said on Thursday night. "And we know that what we have seen here today is a microcosm of
The police said ICE agents had fired seven rounds at the vehicle, hitting a man in the neck. Holes were seen near the rear of the car, where a child had been sitting in the back seat. The man was later taken into ICE custody.

PHOTO BY SETH WENIC, ASSOCIATED PRESS, GRAPHIC BY ELENA SHAD AND ALLESON MCCANN, THE NEW YORK TIMES

ELENA SHAO/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Source: Aerial Image via Google Earth.
what ICE does across this country on a daily basis. How can that be how we describe public safety? It can't be."
Throughout his news conference, Mr. Mullin repeatedly said that ICE was pursuing “the worst of the worst” criminals in a nationwide crackdown, highlighting Mr. Belgal as an example. But the agency’s own data shows that arrests of people with no criminal record soared over the summer, in the months after Mr. Mullin was confirmed as homeland security secretary. The issue has become a political problem for Republicans going into the Nov. 3 midterm elections, with some members of the party saying Mr. Trump’s immigration crackdown has “gone
too far."
On Thursday night, the mayor said he had spent two hours on the phone with Mr. Trump and Mr. Mullin, trying unsuccessfully to negotiate Mr. Belgal's release. Mr. Trump offered to turn over Mr. Belgal to the New York Police Department, but the mayor said in an interview on Friday that the deal fell apart after he explained that the police department would conduct its own investigation but not return Mr. Belgal to federal custody.
The Bronx district attorney, Darcel Clark, who shares jurisdiction over Marble Hill with the Manhattan district attorney, also said that her office was investigating the shooting.
In a statement, Gov. Kathy Hochul, a Democrat, condemned ICE for shooting "into a vehicle with a 5-year-old inside."
The governor said in a later statement that she, too, had spoken with Mr. Trump and Mr. Mullin about the shooting.
"I expressed outrage on behalf of New Yorkers and urged them to halt ICE enforcement operations in New York," Ms. Hochul said, adding that she had asked that any body-camera footage of the shooting be released "so we can establish the facts and get to the truth."
Mr. Mullin said Ms. Hochul told him that she was open to working with the federal government to help it detain about 100 criminals who are in the state illegally, if the federal government gave the state notice. But he said he declined Ms. Hochul's request to pause enforcement operations in the state.
Bruce Blakeman, Ms. Hochul's Republican opponent in next month's gubernatorial election, took aim at her for her statements on the case.
"Kathy Hochul, we're outraged that you would let this guy in our state and defend him," he said at a rally in Syracuse.
On Thursday night, protesters gathered at the shooting site and outside the hospital in Upper Manhattan where Mr. Belgal had been taken.
Tensions rose as the protest outside the hospital stretched into the night. Protesters scuffled with police officers trying to put up barricades to establish a clear path to and from the building's entrance.
Protesters chanted “No justice, no peace — we want ICE off our streets,” and some hurled water bottles at the police. Five people were taken into custody, the police said.

Demonstrators denounced Mayor Zohran Mamdani at a vigil marking the third anniversary of the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks on Israel.
HILARY SWIFT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
By LIAM STACK
Some of the protesters who disrupted an Oct. 7 anniversary vigil in Union Square chanted in support of Hamas. Some called for the deaths of Israeli soldiers. And one group held a sign that depicted Mayor Zohran Mamdani rolling out a red carpet for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, a man the mayor has explicitly called “unwelcome” in New York.
The mayor, who has sharply criticized Israel and Mr. Netanyahu throughout his political career but has called the Hamas-led attacks in 2023 "horrific war crimes," stood stone-faced while an angry crowd of people who nominally shared his views on the war in Gaza accused him of betraying the Palestinian cause and supporting genocide.
The vitriol directed at Mr. Mamdani, one of the most high-profile pro-Palestinian elected officials in the United States, laid bare the divisions within a decentralized movement that helped propel the young Muslim mayor to City Hall and is now reckoning with its own growing influence as disapproval of Israel's conduct in Gaza becomes more mainstream.
The protesters cited a range of complaints, including Mr. Mamdani's meetings with President Trump, which the mayor has said are in the best interest of the city, and his recently announced plan to combat antisemitism, which includes funding for a Jewish community group that organizes the Israel Day parade.
"He's meeting with the very people who are perpetuating Islamophobia, and to be a Muslim and proudly stand by their side and shake their hand is disgusting," said Aidan Parisi, 29, who is Muslim and said he had voted for Mr. Mamdani but now opposed him.
On Thursday, some Palestinian advocates in New York and elsewhere said the protesters who denounced Mr. Mamdani represented a fringe view within their movement. They expressed dismay at the sight of him being pelted with invective at a vigil organized by a progressive group, Israelis for Peace, that was held to honor those killed both in Israel and in Gaza.
Omar Baddar, a Palestinian American activist on the National Policy Council of the Arab American Institute, said the protesters on Wednesday "account for a small minority of the pro-Palestine movement in this country."
"I don't think that Mamdani is above criticism," he said. "But to call him a traitor and to charge him with responsibility for genocide seems completely unwarranted and totally over the top."
The demonstration at Union Square on Wednesday grew out of a rally outside City Hall earlier in the day that criticized both Israel and Mr. Mamdani, which was organized by several left-wing groups that have powered pro-
Wesley Parnell and Benjamin Oreskes contributed reporting.
Palestinian street protests in New York in recent years, including Within Our Lifetime and the PAL-AWDA.
The protesters who rallied at City Hall and marched to Union Square included members of several college chapters of the Young Democratic Socialists of America. The Y.D.S.A. had originally endorsed the demonstration but withdrew its endorsement after pressure from the New York City chapter of the D.S.A., which is a separate entity, according to a person familiar with the communications between the groups.
On Thursday, Grace Mausser, the co-chair of the city chapter, which counts Mr. Mamdani as a member, issued a statement distancing the group from the protest.
"N.Y.C.-D.S.A. was not an organizer or supporter of this rally," she said. "Our Palestinian liberation priority is stopping the genocide and the flow of weapons and money between the United States and Israel."
Mr. Mamdani's mayoral victory was fueled in part by the enthusiasm he created among progressives, including the growing number of Americans who object to Israel's military actions in Gaza. According to the Pew Research Center, polls show that a majority of Americans now hold a negative view of Israel, including majorities of adults under the age of 50 in both political parties. Among Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents, that number rises to 80 percent.
But the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has caused tension for the mayor again and again in the first year of his term as he tries to square his deeply held views with his responsibilities to a city that includes roughly one million Jewish people.
On Wednesday, the third anniversary of the Hamas-led terrorist attacks in Israel, those tensions boiled over again.
The mayor drew the ire of Jewish leaders early in the day with a statement that called the anniversary "profoundly painful" but mainly focused on Palestinian suffering in Gaza. By evening, the mayor was staring into the middle distance as hundreds of pro-Pales-
tinian marchers screamed at him across a police barricade, calling him a traitor and a coward.
Mr. Mamdani addressed that anger at an unrelated news conference on Thursday, where he defended his handling of the anniversary and said Oct. 7 was "a day of profound grief for so many New Yorkers," including Jews and Palestinians.
"I believe there must be room to mourn every single life," he said. "There must be room to reckon with the way so many New Yorkers' lives have been shattered."
Raed Jarrar, the advocacy director at DAWN, a human rights group based in Washington, said there was a broad range of views within the pro-Palestinian movement, though he was quick to denounce chants supporting Hamas.
Nevertheless, he said it was "delusional" to think that Wednesday's events indicated that the movement had turned its back on Mr. Mamdani.
"Make no mistake: There are no actual divisions in the pro-Palestinian movement and the pro-peace-and-justice movement," said Mr. Jarrar, whose organization has lobbied the Mamdani administration on issues related to Israel, Saudi Arabia and Sudan. "No one really looks at Mamdani and sees him as an adversary or an enemy."
Several prominent Palestinian New Yorkers and activists expressed support for the mayor, including Mahmoud Khalil, a Columbia University graduate and pro-Palestinian campus activist who became the face of President Trump's immigration crackdown after federal agents arrested him at his apartment building.
Mr. Khalil, a legal permanent resident who had not been accused of a crime, was detained for 104 days. He has since filed lawsuits against the university, Trump administration officials, pro-Israel groups and a conservative think tank.
"Mayor Mamdani fought for my release when the Trump administration targeted me for defending Palestinian rights, and he has stood by me since," Mr. Khalil said in a statement on Thursday. "I believe he is committed to accountability for Israel's ongoing war crimes and to advancing Palestinian rights, and I look forward to his office turning that commit-ment into more concrete action."
The Rev. Khader Khalilia, the pastor of Redeemer-St. John's Lutheran Church in the Dyker Heights neighborhood of Brooklyn, said he thought Mr. Mamdani "did the right thing" by attending the Wednesday vigil.
Still, he hesitated to criticize the protesters who castigated the mayor. "All of us carry deep pain over what is happening in Palestine," he said, "but we don't necessarily agree how to respond politically."
Nevertheless, it pained him to see Mr. Mamdani accused of things he said were simply not true.
"I don't believe Mamdani is a Zionist," Pastor Khalilia said. "I would love to see more elected officials speak about Palestinian suffering and genocide and ethnic cleansing. That is what we need to focus on."
Mr. Jarrar, a Palestinian American who immigrated to the United States from the West Bank city of Jenin, said many people were anguished over Israel's continuing military action in Gaza and the wars in Lebanon and Iran. He said he suspected that many of the protesters on Wednesday were young and frustrated with their elected officials, even those with whom they broadly agreed.
"It is interesting as a 48-year-old man to have a conversation about this with a 20-year-old Palestinian," he said. "A few decades ago, I viewed myself as a firecracker, a real hothead activist. But there are different experiences among those of us within the pro-Palestinian movement."
By STEFANOS CHEN
Gov. Kathy Hochul and transit officials announced on Wednesday that the first batch of whooshing, beeping, metal-and-glass fare gates installed in New York City's century-old subway system may be turning the tide on fare evasion.
The new saloon-style doors — part of a pilot program that started last year to replace decades-old turnstiles at 20 stations — have led to an average of 35 percent less fare beating, according to the Metropolitan Transportation Authority, the state agency that runs the subway. (The M.T.A. compared fare gate data with the last full month of turnstile data at each station.)
At two of the stations, Hoyt Street and the Nostrand Avenue A/C station in Brooklyn, fare eva-
sion fell 72 percent when turnstiles were replaced with the new gates, the agency said.
Encouraged by the results, the M.T.A. said it was proceeding with a plan to install one or more versions of the new fare gates at 50 more stations across the Bronx, Brooklyn, Queens and Manhattan by the end of next year. Three companies are vying for contracts, and selection of equipment for the next 20 stations is expected to begin this month.
Ms. Hochul, speaking at a news conference on Wednesday morning at a high-security M.T.A. facility in Queens where three fare gate models were being tested, said the effort was crucial for the regional economy.
“Nothing is more frustrating for those who are paying their fares than to see others who can clearly pay, but don't,” she said. “Every time a fare beater steals a ride, they're stealing money meant for our trains and buses that keep them moving.”
She also noted that the new models were more accessible than turnstiles for people with disabilities, parents with strollers and travelers with luggage.
The fare gates used during the pilot — at busy hubs that include Times Square in Manhattan, Bedford Park Boulevard in the Bronx and Roosevelt Avenue in Queens — were paid for by the vendors. The companies, Cubic, Conduent and S Traffic, have installed similar gates in cities like Paris, London and Los Angeles. Cubic also built the subway's tap-and-go payment system, OMNY.
The promising results follow a bumpy rollout for the new fare gates. Some riders have complained that the devices can cause bottlenecks because they are slow to accept payment, or even occasionally trap riders as they walk through. Some gates emit sirens when they register a fare beater, filling loud stations with another layer of noise. Social media posts have shown people inventing new ways to slink under, climb over and burst through the doors.
The M.T.A. has said the pilot was designed to address technical issues with the gates. The goal, the agency said, is not to eradicate fare evasion but to discourage the casual scofflaw — who might intend to pay the fare but decide to skip it after seeing other people walk through an open emergency gate.
The next 20 subway stations where new fare gates are expected to be installed are:
BROOKLYN
36th Street D, N, R Bedford Avenue L Coney Island-Stilwell Avenue D, F, N, Q Hoyt-Schermerhorn A, C, G Myrtle Avenue J, M, Z Newkirk Plaza B, Q
BRONX
Third Avenue-149th Street 2, 5 161st Street-Yankee Stadium 4, B, D Fordham Road B, D Parkchester 6
14th Street-Union Square 4, 5, 6, L, N, Q, R, W 72nd Street 1, 2, 3 86th Street 4, 5, 6 125th Street 4, 5, 6 Chambers Street 1, 2, 3 Spring Street C, E
QUEENS
Astoria Boulevard N, W Flushing-Main Street 7 Forest Hills-71st Avenue E, F, M, R Sutphin Boulevard/Archer Avenue-J.F.K. Airport E, J, Z

MARCO POSTCO-STOREL FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
By 2029, the M.T.A. plans to spend more than \$1 billion to install one or more of the models at 150 of the city's 472 subway stations, covering three-fourths of all traffic in the system. The investment is part of a record \$68 billion, five-year capital plan that Ms. Hochul approved last year.
Based on the pilot findings, Ms. Hochul projected that, by 2029, the M.T.A. could recoup \$100 million a year in fare revenue.
More than four million people ride the subway every day. Fare beating surged during and after the Covid-19 pandemic and has been a persistent problem for the M.T.A., which relies on fare revenue for more than a quarter of its \$21 billion annual operating budget. Those funds pay for the subway's vast work force, growing utility costs like electricity and debt-related costs.
Fare evasion on the subway peaked at 14 percent in 2024, up from about 3 percent in the same period in 2018, according to the authority.
Janno Lieber, the chief executive of the M.T.A., has waged a wide-ranging campaign against it, installing spiky dividers and curved barriers at turnstiles and stationing gate guards at emer-
The M.T.A. has tested saloon-style fare gates at some New York City subway stations since last year.
gency exits.
The efforts appear to be working. In the second quarter of this year, the most recent period for which systemwide data is available, the rate of fare evasion on the subway fell to about 10 percent — one of the lowest rates since the pandemic transformed daily commuting patterns.
And the revenue gap is shrinking. The M.T.A. lost \$849 million to bus and subway fare evasion in 2025, \$69 million less than the year before, according to Ana Champeny, vice president for research at the Citizens Budget Commission, a fiscal watchdog group.
"It would be great to know exactly what pieces are working the best, to make sure that's what they're doing the most of," she said, "but overall they're moving in the right direction."
Mr. Lieber declined to comment on which of the new fare gate models the authority favored, but said that all three had performed well enough to advance to the next round of consideration.
Still, it is fare evasion on buses, not the subway, that poses the biggest challenge, said Adam Schmidt, a senior research associate with the commission. Nearly half of the city's 2.6 million daily bus riders do not pay the fare, a loss that cost the M.T.A. \$562 million last year — nearly twice as much as subway fare evasion in that period, he said.
To reverse the trend, the M.T.A. has deployed a growing number of unarmed officers who board buses to verify payment with portable electronic readers and issue tickets to fare beaters.
Mayor Zohran Mamdani has promised to make buses free for all riders, but the M.T.A. has not supported the plan.
By DEVLIN BARRETT and DUSTIN VOLZ
The F.B.I. has arrested a man in Pennsylvania on suspicion of carrying out the computer hack that stole sensitive information about thousands of F.B.I. employees, according to two people familiar with the matter.
The theft of reams of personal data last month by a criminal hacking group left the nation's premier law enforcement agency racing to respond as both the investigators and the victims of one of the worst breaches of government data in recent years.
The arrested man is a Canadian citizen and considered to be a primary co-conspirator in carrying out the intrusion, the people said.
Kash Patel, the F.B.I. director, confirmed on Friday that an arrest had been made as part of the bureau's effort to dismantle the international hacking group. "We will continue to work closely with our partners to disrupt what's left of the ShinyHunters group and their associates, no matter where they operate," he said.
Officials did not immediately release the man's name or the specific charges against him.
The breach was announced by a hacking group that called itself ShinyHunters, saying it had pilfered intimate details about F.B.I. personnel from the agency's jobs portal. ShinyHunters threatened more consequences — which many officials and cybersecurity experts interpreted as a plan to re-

AUX KENT/THE NEW YORK TIMES
The hack last month scooped up addresses, Social Security numbers and sensitive assignments, a Times analysis found.
lease the data publicly — if the F.B.I. did not rescind an advisory warning the public of the group's cyberattacks, but later backed off.
In the wake of the breach, the F.B.I. vowed to pursue the group's members, who are believed by security researchers to comprise a loose collective of young English-speaking hackers in several countries across the globe. The group has been active for years and been responsible for some of the most serious corporate data breaches in recent years, often extorting victims for millions of dollars in exchange for promises to not publish stolen private material.
The F.B.I. hack scooped up home addresses, Social Security numbers, sensitive job assignments, details about employees' family members and more, according to a New York Times analysis of some of the records that was shared by the hacking group. In an internal memo to its work force after the hack was disclosed late last month, the F.B.I. said it was operating under the assumption that all employees had been compromised in the hack.
Brett Leatherman, the assistant director for the F.B.I.'s cyber division, said this week that a review had determined that the hack was "the result of a security failure of a platform managed by a third-party organization — after a contractor failed to implement a security patch explicitly issued to secure the platform." That contractor worked for Accenture, Reuters earlier reported.
The bureau has "removed the contractor and taken all necessary steps to both mitigate any further risk and protect our work force," Mr. Leatherman said, adding that multiple arrests had already been made.
The arrest this week is the latest in a recent string of international law enforcement actions aimed at ShinyHunters. In September, seemingly before the F.B.I. hack, the authorities in the Netherlands arrested a 24-year-old suspected of being affiliated with ShinyHunters, though the group denied knowing him.
ShinyHunters is considered one of the most notorious and capable cybercriminal enterprises in the world. The group is believed to have breached more than 140 organizations and extorted \$70 million since last year, Mr. Leatherman said, and has often targeted third-party vendors and cloud-based platforms.

Shoring up in Pensacola, Fla. Hurricane Isaias had reached Category 3 strength before making its expected landfall overnight Friday.
HILARY SWIFT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
This article is by Judson Jones, David Ovalle and Michael Levenson.
Heavy wind and rain was pelting the northern Gulf Coast on Friday night as Hurricane Isaias charged onto shore and became the first hurricane to strike the mainland United States in two years.
The extent of the damage was not immediately clear, after forecasters warned residents to prepare for life-threatening storm surges and long-lasting power outages, along with the possibility of tornadoes and damaging wind gusts extending well inland.
Mandatory evacuation orders were issued for some residents of northwestern coastal Florida and for visitors in coastal Alabama. Officials also issued states of emergency in counties across Alabama, Florida and Georgia.
With maximum sustained winds of 120 miles per hour, Isaias had experienced a remarkable increase in strength since it became a hurricane off the coast of eastern Mexico on Wednesday night. It reached Category 3 on a scale of 5, though forecasters said it could weaken slightly to a Category 2 shortly before landfall.
It was expected to bring heavy rain to much of the Southeastern United States over the weekend as it moved inland, churning along an expected track north through Alabama, Tennessee and Kentucky. Officials in the Carolinas warned residents there to prepare for possible flash flooding.
In Pensacola, Fla., the hurricane's rapid intensification surprised Helen Counsell, 57, a real estate agent who lives in a historic cottage with no storm shutters just blocks from Pensacola Bay. Despite warnings that the storm surge could flood coastal homes and roads, she had decided to stay put with her boyfriend because the cottage is elevated.
Eduardo Medina and Kalyn Wolfe contributed reporting.
"I always told myself we'd evacuate for a Cat 3," Ms. Counsell said. "I don't know if we're being crazy or not."
Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida said the state had opened emergency shelters, and had marshaled hundreds of National Guard members, boats and helicopters to rescue people, if needed.
At a news conference in Pensacola, Mr. DeSantis also took issue with the name Isaias, calling it "weird" and difficult to pronounce. (It is the Spanish form of the name Isaiah and is pronounced "ee-sah-EE-ahs.")
The World Meteorological Or-
ganization draws names for Atlantic hurricanes from English, Spanish and French, the three primary languages spoken in the Atlantic basin. In 2020, another hurricane named Isaias made landfall in North Carolina.
Mr. DeSantis, a Republican, said he would call the hurricane "Isaiah" instead. Another Florida Republican, Representative Jimmy Patronis, said on social media that hurricanes should have "American names people can pronounce."
"During a disaster, the last thing we need is everyone trying to figure out how to say 'Isaias,' Mr. Patronis wrote.
In Tuscaloosa, Ala., a highly anticipated football game between the University of Alabama and the University of Georgia was still scheduled for its prime-time slot at 6:30 p.m. on Saturday. But the university said that there would be no tailgating before noon on the Alabama campus and that ESPN "College GameDay," a popular pregame show typically hosted outdoors, would be moved inside.
Tuscaloosa is among the 40 counties under a state of emergency in Alabama.
President Trump had planned to attend the game, but a White House spokesperson said on Friday that he would not be there. Mr. Trump had said earlier in the week that he did not want to take the focus away from officials who respond to weather emergencies.
Residents of Florida and Alabama are no strangers to hurricanes.
But the Atlantic hurricane season has been unusually quiet this year, in part because a strong El Niño has shifted the winds that blow moist air across the oceans, suppressing tropical storm activity in the Atlantic and increasing it in the Pacific. The last time that the first hurricane formed this late in the Atlantic hurricane season was 1905, according to the National Hurricane Center. Earlier tropical storms this year, from Arthur to Hanna, did not reach hurricane strength.
The last hurricane to hit the mainland United States was Milton, which made landfall in Florida in 2024.
On Friday, residents along the Gulf Coast were falling into familiar routines, stocking up on groceries and boarding up windows as Isaias arrived.
Marquis Richmond, 33, a mobile car detailer, was in Pascagoula, Miss., filling the bed of his pickup truck with two dozen sandbags to deliver to his grandmother and other family members. A steady rain had already started falling.
"Down here on the coast, the weather can go from zero to 100 real fast," he said. "You look outside and it looks OK, then it gets crazy."
In Gulf Shores, Ala., officials reluctantly canceled the National Shrimp Festival, which usually brings 300 vendors and 150,000 visitors to the city's white sand beaches. Beachfront rental groups, condominiums and R.V. parks began contacting guests to rebook reservations or issue refunds as early as Wednesday. Staff members removed patio furniture, strapped down air-conditioners, and sandbagged and sealed sliding glass doors against floodwaters.
"We're not taking chances with this one," said Grant Brown, a spokesman for the city of Gulf Shores, adding that the hurricane was "a financial hit for everybody." Still, he said, canceling was the right thing to do after Hurricane Sally "clobbered" the city in September 2020, stranding tourists in vacation rentals without electricity or running water for days.

PHOTOGRAPHS BY SOPHIE PARK FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Michel DeGraff, a tenured professor at M.I.T., was pushed out of the university's linguistics section.


An M.I.T. panel rejected a course Dr. DeGraff proposed over questions about whether he had the expertise to teach it.
Dr. DeGraff proposed another course, based on his book.
From Page AI
He disagreed that he lacked the ability to teach the course and protested the decision in a flurry of emails decrying it as part of a "new McCarthyism." He complained to his colleagues, including deans and the university's president, in long email chains — which he then made public.
He objected on social media and in published commentaries. He filed a federal lawsuit against M.I.T., accusing the school of chilling campus speech on Gaza and violating his academic freedom.
"M.I.T. should not be repressing my teaching in this way," Dr. De-Graff said in an interview. He called the decision a "violation of my professional rights."
The university, through a spokeswoman, declined to comment, though it has denied Dr. De-Graff's claims in legal filings.
As Dr. DeGraff's profile has risen, so has the volume of his critics. He was sued for harassment by a Jewish former student. A U.S. House committee staff report last spring accused him of perpetuating "antisemitic conspiracy theories."
Now three years into the dispute, his personal relationship with the M.I.T. linguistics section head, a onetime friend, is broken, and colleagues are exhausted by the controversy.
In many other American workplaces, employees who push back so forcefully would most likely risk their employment. But tenured professors are, by design, hard to get rid of.
Administrators have sanctioned Dr. DeGraff, accusing him of being disruptive and violating procedures and directives. He was pushed out of M.L.T.'s linguistics section and given the nebulous title of "faculty at large," which he includes in his email signature inside satirical quotation marks.
He said in an interview that he had been denied a scheduled raise and access to new mentees, and had even been blocked from the department's Facebook page. For the third fall semester in a row, he said, he is being paid while not teaching a class.
He is one of a number of professors in disputes with their schools over speech recently.
Carnegie Mellon University announced in September that it was investigating social media posts from a professor who is accused of celebrating the deaths of conservative figures.
A University of Texas professor is contesting his 16-month paid administrative leave, which he believes is related to his criticism of school leadership.
And an arbitrator ordered San Jose State University to reinstate a tenured professor the university had fired over allegations related to her role in pro-Palestinian campus protests.
At a time when campus politics are under a microscope and schools are trying to avoid the attention of the Trump administration, Dr. DeGraff's fight has become one of the longest and most dramatic.
Chris Sharp, chief of staff at the Cicero Institute, a public policy organization based in Austin, said some tenured professors were cloaking their personal activism under the guise of "academic freedom." The term, he said, is often misconstrued as the right to teach or research without limit, when it should be understood as the right to teach and research within one's specialty.
"Just because I have a Ph.D. in one thing does not make me an expert in everything," he said.
Friends of Dr. DeGraff say his campaign for his proposed class came from his deep concern for
AGUSTÍN RAYO, a dean at M.I.T., in a letter to Dr. Michel DeGraff.
free speech and human rights and his understanding of language as a means to exercise power.
"Michel's great virtue is his persistence," said Haynes Miller, an M.I.T. professor emeritus of mathematics who is close to Dr. De-Graff and who says his friend is not an antisemite. "He doesn't give up. If he sees an injustice, he will attack it."
Dr. DeGraff, 63, was born in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, and persuaded his parents to send him to the United States to study computer science. But once there, he became more interested in his homeland's language, Haitian Creole, which, he said, is often derided as "broken French" and not a real language.
His Ph.D. thesis at the University of Pennsylvania was titled "Creole Grammars and Acquisition of Syntax: The Case of Haitian Creole," he said. He joined the M.I.T. linguistics faculty in 1996.
Dr. DeGraff sees parallels between the Haitian struggle for independence and that of Palestinian people. "That is what brought me to want to further my research and teaching about these connections," he said.
The idea for the class came to him on Dec. 5, 2023, after he had watched M.I.T.'s president, Sally Kornbluth, and leaders of Harvard and the University of Pennsylvania get rhetorically beat up by Republicans in a congressional hearing on campus antisemitism.
After the course was rejected, he turned the concept into a discussion series with guest speakers in the fall of 2024.
That year, he also frequently joined students who occupied part of campus in a three-week encampment demanding that the school end ties with Israel. He was there nearly every day, he said, before the police shut it down.
Agustin Rayo, dean of the M.I.T.
School of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, sanctioned Dr. DeGraff in late 2024. In a letter Dr. DeGraff shared, the dean said he was removing Dr. DeGraff temporarily from the linguistics section for being disruptive and creating the expectation that people who displease him "are at risk of being targeted" in public forums.
"Your speech rights do not place you above M.I.T.'s rules," the dean wrote in the letter.
Dr. DeGraff also came to the attention of congressional Republicans, who in a report pointed to accusations that he had targeted a Jewish student for harassment. That former student, William Sussman, joined a lawsuit against Dr. DeGraff and the school in 2025.
Mr. Sussman said Dr. DeGraff targeted him on social media as an example of a Zionist "mind infection" for being Jewish. Mr. Sussman has said antisemitic harassment drove him out of the university.
Dr. DeGraff said the term "mind infection" came from an Israeli scholar who has used it to refer to how Israeli schoolbooks marginalize Palestinians. Dr. DeGraff said that he was not an antisemit and that federal courts had said that criticism of Israel by itself is not inherently antisemitic.
Part of the suit, including the claims against Dr. DeGraff, was dismissed, though appeals are possible.
In a statement, Mr. Sussman criticized M.I.T., saying "the professor remains employed at M.I.T., where he continues to smear me."
His removal from the linguistics department means “his impact at M.I.T. is substantially reduced,” said Dr. Miller, the friend of Dr. De-Graff’s. “It is humiliating for him; it’s a symbolic thing as well as a practical thing.”
Last March, Dr. DeGraff filed a federal lawsuit against M.I.T., along with the congressional committee that had named him in its report and its chairman. In his suit, he accuses the university of punishing him for his political activism.
"If you ask faculty to keep quiet, then you are basically betraying the job of the university, which is to teach about difficult topics," he said.
M.I.T. denied his claims and asked the court to dismiss the suit.
“Indeed, the fact that DeGraff has continued to speak publicly and prolifically on the very subjects he claims have been chilled only underscores the speculative nature of his alleged injuries,” the university argued in a court filing.
He is still scheduled to teach the spring classes he has taught for years, "Creole Languages and Caribbean Identities" and "Black Matters: Introduction to Black Studies."
Over this past summer, Dr. De-Graff proposed another new course, based on his book, published last month: "Our Own Language: Harnessing the Power of Kreyol and Other Mother Tongues for Education and Liberation."
It is common for professors at a research university such as M.L.T. to propose new courses. And in early September, an associate dean told Dr. DeGraff the department would discuss the idea. But first, could he provide a copy of the book?
No, Dr. DeGraff replied, the syllabus he submitted should be enough. Given the history with his last course proposal, he wrote, "requiring an additional departmental review of the book itself therefore strikes me as ongoing discrimination and harassment." He looped in top administrators, including Dr. Kornbluth, to his email. His new class, he said, was rejected.
By BARRY BEARAK


WIN MANAMEE ASSOCIATED PRESS
PHIL SANDLIN/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Mike Ditka, a tenacious tight end for the Chicago Bears who relished each collision and fought for every yard, then a Super Bowl-winning Bears coach so well-known for his sideline rants that he became a symbol of competitive fire, died on Friday. "Da Coach," as he was commonly known, was 86.
The death was announced by his family through Jarrett Payton, the son of the former Bears running back Walter Payton. No further details were provided.
Ditka, who at times could be a bully, more often exuded a kind of crusty charm that fans found endearing. He was glib and amusing

Ditka favored what he called "Bears football": Hit the other guy harder than he hits you.
and opinionated. After leaving football, he became one of the sport's most visible and enduring talking heads, working as an analyst for NBC, CBS and finally ESPN.
Nowhere was he more esteemed than in Chicago, his adopted home, where he was exalted as someone who epitomized the city's grit. He was viewed as tough and authentic, a man who spoke his mind no matter the consequences.
To a large degree, the Windy City felt in his debt. He starred on the 1963 Chicago Bears, a team that won the N.F.L. title, and coached the 1985 Bears to the franchise's only Super Bowl victory, a 46-10 win over the New England Patriots.
Ditka favored a basic style of play that he called "Bears football," taking the game back to its primal roots: Hit the other guy harder than he hits you. With a protruding chin, combed-back hair and bushy mustache, he even resembled the fierce bear on the team's emblem. He certainly could growl.
Chicago's affection for its coach was the subject of several memorable sketches on "Saturday Night Live." Devoted Bears fans, always shown seated in a restaurant and gorging themselves with meat and beer, extolled their hero, claiming "Da Coach" could win a game even without his players. They prayed, "We thank God and Ditka for all they have provided."
Ditka portrayed himself and his team as the "Grabowskis," blue-collar guys who carried a lunch pail to work and weren't afraid of getting dirty. "We were the hard-hat guys," he wrote in a 2005 memoir called "In Life, First You Kick Ass." "The other guys ride in limos. We ride in trucks."
But Ditka himself enjoyed vintage cars and exclusive golf club memberships. He opened a chain of pricey restaurants that featured 38-ounce pork chops. For three decades, he was one of America's most prominent pitchmen, doing ads for Hanes underwear, Campbell's chunky soups, American Express and, as he aged, Levitra, a medication for erectile dysfunction. He sold everything from antifreeze to frozen yogurt and started his own line of fine wines and cigars. He opened Mike Ditka Resorts in Florida. Despite being a "Grabowski," he had his own limousine service.
As a coach, Ditka displayed wild mood swings, in a rage one day and penitent the next. He was notorious for screaming at his players and berating sportswriters. He chewed gum as if he was angry at it. His intensity could be both admirable and intimidating.
TORY TOMSIC, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
After a loss in 1983, his second year as a head coach, he punched a locker in front of the team and broke his hand. And yet he could also laugh at himself. A week later, he held up his cast and told his players, "Win one for Lefty."
Ditka made profitable use of this gruff persona, playing a parody of himself on TV commercials and in the 2005 film comedy "Kicking & Screaming," where he coached a children's soccer team with Will Ferrell. "I eat quitters for breakfast and spit out their bones," he bellowed at the players.

Ditka was a take-no-guff tight end for the Bears in 1965. Right, Ditka with the Bears in 1988. His regular-season career coaching record, with the Bears and the New Orleans Saints, was 121-95 over 14 years. His teams reached the playoffs seven times.
Armen Keteyian, who wrote the 1992 biography "Ditka: Monster of the Midway," portrayed the coach as "a complex and contradictory man," a hard drinker who "played more cards than Amarillo Slim and as much golf as Arnold Palmer." Keteyian added, "His self-esteem and temperament are forever tied to that one constant in his life, the one elixir that cured any ill — winning."
Keteyian quoted Megan Ditka, the coach's only daughter: "I asked my mom once. I said, 'Mom, was he the same person when you married him?' She said honest to God, he was a very shy and unassuming person before he got into the Pro Bowl. Then it was women. Fame. This and that. She said the priorities in his head got a little crowded."
Michael Keller Ditka was born on Oct. 18, 1939, in Carnegie, Pa., outside of Pittsburgh, and grew up in nearby Aliquippa. The family name had been Dyzcko in Ukraine, and the surname was changed by Ditka's father, also named Mike. His mother was Charlotte (Keller) Ditka.
The elder Ditka, himself a forceful man, worked at a steel mill, coming home with burn marks on his arms and scorched clothing. He became president of the local union and held the job for 34 years. He was a strict father, "not afraid of taking the belt out to whip you," his son said.
Young Mike, the eldest of four children, was a fierce competitor even as a boy. He'd chew out his teammates for making errors in Little League. He once chased his younger brother over a fence after he dropped a fly ball.
In high school, he was captain of the football, basketball and baseball teams. He had a chance to sign a professional baseball contract but decided instead to attend college. He was recruited heavily
to play football by Pitt and Penn State. At the time, he thought he might one day become a dentist, and Pitt alumni convinced him that their dental school would be easier to get into.
Reflecting later on his career choices, Ditka said: "The dentistry thing wouldn't have happened. I mean, think of Dr. Ditka. Me looking into people's mouths? I think I'd rather knock teeth out than put them in."
At Pitt, Ditka played tight end and split end on offense and on the defensive line. He also punted.
The Bears drafted him with the fifth pick of the first round in 1961, signing him for a \$12,000 salary (about \$130,000 today) and a \$6,000 bonus. That same year, he wed Margery Dougherty, whom he had known since high school. The marriage produced four children and lasted 12 years until their divorce.
Though just a rookie, Ditka re-defined the notion of what a tight end could add to an offense. At 6-foot-3, 230 pounds, he was not just a blocker, but also a prolific pass catcher who bullied his way over tacklers downfield. He became rookie of the year and made the first of five Pro Bowl appearances.
The take-no-guff tight end inevitably feuded with his domineering coach, George Halas, who was also the team's owner. Their biggest dispute was about money. Halas was a skinflint who, Ditka said, "tosses around nickels like manhole covers." In 1966, in a secret deal, Ditka accepted \$50,000 to sign with the Houston Oilers of the rival American Football League. The deal fell through when the N.F.L. and the A.F.L. merged.
Halas traded Ditka the following year to the then-lowly Philadelphia Eagles, where, slowed by injuries, he played two miserable seasons. Though he was never again an All-Pro, he enjoyed three better years after that with the Dallas Cowboys before retiring in 1972.
Tom Landry, the Cowboys' coach, thought enough of Ditka to hire him as an assistant. The two were an odd couple, one a stone-faced man who taught Bible classes and the other a hot-tempered carouser. In a forward to Ditka's autobiography "Ditka," Landry cautiously wrote, "Although I cannot condone the use of four-letter words in this book or elsewhere, I can endorse the book's Christian intent."
ever looking to replace their coach.
Halas had given up the on-field reins in 1967; the Bears glory days were in mothballs. He was in the market for a new coach, someone as tough as himself, and by hiring Ditka he got what he wanted. The team's new coach cursed and threatened. He said he told his players that "they were cowars for not hitting anybody. Then I threw chalk at the chalkboard."
The Bears were coming off a 6-10 season and, in Ditka's first year, a strike-shortened season, they went 3-6. But the new coach had inherited a strong core with running back Payton, middle linebacker Mike Singletary and defensive lineman Dan Hampton, all future Hall of Famers.
The team drafted well. In 1983, the Bears went 8-8; in 1984, they were 10-6.
Conason, Leslie
In 1985, they finished 15-1, winning Super Bowl XX in January 1986. The Bears were not only one of the most dominant teams ever, they were also a fun house of outlandish characters, including a player so massive he was called
Mike Ditka being carried by his Chicago Bears after they defeated the New England Patriots in Super Bowl XX in 1986 in New Orleans.
the Refrigerator and a defense that woofed like hounds before each play.
Ditka's subsequent Bears teams, though abundant with talent, never again made it to football's biggest game. Indeed, the fun house was only great fun the first time around. The Bears suffered from key injuries, salary disputes and internal bickering about endorsements. Ditka's tirades no longer seemed master strokes of motivation, just displays of an uncontrollable temper. He was fired after the Bears went 5-11 in the 1992 season.
Five years later, Ditka, a man with such bad hips that he waddled more than walked, returned to the game as head coach of the New Orleans Saints. His teams were awful. In Ditka's third and final year, he said, "God puts people in places for reasons, and he probably put me here to be humbled."
This general was not one to fade away. His TV appearances continued. He maintained a business empire. In his later years, he became a leading advocate for former N.F.L. players suffering from injuries incurred during their careers. The hard-hitting Ditka criticized the sport for failing to effectively deal with the problem of concussions.
In 2004, Republican leaders asked him to run for the U.S. Senate from Illinois against a state senator named Barack Obama, a greenhorn candidate with far less name recognition than a Hall of Fame football legend. Ditka, a staunch conservative, decided he already had too many other commitments. He came to regret the decision.
"Biggest mistake I ever made," he told a reporter in 2013. "Not that I would have won, but I probably would have and he wouldn't be in the White House."
More obituaries appear on Page A22.

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In his memoir, Ditka portrayed himself and his team as the "Grabowskis," blue-collar guys who weren't afraid of getting dirty. Right, Will Ferrell and Ditka in the comedy "Kicking & Screaming."
In 1977, Ditka married Diana Trantham. In addition to his wife, his survivors include his four children.
Ditka remained a Cowboys assistant for nine years. In late 1981, eager to become a head coach, he took a long shot, writing to the 86-year-old George Halas and asking to be considered if the Bears were

Deaths
Leslie J. Conson found the extraordinary in the ordinary and met the world with a sense of wonder, playfulness, and enthusiasm. Leslie was born in 1960, and he had been at a town, NY. Always a top student, she graduated magna cum laode from Cornell University, earned a master's division to the state of the city from University of Chicago, and a JD from Fordham University School of Law. She had a career as a securities firm in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and pension funds and institutional investors. A visionary in many ways, she built a home in Southampton, NY that became on architectural icon, and has been made over 8th at her home in Manhattan with her loving dough
ter by her side. She was pre-deceased by her husband and love of her life, Robert Conason. She is survived by her daughter, Alexis Conason (Gregory Dodell); beloved granddaughters, Roberto and Emilia Dodell; sisters Cathy Bensford, Steven Gottfried, and Carol Benson; niece, Jill Friedlander; and nephews, Daniel Benson, David Gottfried, Shiven Gottfried, and Jonathan Gottfried. In lieu of flowers, donations can be made in her memory to the community of a German sister designated for Breast Cancer Research Services Monday, 11:00am, at The Riverside' 76 Street and Amsterdam Avenue.
ANNOUNCEMENTS OF DEATHS MAY BE TELEPHONED FROM WITHIN NYC TO 212-556-3900, OR OUTSIDE NYC TOLL FREE 1-806-455-5522 OR SENT BY EMAIL TO NYTIMES@CLASSIFIEDSPLUS.COM FOR THE FOLLOWING EDITIONS Until 2:00 P.M. the day before for Monday through Saturday editions, until 4:00 P.M. on Friday for Sunday's National Edition, until 12:45 P.M. Saturday for Sunday's New York and late National editions. Photos must be submitted by noon the day prior to publication Tuesday through Friday. Photos for Saturday, Sunday and Monday must be submitted by 12 noon on Friday.
Stephen Stromberg An editor in Opinion.
ANCHORAGE
OLITICS in Alaska are different.
On Mary Peltola's Senate campaign website is a low-res video game called "Salmon Run," in which you can play the part of a fish trying to avoid being caught by commercial trawlers. As you navigate around nets and menacing ocean predators, messages pop up about Dan Sullivan, the state's Republican senator seeking re-election. "Dan Sullivan took hundreds of thousands of dollars from the trawling lobby," one reads. If you clear the run without being caught, you are congratulated for avoiding Mr. Sullivan's nets.
Ms. Peitola's kelp-roots campaign, in which trawlers are a big issue, is taglined "fish, family and freedom." Her pitch can seem parochial, even incomprehensible beyond Alaska's frigid waters.
Yet it is a blaring statement to the activists trying to reshape her party: In today's hyper-online, partisan, siloed politics, the real outsider Democratic candidate isn't the leftmost one. It's the one who has actually spent time, well, outside.
Alaska is, if not ruby-red, at least salmon pink. In her effort to beat the political odds, Ms. Peltola, 53, offers a contrast, in age, demeanor and substance, to Washington's aging Democratic establishment and to the faction trying to replace it — an ascendant, increasingly organized and aggressive left wing.
The New York Times
Ms. Peltola hardly mentions culture wars, which some supporters seem to appreciate. "Different sexual orientations ... I don't care," said Leila Dengel, a 73-year-old non-partisan voter who said Ms. Peltola won her over at the Valdez event. But, even as she emphasized that she is not "socialistic," Ms. Dengel said she likes that Ms. Peltola is for average people, and she is furious about the direction of the country, the Iran war and corporations pushing new technologies, such as her insurance company, which she resents for trying to make her go paperless.
lar Medicaid cuts. The Department of Government Efficiency's federal employee firings are vulnerable to criticism in Alaska, which has one of the highest concentrations of federal civilian employees in the country — and where accurate weather reports and ocean monitoring are life-or-death matters. So is Republicans' defunding of public radio, an information lifeline in remote environs.
But she has a program, in effect if not in intent.
President Trump's Iran war has enabled Ms. Peltola to blame him for raising Alaska's high cost of living. She constantly mentions the price of diesel fuel, which Alaskans use at high rates to fuel small generators and heat homes. And she derides Republicans' rescinding of Biden-era renewable energy subsidies — not necessarily on behalf of the climate, but because Alaskans want cheaper energy and technologies that enable them to live off-grid.
Ms. Peltola's pro-oil, pro-fishery stand reflects a concept of environmental stewardship that sees conserving nature as essential to preserving it for human use. Similarly, she emphasizes that building renewables could diversify energy sources in a state addicted to diesel. As Alaska politicians have from time immemorial, she favors spending on basic infrastructure — and gun rights.
The Peltola agenda might seem like an assortment of positions chosen opportunistically to appeal to Alaskans. "I really wish I had something better to say," she said after I asked her what a national agenda for center-left pragmatists might look like. She explained that she's too "Alaska-centric" to think much about partisan politics.
"We really do need people in these positions who are normal people," Ms. Peltola told me.

In keeping with the times, she indulges in some populist flair, lambasting "millionaires and billionaires" and "corporate greed." But she isn't mounting a class revolution. Her objection to wealthy people focuses on their degree of influence in Washington, and she centers on an anti-corruption message backed by proposals to limit political spending and conflicts of interest among members of Congress.
There aren't many of those left in Congress, from which the constant need to raise campaign money and navigate impossible factional purity tests repels all but the most committed powerseekers.
The big exception to Ms. Peltola's de-emphasis on cultural issues is abortion. Championing reproductive choice helps put the "freedom" in her "fish, family, freedom" mantra.
Ms. Peltola differentiates herself from a noxious Democratic brand by building a practical personal one rather than adopting a trendy ideological one. The logic of her approach: In the tough races that make or break Democratic majorities, candidates who read off the progressive left's script will underperform.
Sure, even with her own lines, she might lose. Her lack of polish is one potential problem.
Voters often fall for politicians who act authentic — think Bill Clinton and his studied sentimentality or George W. Bush and his cowboy cosplay. Ms. Peltola is authentic. Hers is not a calculated, polished, flannel-shirt-sleeves-rolled-up-to-just-the-right-
length sort of authenticity. Ms. Peltola's is rawer.
Listening to her, one must regularly confront a question: Was it a gaffe?
"When I served in the 117th and 118th Congresses, there were six senators in the middle, out of 100," she said in September to a small crowd in Valdez, a town of 4,000 on Prince William Sound. "Now there are three senators in the middle, out of 100. I would like to be the fourth."
Who are the three Senate pragmatists, I asked her after the event? "Lisa Murkowski," she said immediately. "Angus King," she offered with less self-assurance, her intonation rising as if she were asking a question. Then a pause. "Who's the other one?" she said. Eventually, a campaign aide mentioned Susan Collins. "Yeah, Susan Collins," Ms. Peltola said.
National Democrats might wish that she had just moved on. Ms. Peltola made common cause with their top target, Ms. Collins, Maine's sitting Republican senator, and undercut Troy Jackson, the Democrat running to unseat her.
In both campaign events I attended, Ms. Peltola paused awkwardly as she tried to remember what she wanted to say to her audience. The Times also reported last month that her temperament — including the purported use of slurs with staff members — made her congressional office chaotic and her campaign a mess.
Still, observers in Anchorage doubt that these reports or her plain manner will matter much — they might even help her with Alaska's many hardscrabble independents. Having to stop for a bit to remember what to say? Forgetting senators? Not exactly senatorial. But definitely relatable.
"I don't have anything in common with any other candidate," she said when I asked her about what she and Democrats in other midterm races share. This seems unlikely. But purposefully or not, the statement bolstered the claim, per one of her campaign spokesmen, that she has been one of the "least loyal Democrats."
The truth is that Ms. Peltola, in her unprepossessing way, would probably work more comfortably with Susan Collins than with Elizabeth Warren.
Alaskans "build coalitions based on people who are easy to work with," she said. They must in their rugged, remote, sparsely
Her call for pragmatism is an agenda in itself, reflecting a theory of politics that getting things done by building weird, sometimes uncomfortable political coalitions is better than ideological purity. Her message is for oil-industry workers and small-time fishermen, suburbanites around Anchorage and off-the-grid libertarians, Native and non-Native Alaskans. Her career has been a test case in the proposition that practicality is a common denominator that makes her approachable.
Ms. Peltola won her 2022 race, a special election to replace Mr. Young, who died in office that year. She hired Mr. Young's chief of staff to run her own office and, by her telling, went "toe-to-toe with the Biden administration." She pushed President Joe Biden to approve ConocoPhillips's Willow project, an oil drilling venture in Alaska's National Petroleum Reserve. She also favors oil exploration in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, though her pro-oil position isn't unqualified: She declined to support a bill that would have threatened nearby fisheries.
Her parents worked on the first congressional campaign of Don Young, a Republican who went on to represent Alaska in the House for decades. Ms. Peltola boasts that, in Alaska's statehouse, she worked with Ms. Murkowski, a Republican, before Ms. Murkowski rose to the U.S. Senate in 2002. Though a Democrat, Ms. Peltola in 2010 helped ms. Murkowski's improbable and successful write-in re-election campaign after Ms. Murkowski lost her party's primary. Ms. Murkowski returned the favor by ended December 2010 when she ran for Congress in 2022. (Ms. Murkowski gave Mr. Sullivan, her fellow Republican, a lukewarm endorsement this year but has also defended Ms. Peltola.)
PHOTOGRAPES BY CLARA MOKRI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
inhabited state — population just shy of 750,000.
In her Senate campaign, she typically doesn't attack "Republican" but rather "D.C." policies from the past two years in which the G.O.P. has controlled Washington. Ms. Peltola often mentions broadly unpopu-
Ms. Peltola is a lifelong subsistence fisherman from Bethel, an outpost in far western Alaska that is accessible only by plane or boat. An Alaska Native of the Yup'ik people, she captained her own fishing boat at age 14.
Peltola favors building weird political coalitions over maintaining ideological purity.
Ms. Peltola campaigns on enhancing Obamacare rather than enacting Medicare for all, which also gives a sense of what she would be like in the Senate. She would be the critical swing vote on tough deals that get Obamacare subsidies and renewables tax credits restored, the debt limit raised or a gratuitous government shutdown ended.
People aren't out in the streets calling for cooperation and moderation. Then again, activists aren't the only ones who vote. Particularly in many Mountain West states — which have big natural resource issues, lots of federal land, affection for guns and gas, an outdoorsy culture of self-reliance, relatively little racial polarization and few successful Democratic candidates — a Peltola-like combination of deep-rooted identity and practical outlook has a chance of working.
Even if she loses but overperforms in her state, which has backed Mr. Trump in three elections straight, the result would suggest her strategy worked.
Native Alaskans are politically swingy — Sealaska, a major Native Alaska group, endorsed both Ms. Peltola and Mr. Sullivan — but her background should help her. She might appeal to voters who backed the president but aren't happy. Mr. Trump in 2024 carried Alaska 54 percent to 41 percent, but his approval ratings in the state now hover in the mid-40s.
And, critically, Alaska Democrats aren't at war with one another over their direction. They appear to have taken the right lesson from national Democrats' struggles: Don't scare the middle. Ms. Peltola has used this space to campaign as a normal person who has normal views. Focusing on persuadable voters with a practical persona built by a relentless focus on local issues shouldn't be a bold strategy. But it makes her a true outsider candidate.
Even as the Republican Party has devolved, the Democrats have lost huge swaths of the country. To get them back, the party needs to leave plenty of room for pragmatists who want to run offbeat campaigns about fish.


Eric Alterman
A CUNY distinguished professor at Brooklyn College and the author, most recently, of "We Are Not One: A History of America's Fight Over Israel."
IN DECEMBER 2018, Representative Nancy Pelosi made a pledge to a largely Jewish audience: If the U.S. Capitol "crumbled to the ground, the one thing that would remain is our commitment to our aid — and I don't even call it aid — our cooperation with Israel. That's fundamental." That commitment apparently faltered in mid-July, when Ms. Pelosi voted with more than 100 of her colleagues to slash U.S. aid to the Jewish state.
Unconditional support for Israel was once as common in Congress as the flag pin on a senator's lapel, largely thanks to the bipartisan efforts of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. Today, in the aftermath of Israel's bloody war on Gaza, launched in regular elections, and then announced that 2023, Israel has reached near-pariah status globally and domestically. "The condemnation of what Bibi Netanyahu is doing is almost universal" within the Democratic Party; Gov Gavin Newsom of California told PBS News in September, speaking of Israel's actions in Gaza, Lebanon and the West Bank. Furthermore, he said, these parties have a pretty overwhelming opposition to accepting money from AIPAC?
The age of AIPAC's unmatched political power and influence is at an end. Rejection may be the most bipartisan act the group inspires. In the U.S. Senate race in Michigan, allies of the Republican candidate, Mike Rogers, reportedly asked AIPAC not to advertise on his behalf. AIPAC and affiliated groups invested nearly \$30 million in advertising during the summer's Democratic primaries to help Representative Haley Stevens in her bid for the Senate nomination in Michigan. During that race, her opponent, Dr. Abdul El-Sayed, bragged, "AIPAC has called me the single most dangerous candidate in this race." Dr. El-Sayed, of course, won.
Despite the profound transformation in how the world sees AIPAC's sole client, and its increasing marginalization in American politics, the group not only hasn't acknowledged the change, but it operates as though Israel were as popular as it was in 1991, when the Jewish state enjoyed a nearly 80 percent favorable rating among Americans. According to a 2026 NBC News poll, just 32 percent of American voters now view Israel positively; among Democrats, that number falls to just 13 percent.
What's more, Israel has lost even many American Jews. According to a 2025 Washington Post poll, 61 percent of American Jews said they believe Israel committed war crimes in Gaza and some 40 percent believe Israel has committed genocide. Another recent poll found nearly half of American Jews under the age of 35 believing that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict should be solved by creating a single, binational state, an idea considered to be fringe since the Palestinian American scholar Edward Said advocated it in 1999.
Support for Israel is now a millstone around the neck of Democratic politicians and a source of profound inner conflict for American Jews who seek to balance their Zionism with their liberalism. Many of the Jews who continue to define their identities via their support for Israel are, today, most likely calculating the cost of nursing homes and retirement communities. Younger Jews, like most young Americans of virtually all religions and ethnicities, increasingly express negative views about the Jewish nation.
The question facing AIPAC is not simply whether it can find a way to adjust to this new political world but, more fundamentally, whether it can even see the changes demanded by these new circumstances.
AIPAC WAS FOUNDED by L.L. Kenen, a former lobbyist for the Israeli Foreign Ministry known by many as Si, in the wake of a 1953 Israeli military massacre of 69 Palestinians in a village called Qibya. Mr. Kenen suggested to friends and colleagues that they were not necessarily called the American Zionist Committee for Public Affairs, to make Israel's case whenever circumstances made it necessary. The U.S. State Department consistently tried to pressure Israel to take a more generous attitude toward the roughly 750,000 Palestinians it had expelled before and during its war of independence. He also asked us to call the Akaba, or "catastrophe"—but were stymied in part by the political opposition AIPAC's predecessor helped engender.
AIPAC's goal in those early years was to promote the interests of an Israel then understood to be a young and scrappy David surrounded by a Goliath of hostile Arab nations. Its message was straightforward and bipartisan: As a democracy in the Middle East, Israel was morally deserving of generous American financial, military and diplomatic support.
For the United States, that support could be expected to pay strategic dividends, both in the region, where America would gain a reliable ally, and in domestic politics, where Israel was extremely popular with voters, pretty much regardless of religion. By 1963, Senator J. William Fulbright, then the chair of the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee, called AIPAC "the most powerful and efficient foreign policy lobby in American politics."
In the early 1980s, AIPAC's executive director, Thomas Dine, a former aide to Ted Kennedy, set out to expand the lobby into a coast-to-coast operation comparable to the National Rifle Association or the AARP, with a national membership made up of wealthy funders as well as American Jews who increasingly defined their religious and political identities through support for Israel. Both groups could be relied upon to call, write and, if necessary, threaten senators and representatives.
Relying on a mix of the extremely wealthy and the extremely committed, Mr. Dine increased AIPAC's annual budget to \$15 million from some \$1.7 million. By the end of the century, it was \$50 million, with nine regional offices and 10 satellite offices. At the same time, U.S. public spending on military aid to Israel roughly doubled.
AIPAC also began to woo candidates and congressional staff and provided each with language for legislation and talking points. It funded luxury junkets and met frequently with reporters and editors to try to shape the narratives about Israel and the Middle East that reached the public. Rabbis were offered ready-to-use pro-Israel sermons.
Still, for many years, AIPAC did not endorse specific candidates or dispense funds directly to them. Instead, it merely made sure that certain candidates it approved of, from either party, were well funded, and that those it did not were not.
AIPAC's role started to shift in 1993 with the resignation of Mr. Dine and his replacement by a more conservative set of board members and top executives. When former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin attempted to make peace with the Palestinians in the early 1990s, AIPAC only grudgingly supported the cause. While its leaders did not openly undermine the peace process, they did independently lobby for legislation, that complicated the negotiations, such as a bill calling on the Clinton administration to move the American Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.
After the 1995 assassination of Rabin and the subsequent collapse of the peace process, AIPAC resumed its steady march rightward. The lobby also began to embrace the support of far-right Christian Zionists. At a public interview in 2021, Ron Dermer, a former Israeli ambassador to the United States and a close ally of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, said, "The backbone of Israel's support in the United States is the evangelical Christians," rather than American Jews, who he said were "disproportionately" among Israel's critics. AIPAC followed suit.
THE SPECIFIC CHALLENGES the organization faces today can be traced to Mr. Netanyahu's decision to appear before Congress in March 2015 at the invitation of Representative John Boehner, then the Republican speaker of the House. In an unusual move for foreign ally, Mr. Netanyahu pulley is a significant candidate of his party attempts to undermine President Barack Obama, a Democrat and a leader who happened to be supported by a majority of American Jews. In his address, Mr. Netanyahu denounced the Obama administration's diplomatic efforts toward nuclear disarmament in Iran, better known as the Iran's government, and an affiliate spent nearly \$30 million on a failed campaign to prevent the deal's passage.
AIPAC's increasing identification with both the methods and the goals of the Republican Party has become ever more evident over the past decade. In early 2020, it produced a Facebook ad accusing "radicals in the Democratic Party" of "pushing their antisemitic and anti-Israel policies down the throats of the American people."
AIPAC's annual conference was once a way station for all presidential hopefuls, but in 2019 Senators Elizabeth Warren and Kamala Harris, as well as former Representative Beto O'Rourke, among others, all declined to attend, a decision that would have been hard to imagine just four years earlier.
In December 2021, AIPAC created a super PAC that also swung right. The group immediately amassed an enormous war chest and announced endorsements of more than 100 Republicans, many of whom had voted against certifying the results of the 2020 presidential election. By 2022, its high-profile donors included conservative Republican billionaires such as the Home Depot founder Bernie Marcus and the hedge fund manager Paul Singer.
Using right-wing Republican money to defeat liberal candidates in Democratic primaries exposed AIPAC to considerable anger on the part of progressives, and further alienated the lobby from the mainstream opinions of American Jews. This was especially true of young American Jews whose views of Israel had been shaped by an ever more oppressive occupation of the West Bank and Gaza well before Oct. 7, and the mass killing of Palestinians that followed in its wake.
As a result, the group's electoral strategy has begun to backfire. In February, AIPAC's super PAC dropped \$2.3 million into a New Jersey special primary election to try to defeat former Representative Tom Malinowski for what it saw as his wobbly support for Israel. Mr. Malinowski lost — but not to the more pro-Israel candidate. He was ousted by a candidate to his left: Analilia Mejia, a former aide to Bernie Sanders who has indicated she believes that Israel's actions in Gaza amount to genocide.
In Illinois, AIPAC-aligned super PACs invested more than \$5 million in an effort to thwart Daniel Biss in his Democratic primary race for Congress in Illinois. Mr. Biss is the grandson of Holocaust survivors, and his mother is Israeli — but he supports limiting arms sales to Israel and recognizing a Palestinian state. When Mr. Biss won his race, he boasted about his willingness to call "AIPAC out clearly and repeatedly."
Even establishment Democrats such as Cory Booker and Ruben Gallego have sworn off AIPAC money, no doubt cognizant that public association with the lobby these days

PHOTO ILLUSTRATION BY ANTHONY GERACE, SOURCE PHOTOGRAPH BY ARMAN ZHENKEYEN/GETTY IMAGES
can turn a campaign radioactive. Many Democrats who support Israel feel compelled to resist Mr. Netanyahu and publicly criticize his government's behavior — and to vocally and unequivocally reject the lobby's support. AIPAC's influence in future Democratic Party politics is likely to be limited to the role of either boogeyman or secret spoiler.
By sticking to its long-held, inflexible, "Israel right or wrong" line and allying itself with a party whose views on race, immigration, economics — and, these days, democracy — are anathema to most American Jews, AIPAC has effectively forfeited the role it enjoyed in the days when Israel was a genuinely bipartisan cause. As America heads into the midterms, it is clear the lobby has all but lost the Democrats and may be skating on ever thinner ice with Republicans as well.
THERE REMAINS, HOWEVER, an opportunity for AIPAC to play a positive and, no less important, honest role in American politics.
While no doubt a traditional flavor of antisemitism occasionally attaches to pro-Palestinian arguments on the left, more recently it has been the right's increasing tolerance of widespread antisemitism among its most influential voices — from Tucker Carlson to Candace Owens and Nick Fuentes — that has morphed into a particularly fervent form of anti-Zionism. MAGA anger over Iran (and Israel's role in the war) has hardened that space.
Were AIPAC to commit itself to the battle against this fusion of old-fashioned right-wing antisemitism with its new, virulent anti-Zionism, it could serve the interests of Israel, American Jews and the United States simultaneously. It might also rescue its own reputation in the process.
LETTERS
TO THE EDITOR:
Re "Fort Hood Shooter's Execution Will Be Public and Streamed Live, Pentagon Says" (news article, nytimes.com, Oct. 8):
Of all the perfidy, of all the graft, of all the lying, of all the fear engendered by the Trump administration, this headline made me sick to my stomach. As I try to sort my thoughts to put into words the kind of horror I feel, I find that I am failing.
Just the idea that a modern American administration considers this act is beyond the pale. Then it occurs to me that what I am feeling is profound moral injury.
How will we recover from this? Or will we recover at all? SUZANNE SMYTHE ESSEX, CONN.
TO THE EDITOR:
The horrifying abasement of common decency under this administration has hit its nadir with its decision to livestream the execution of the Fort Hood
TO THE EDITOR:
TO THE EDITOR:
America's enemies will be forever grateful to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. He will give them a recruiting tool far more effective than any they could have made for themselves.
Re "North Korea's New Clout Has a Human Cost" (front page, Sept. 20):
FRED KAMENY, GRAZ, AUSTRIA
TIM KENT, OYSTER BAY, N.Y.
Both houses of Congress and the few remaining members of the administration not in thrall to President Trump should speak and act loudly before we prove to the world that decency is dead in the United States of America.
TO THE EDITOR:
It's not just overseas workers who suffer from the abuses of the Pyongyang government.
Livestreaming an execution so the public can watch?
shooter. No matter one's belief in the efficacy or moral basis for execution, to livestream the death of a human being — particularly by firing squad — is unspeakably repugnant.
America, a "shining city upon a hill"? Yes, the United States is exceptional, but not in ways any decent, moral person would want to celebrate.
PIERRE HOME-DOUGLAS DORVAL, QUEBEC
A United Nations commission of inquiry concluded over a decade ago that North Korea's government perpetrates crimes against humanity against its own people, including "extermination, murder, enslavement, torture, imprisonment, rape, forced abortions and other sexual violence." Amnesty International notes that the threat of execution is persistent, including for the "crime" of watching South Korean television.
North Korea's government provides none of the freedoms promised by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The country is a vast constellation of police stations, detention facilities, prisons and labor camps into which countless people disappear to be beaten, tortured, starved and killed. Neighbors are expected to monitor and report on neighbors under threat of further deprivation.
Chronic food insecurity and shortages of hospital supplies, medicine and fuel for heat severely affect the most vulnerable: children, the elderly and people with disabilities. Meanwhile, the authorities have devoted huge resources to maintain a standing army of 1.3 million, fourth largest in the world, and to develop nuclear weapons and ballistic missile systems.
North Korea cannot thrive if its authorities sacrifice the rights, well-being and lives of its people. The authorities there must realize that impunity does not last forever.
JACK RENDLER CALISTOGA, CALIF.
The writer is the North Korea country specialist for Amnesty International U.S.A.
TO THE EDITOR:
Re "Maybe Britons Should Leave the Birds Alone," by Lia Leendertz (Opinion guest essay, Sept. 30):
As an ornithologist, I'm often asked, "Is it OK to feed birds?" My answer is yes, so long as you do so responsibly. A bird feeder is not just a decorative feature of our gardens. It is an invitation to our feathered friends. Come eat here.
Just as we would never serve our friends dinner on dirty plates, we should not offer birds seed in dirty feeders. It is important to clean feeders regularly. It is also important to provide a safe space for dining. Keep your cats indoors, and take measures to make glass windows more visible to birds.
Of course, bird feeders are not the only way — nor are they the best way — to attract birds to your garden. The best thing you can do to support local birds is to build back the habitat birds have lost.
Plant native plants. Leave your leaves, if you can. Construct a brush pile. Downsize your lawn. Stop using pesticides. Let it be a little messy; let it be a little wild.
If you build it, I promise the birds will still come.
OLIVIA V. SANDERFOOT ITHACA, N.Y.
The writer leads Project Feeder-Watch at the Cornell Lab of Ornithology.
TO THE EDITOR:
"Venezuelan Gold Chased by Trump Sits Untouched" (front page, Sept. 29) details growing U.S. interest in Venezuela's gold reserves. Yet largely missing from the conversation are the Indigenous peoples whose territories are increasingly threatened by mining and who could bear the greatest costs of a new gold rush.
For communities in southern Venezuela, gold mining is not simply an economic or geopolitical issue. Illegal mining has already contributed to deforestation, mercury contamination, violence, disease and incursions into Indigenous territories.
The risks are particularly severe for uncontacted Indigenous peoples, for whom increased mining and the roads and infrastructure that accompany it can have devastating consequences.
Expanding or formalizing Venezuela's gold industry will not automatically eliminate these threats. Any new investment must include meaningful protections for Indigenous territories and respect Indigenous peoples' right to determine what happens on their lands.
As the United States and investors pursue Venezuela's gold, Indigenous communities should not be forced to bear the cost.
KEITH SLACK, WASHINGTON The writer is the director of Survival International USA.
TO THE EDITOR:
Re "The Global Order Is Changing. We Can No Longer Ignore the Warning Signs," by Margaret MacMillan (Opinion guest essay, Sept. 27):
I am a moderate, conservative Canadian. I agree with many of President Trump's concerns, including the harm caused by illegal immigration, government waste and the self-interest of the educated elites. My great concern with respect to the president is his long history of failures and bankruptcies.
Professor MacMillan is right about the changes in the international order. I believe that the United States must be a strong part of that, but to do so, it must find a competent, unselfish leader who can commit America to a constructive role in this changing future.
As a longtime friend and admirer of the United States, I wish I could think of such a person. Sadly, no one comes to mind.
STEPHEN GILL BURLINGTON, ONTARIO
TO THE EDITOR:
Re "Deadly Crashes Surge as E-Bikes and Scooters Fill New York Streets" (news article, Oct. 1): A simple change would make e-bikes safer for riders, and possibly also for pedestrians. One problem is the lack of visibility. A solution would be to require e-bikes to have a pole with a blinking light sticking up in the back. SHAUN BREIDBART PELIHAM, NY
ing, "Her family was in control of a media empire that we viewed as an arm of propaganda for the United States government."
For the ever-voluble, ever-dogmatic Mr. Harris, it was also the start of a headline-grabbing odyssey of crime and punishment that unfolded over decades, involving one of the largest manhunts in F.B.1, history, two prison sentences and enough revolutionary sloganeering to make Mao's head spin.
On that February night, after a brief, violent struggle, Mr. Harris stuffed her — writhing and screaming, wearing a bathrobe and fuzzy blue slippers — into the trunk of a Chevrolet Impala. It was the start of one of the defining news epics of the era, as Ms. Hearst morphed from Patty to Tania — a gun-toting urban guerrilla and bank robber — and back to Patty again.
The S.L.A. represented a distillation — or, perhaps, a fun-house mirror distortion — of the tide of anger that had been building since the 1960s, particularly among the young, over issues like the Vietnam War and the halting successes of the civil rights movement and the feminist struggle, against a backdrop of rampant drug use and an ever-increasing extremism.
The group was founded in 1973, with Donald DeFreeze, an escaped convict who assumed the grandiose nom de guerre General Field Marshal Cinque, as its figurehead. According to one probation report, Mr. DeFreeze had "a schizoid personality with strong schizophrenic potential."
Cinque, as he was known, and his cadre of radicalized middle-class young people banded together under an incendiary slogan, "Death to the fascist insect that preys upon the life of the people."
ASSOCIATED PRESS
Historians of the American left have been less than charitable toward the S.L.A. over the years.

William Harris in 1975 at the Los Angeles County jail before an arraignment after a vast manhunt for him and other members of the Symbionese Liberation Army.
NATIONAL FIREARMS ACT; MATERIAL WITNESS
Ft No. 106-009-53 Data photographs taken in boxes Alters: Michael Peunt Deales, William Kudha, Jardillier, Shita, Jardillier Shita Inboxers bis: 28 June January 12, 1943. Pub 101, Oklahoma test supported by law
Ener, Hau Complation: Mollion Race: 950 Nationality: American
Age: 28, New January 12, 1943. Feb 101, Oklahoma was converted to birth
A. Annethally were the Marche trip movements, not even closed, spent night versus meals was be chipped, approximately 100 p.m., white and black exercises for exercise, was lost and wading own trip from and took a slot.
Social Security Numbers Based: 315-962147; 316-27-4880; 320-69-5407 Fingerprint Classification: 28 G 1-31-32


"Marx wrote that 'history repeats itself, first as tragedy, then as farce,'" Todd Gitlin, the author and former president of the Students for a Democratic Society, told CBS News in 2002.
FRI No. 325,000 1,2 Data photographic name: ###
Emily Montagnis-Debavets Age: 21, Iam February 11, 1947. Nazklaus. Baojital and supported by term
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Total Security Numbers Excl. 107-42,000, 107-42,000
Patricia Campbell Hearst FBJ No. 125, 1951; 1000 photographs taken unknown. Alan: Turia Age: 28, from February 26, 1914, San Francisco, California. August: 37° Satisfaction: 100 gm Weight: 110 pounds Duration: Fair Balance: 300 gm Balance: 3,541 pounds Security: American. Score and Metric: Rule on lower right angle of sight above, about two feet tall spots. Balance: Fair currently tight sides, and slightly more than some times below above should be in length, amount, any way with, including 20% white, dark brown or yellow, long white, but not meeting black corona, light orange, brown blinding beds and lighting equipment.

THE ABOVE ENVICALS ARE SELF-PROSCIAMED REMOHN OF THE FABROSOID LITERATION ASML AND RECEPTUALLY HAVE BEEN IN POSSESSION OF NUMBER OF FEEDINGS INCLUDING AUTOMATIC WEAPONS. WILLIAM HARIS AND PATRICKA PHARIST MURICALLY HAVE RECENTLY TIED GUNS TO AVOID AREECT. ALL THREE SHOULD BE CONSIDERED ABOVE AND VERY HANDICIOUS. FEEDING WATWAINE MOAT ISSENT AT 2018, 1974; at Long Angeles, California, changing the Barrel and Board with violations of the United Diagnostics Act. Board was also changed in a Federal complaint as April 15, 1974; at San Francisco, California, is a material witness to a
IF YOU HAVE ANY INFORMATION CONCERNING THESE PERSONS. PLEASE NOTIFY ME OR CONTACT YOUR LOCAL FBI OFFICE. TELEPHONE NUMBERS AND ADDRESSES OF ALL FBI OFFICES LISTED ON BACK.
"The tragedy" of the S.L.A., Mr. Gitlin added, "was the demise of the 'new left' into a collection of political sects who made no sense. The farce was that here was this small cult mouthing the words, like lip-syncing revolutionary rhetoric."
Contelli,
FILL, VIA TONY RODRIN/STIGNA — GETTY IMAGES

F.R.L. VIA BIG COLLECTION/ALAMY
"Reality isn't always on the surface," he said. "Sometimes, you have to look a little deeper to see what's real."
In a 2018 interview on CNN, Mr. Harris, known in the S.L.A. as General Teko, offered a different perspective.
William Taylor Harris was born on Jan. 22, 1945, to Betty and Fred Harris in Fort Sill, Okla., where his father, a lieutenant in the Army Air Corps during World War II, was stationed at the Army base. The elder Mr. Harris later worked as a salesman in Carmel, Ind., an Indianapolis suburb, where Bill grew up.
In high school, Bill won a local journalism award and golfed for the school team; he was also an acolyte at St. Christopher's Episcopal Church. His mother later told Time magazine that he grew up respecting authority and "would never have thought of arguing with his dad."
When he graduated from high school in 1963, he told CNN, "the civil rights movement was ramping up, but I had no political consciousness of any kind."
As a student at Indiana University, he joined a fraternity and, according to "The Voices of Guns" (1977), a history of the S.L.A. by Vin McLellan and Paul Avery, was more interested in sports and beer than academics. He drifted away from school and joined the Marines in 1965 to "find himself"; when he enlisted, he was a registered Republican.
When his father died of a heart attack the next year, "he took it hard," a friend later recalled, noting that the death "robbed him of the one person he was trying to prove himself to."
He shipped out to Vietnam and was stationed in Da Nang. "My first day in Vietnam," Mr. Harris told CNN, "I had to witness the torture of a Vietnamese prisoner. When you get into that kind of level of conflict, it's really hard to adjust coming back home."
After his discharge, he returned to Indiana University, where he joined Vietnam Veterans Against the War and his politics drifted left. In 1968, he met Emily Schwartz, a student who came from an affluent Chicago suburb and was also developing far-left leanings. They married in 1971.
According to a 1975 New York Times article, Mr. Harris studied theater and earned a master's degree in urban education. Soon after, the Harrises followed another couple from their college circle, Angela Atwood, a future S.L.A. member, and Gary Atwood, to California. Mr. Harris took a job at an Oakland post office, and the Harrises drifted toward the radical fringe.
In November 1973, the fledgling S.L.A. earned its first headlines by using cyanide-laced bullets to kill Marcus Foster, the Oakland schools superintendent. Mr. Foster, who was Black and a respected progressive, had been considering security measures, including issuing student identification cards, that the group deemed "fascist."
Many on the left were horrified by the shooting. The Harrises were intrigued.
Soon after, Mr. Harris recalled on CNN, "we were approached and asked if we wanted to meet the people who carried out the Foster assassination. Emily and I
and Angela were taken to a location where hoods were put over our heads, and we were led into a van and we were transported up to a place we didn't know."
Before long, the Harrises had become S.L.A. soldiers and were helping to plan the Hearst kidnapping.
The group's initial communiqué claiming credit for the kidnapping, which described Ms. Hearst as a "prisoner of war" who had been "arrested," made no ransom demands. The S.L.A. eventually insisted on a food giveaway to the needy that could have amounted to about \$400 million (nearly \$3 billion today); the Hearsts pledged \$2 million, which the kidnappers judged insufficient.
Ms. Hearst spent the weeks after her abduction largely confined to a closet in an S.L.A. safe house in Daly City, just south of San Francisco. She later said that she had been sexually assaulted by two other members, which Mr. Harris vehemently denied.
On April 3, 1974, the S.L.A. released a Polaroid photo of her posing with a sawed-off M1 carbine in front of a banner bearing the S.L.A.'s seven-headed-cobra logo.
It was accompanied by a tape-recorded statement in which she identified herself as Tania — a name inspired by a onetime comrade of the Cuban revolutionary Che Guevara — and assailed the establishment. “I have learned how vicious the pig really is,” she said, “and our comrades are teaching me to attack with even greater viciousness.”
About two weeks later, wearing a Guevara-style beret and carrying a semiautomatic carbine, she played a key role in an S.L.A. robbery at a Hibernia Bank branch in San Francisco that yielded about \$11,000. Fearing arrest, the group fled to Los Angeles. On May 16, the Harrises and Ms. Hearst set off on a run for supplies in a red-and-white Volkswagen bus, as Jeffrey Tobin recounted in his 2016 book, "American Heiress: The Wild Saga of the Kidnapping, Crimes and Trial of Patty Hearst."
Their last stop was Mel's Sporting Goods in Inglewood. While shopping for heavy-duty clothing there, Mr. Harris slipped a revolution-ready shotgun-shell bandoleer into his pocket. When he was confronted by one of the store's employees — whom he later described in an S.L.A. communiqué as a "pig-agent clerk" attempting to "show his allegiance to his reactionary white bosses" — Mr. Harris and the employee ended up in a tussle on the side-walk.
Ms. Hearst, waiting in the van across the street, helped Mr. Harris escape by peppering the store with automatic-weapon fire, shattering the plate-glass windows but somehow injuring no one. "She saved my bacon," he later said.
RETTMANN ARCHIVE/GETTY IMAGES

The three escaped, stealing multiple cars. In the chaos, they left behind the Volkswagen van, which held a parking ticket that indirectly led authorities to an S.L.A. hide-out in South Central Los Angeles.

ASSOCIATED PRESS
By then, the Harrises and Ms. Hearst had fled south, to a motel room in Anaheim with a view of Disneyland. They watched on live television as police and F.B.I. teams descended on the modest yellow house where their comrades were hiding.
An officer outside the house overheard Mr. DeFreeze imploring his five followers to choose death over surrender, Mr. Toobin wrote. Ultimately, they did.
Ignoring repeated calls to give themselves up, the group responded to tear gas with gunfire. A furious battle ensued, and the house caught fire, the roof and walls collapsing. All six S.L.A. members died.
On April 21, 1975, the refashioned S.L.A. organized an armed robbery of a Crocker National Bank branch in a Sacramento suburb. While group members barked orders to those inside, telling them to get down on the floor, Ms. Harris accidentally discharged her shotgun, killing Myrna Opsahl, a mother of four who was there to deposit church collections.
The remnants of the group returned to the Bay Area and began to recruit new members.
The Harrises and Ms. Hearst were arrested that September in San Francisco. The Harrises faced possible life sentences after being convicted in August 1976 on charges related to their Los Angeles crime spree, including armed robbery and auto theft. They were in jail awaiting trial when they were indicted in the Hearst kidnapping, which resulted in a plea deal. They each spent about eight years behind bars before being released on parole in 1983.
The Harrises divorced after they were paroled; Ms. Harris had come out as a lesbian in prison. Mr. Harris went on to become a private investigator. He married Ms. Young, a Bay Area defense lawyer, in 1988. They had two sons, lived in Oakland and eventually moved to San Francisco.
Patricia Hearst, near left, whom the S.L.A. kidnapped, robbing a Hibernia Bank branch in San Francisco with Donald DeFreeze in April 1974. In May, the police found six S.L.A. members at a house in Los Angeles. After the house caught fire, all six died, including Mr. DeFreeze, the group's leader. Below left, Ms. Hearst in front of a banner bearing the group's logo.
In 2002, he, Emily Harris and three other S.L.A. members were arrested on charges related to the fatal Crocker Bank robbery. All five pleaded guilty to second-degree murder. Mr. Harris served four years.
In addition to his wife and their sons, Cody and Shane, he is survived by two sisters, Joanne Johnson and Amy Duke.
Ms. Hearst endured her own legal perils. In 1976, she received a seven-year sentence for her role in the Hibernia Bank robbery; she served about 22 months before President Jimmy Carter commuted her sentence in 1979.
Like the Manson Family courtroom circus several years earlier, hers was frequently described as the trial of the century. And as with the Manson case, which involved young hippie cult members committing brutal murders to fulfill Charles Manson's vision of apocalyptic revolution, the Hearst saga raised questions about brainwashing — a concept that "Tania" had vehemently denied in her S.L.A. communiqués.
Had Ms. Hearst been coerced to join the group, as her showman lawyer F. Lee Bailey argued, fearing that she faced death if she didn't?
Or, like so many college students of her era, was she a child of comfort who experienced a political rebirth, concluding that America was an irretrievably racist, sexist oligarchy? Was she Tania through and through?
After being released from prison, Ms. Hearst eventually wrote a memoir, "Every Secret Thing," published in 1982. (She also raised French bulldogs that won top awards at the Westminster Kennel Club Dog Show and acted in multiple films by the master of camp, John Waters.) In the book, she recalled how the S.L.A. had presented her options during captivity: "I knew that the real choice was to join them or be executed."
Mr. Harris disputed that claim in a 2024 interview with the journalist and S.L.A. chronicler Roger Rapoport.
"There were many factors that influenced Patty's decision to stay and fight," he said. "What we didn't know when we kidnapped her was that she had rejected her mother, a gold digger and right-wing ideologue."
He reflected on his own legacy in a 2002 interview with The Los Angeles Times.
"If you do something and you succeed, then you're a revolutionary of high quality and you get to be George Washington, the father of the country," he said. "But if you challenge power and you're rubbed out, you're in the trash bin of history."

Mr. Harris and Emily Harris in 2002. They and three other S.L.A. members pleaded guilty to second-degree murder.
RICH FEDRONCELL/ASSOCIATED PRESS
3 POLICY
President Trump has begun sending Americans 'refund' checks, and a letter assailing the Affordable Care Act.

7 COMPANIES
Delta Air Lines has chosen not to go with Starlink when it upgrades its planes' Wi-Fi, upsetting SpaceX's C.E.O.

11 SPORTS
A'ja Wilson of the Las Vegas Aces joins elite company with her fifth W.N.B.A. Most Valuable Player Award.
TECH | ECONOMY | MEDIA | FINANCE
The New York Times
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 10, 2026

1 LENT/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Bergdorf Goodman, which has survived two bankruptcies in six years, is getting back to its white-glove origins.
Bergdorf Goodman deals in high-end fashion items, like \$1,500 Saint Laurent boots and \$2,600 Bottega Veneta shoulder bags. At its most luxuriant edges, it sells extravagant goods like a \$24,000 Prada jacket made from dyed lamb shearling.
At those prices, shoppers demand a standard of service that has dwindled in recent years, even among luxury brands, as retailers took shortcuts to try to keep costs low, while buying habits changed and store visits declined.
Now America's most glamorous department store wants to return to its golden age, when shopping at its Fifth Avenue edifice combined entertainment and commerce, with highly personalized treatment that lured Hollywood stars, socialites and royalty. Steps away from the Plaza Hotel and Central Park, the landmark building's interior and exterior have been backdrops for feature films and television shows.
But Bergdorf Goodman, now 125 years old, is at a critical juncture. Over the last six years, the store has survived two bankruptcies and a few different owners, with persistent questions about whether the business unit would be sold off. In June, it emerged from bankruptcy with Saks Fifth Avenue and Neiman Marcus as part of the Exemplar Luxury Group.
The cornerstone of the retailer's future is its top sales associates — employees who attend to customers in personal shopping suites and behind the glass countertops in the showrooms.
"There's this notion that we are custodians CONTINUED ON PAGE 86
Gazing at the window display at Bergdorf Goodman on Fifth Avenue in Manhattan in 1949. The 125-year-old store's opulent roots run deep and it is now at a critical juncture.
By ESHE NELSON
LONDON — France has been engulfed by turmoil, with students out on the streets to protest cuts at schools. Investors are rebelling against the government, too, by questioning the country's ability to manage its huge debt pile.
France has emerged as the European epicenter of global turmoil in bond markets and serves as a warning to politicians around the world contending with higher borrowing costs. It's a perilous financial backdrop to the protests. On Thursday, for the second time in a week, high school students and their supporters came out across France, calling for more teachers and the renovation of dilapidated school buildings.
Rising interest rates expose the vulnerability of countries with high debt burdens and stubborn deficits. When governments must spend more on debt payments, less money is left for other priorities like improving schools, building more housing or cutting taxes
— and that can push frustrated voters into the streets or into the arms of populist political parties.
"These bond yield rises have very real implications," said Mahmood Pradhan, a nonresident fellow at Bruegel, a think tank in CONTINUED ON PAGE B1

France's fiscal turmoil is a perilous financial backdrop to the protests against public cuts across the country.
TOM NICHOLSON/REUTERS
By AARON KROLIK
The Bank of America account ending in 0252 was not what you might expect.
It did not belong to a person or a business. In fact, the money did not belong to any single entity.
The account had funds pooled from countless customers of Zhejiang Chouzhou Commercial Bank, a regional lender in the eastern Chinese city of Yiwu.
And among Chouzhou Bank's customers were Russian front companies that had burrowed into the global financial system as part of a sprawling effort to evade Western sanctions, a New York Times analysis of thousands of financial documents and bank transactions found.
Chouzhou Bank provides what are known as correspondent services, a common banking practice that allows local banks to offer international services across many currencies to customers without opening branches abroad.
Chouzhou is one of many institutions that have found a lucrative CONTINUED ON PAGE B4
SAN FRANCISCO — Mark Zuckerberg, Meta's chief executive, gathered two top lieutenants — Alexandr Wang, the chief artificial intelligence officer, and Nat Friedman, the head of A.I. product — in August to discuss an imminent threat.
A 14-person start-up called Instinct had created an A.I. agent, which are bots that can operate apps and software on behalf of users, and it was taking off. Meta was developing a similar product called Muse, but had delayed releasing it over safety concerns.
Fearful of losing a competitive edge, Mr. Zuckerberg said Muse was ready to release despite the risks, according to three people with knowledge of the meeting, who were not authorized to speak publicly on confidential matters.
Mr. Wang, 29, and Mr. Friedman, 49, were aware of safety concerns from recent tests, including one instance when Muse changed a user's password without permission, two of the people said. But on CONTINUED ON PAGE B7
Source: FactSet
THE NEW YORK TIMES
Sector performance
S&P 500 SECTORS
Currencies
S&P 500 7,811.54 ↑+0.6%

U.S. consumer sentiment fell further in early October as the rising cost of living because of the Middle East conflict soured households' views of the economy, more bad news for President Trump ahead of the Nov. 3 midterm elections.
The University of Michigan's Surveys of Consumers was the latest in a series of recent polls to capture the darkening mood
COMPANIES
7-Eleven Inc., the North American arm of 7-Eleven convenience stores and gas stations, is considering moving parts of its supply chain in-house in a bid to cut costs as stubborn inflation dampens U.S. consumer demand, its chief executive said on Friday.
The company, owned by Japan's Seven & i Holdings, has seen sluggish growth as consumers cut spending amid rising inflation.
In April, Seven & i pushed back plans to list the North American business to the financial year starting April 2027 or later, rather than in the second half of 2026, citing market uncertainty.
7-Eleven Inc.'s new chief execuamong Americans, who are being squeezed by high inflation and borrowing costs. Mr. Trump's approval rating is at the lowest of his political career amid angst over his handling of the economy.
The U.S.-Israeli war has raised energy prices, fanning inflation and prompting the Federal Reserve to raise interest rates in September for the first time in three years.
Sentiment deteriorated sharply this month among lower-income consumers, the University of Michigan said on Friday. REUTERS

ANGELA WEISS/ATP VIA GETTY IMAGES
tive, Mauricio Leyva, said the company is exploring more cost-cutting measures — even as high fuel prices have lifted revenue — as costs increase across its supply chain and as inflation and fuel costs are expected to rise further over the mid- to long-term. REUTERS
AUTOMOTIVE
Tesla has started calling its Full Self-Driving feature Tesla Assisted Driving on its European websites, dropping a name regulators have said was misleading, as the carmaker's chief executive, Elon Musk, pushes for European Union approval for the software.
self-driving technology as key to the company's future growth.
The rebrand comes after Germany said on Tuesday that Tesla had offered to switch to the new name. Musk has described the

Tesla's FSD page for Slovakia now redirects to a "Tesla Assisted Driving" page, as do pages in other European countries such as Germany, Spain and the Netherlands. The U.S. site still refers to it as "Full Self-Driving (Supervised)."
A Reuters report published this week detailed how Tesla mounted a campaign to win approval for FSD in Europe, including encouraging owners and supporters to lobby national regulators for faster approvals. REUTERS
S&P 500 INDEX +0.6% 7,811.54


NASDAQ COMPOSITE INDEX +0.6% 27,366.17
10-YEAR TREASURY YIELD 5.24% +0.013 points

DOW JONES INDUSTRIALS +0.8% 51.654.95

CRUDE OIL (U.S.) \$91.85 +10.36

GOLD (N.Y.) \$4,216.30 +\$58.30
By The Associated Press
The U.S. stock market finished its record-setting week with gains on Friday, even as other financial markets remained indecisive.
The S&P 500 climbed 0.6 percent for its first gain since setting its all-time high three days earlier. The Dow Jones industrial average added 423 points, or 0.8 percent, and the Nasdaq composite rose 0.6 percent.
The strength came as oil prices continued to yo-yo because of uncertainty about when the war with Iran will allow the global energy industry to return to normal. The price for a barrel of Brent crude bounced between \$102.50 and \$105 before settling at \$104.72, up 0.4 percent.
Treasury yields flipped up and down in the bond market following their own sharp moves earlier in the week. The yield on the 10-year Treasury eventually climbed to 5.24 percent from 5.22 percent late Thursday.
It recently touched its highest level since 2002 because of worries about high inflation, the U.S. government's massive debt load, signals that the U.S. economy is continuing to grow and other factors. High yields threaten to slow the economy by making borrowing money more expensive for everyone, and the average 30-year fixed-rate mortgage has already leaped to its highest level in nearly three years.
Yields are also shooting higher in other bond markets around the world, which makes investors less willing to pay high prices for stocks and other investments. But the high yields have attracted investors to recent auctions of Treasurys, and that demand is helping to limit further increases for yields.
On Wall Street, Humana rallied 11.6 percent and helped lift the U.S. stock market despite the swings in the oil and bond markets. The insurer said it received encouraging data about its quality ratings versus its competitors for Medicare Advantage plans.
Companies that own cell towers were also at the front of the market, including leaps of 15.6 percent for Crown Castle and 9.3 percent for American Tower.
They rallied after SpaceX announced a purchase that could help it become a major mobile carrier in the United States. It still needs to get approval from U.S. regulators, but SpaceX said the purchase of low-band spectrum would allow its Starlink Mobile business to have a signal that can penetrate walls and connect customers inside buildings who may not be able to access its satellites. SpaceX's stock added 1.2 percent.
The threat of another big competitor sent stocks lower across the wireless industry, including drops of 13.3 percent for T-Mobile US, 9.8 percent for AT&T and 8.7 percent for Verizon.
Delta Air Lines erased an early loss and eked out a tiny gain of less than 0.1 percent after reporting profit and revenue for the summer that was slightly weaker than analysts expected. Ed Bastian, the airline's chief executive, said demand remains strong and customers want to fly, but the airline is also having to absorb a \$6 billion increase in fuel costs this year.
The pressure is on companies broadly to deliver strong growth in profits after their stock prices ran toward records despite the downward push from high bond yields. Next week will bring high-profile profit reports from the country's biggest banks, including Citigroup, JPMorgan Chase and Wells Fargo all on Tuesday.
Expectations are high for corporate profits, even as Americans say they're feeling more squeezed by high inflation. A preliminary report from the University of Michigan said Friday that U.S. consumers are raising their own forecasts for how bad inflation will be over the coming year.
They're expecting inflation of 4.7 percent, up from their forecast of 4.6 percent a month ago and just 3.4 percent in February before the war with Iran began.
In stock markets abroad, indexes rallied in Europe with gains of at least 1 percent in France, Germany and the United Kingdom.
DealBook helps you make sense of the day's most important business and policy headlines. Sign up for the newsletter at nytimes.com/dealbook

Nasdaq Composite Index 27,366.17 ↑+0.6%

Most active
| 1. T-Mobile US (TMUS) | $148,58 | -13.3% |
| 2. AT&T Inc.(T) | $22,18 | -5.8 |
| 3. Verizon Communications (VZ) | $41,05 | -8.7 |
| 4. HP Inc.(HPD) | $30,20 | -6.9 |
| 5. Charter Communications (CHTR) | $103,38 | -5.7 |
| 6. Fair Isaac (FICO) | $667,58 | -5.6 |
| 7. Skyworks Solutions (SAKS) | $76,35 | -5.4 |
| 8. MediaTek (MOS) | $18,74 | -5.0 |
| 9. Deere & Co (DE) | $620,93 | -4.8 |
| 10. Bunge Global (BG) | $102,73 | -4.7 |
Dow Jones Industrials 51,654.95 ↑+0.8%
| 1. Crown Castle (CCI) | $70.64 | +15.8% |
| 2. Moderna (MRNA) | $225.00 | +14.2 |
| 3. Humana (HUM) | $431.87 | +11.8 |
| 4. American Tower (AMT) | $182.24 | +9.3 |
| 5. SBA Communications (SBAC) | $182.49 | +7.3 |
| 6. Datacog A (DOOG) | $293.26 | +7.1 |
| 7. Axamai Technologies (AKAM) | $106.85 | +6.0 |
| 8. Centra Co. (DEVI) | $449.77 | +5.6 |
| 9. Lumentum Holdings (LITE) | $1,103.26 | +5.2 |
| 10. Ralantic Technologies (PLTR) | $209.05 | +5.2 |

| S&P 500 COMPANIES | VOLUME | ||
| CLOSE | CHANGE IN MIL | ||
| 1. AT&T Inc. (T) | $22.38 | -4.8% | 150 |
| 2. Verizon Communications (VZ) | $41.69 | -8.7 | 95 |
| 3. NVIDIA (NVDA) | $229.26 | -0.5 | 84 |
| 4. Intel (INTC) | $104.70 | -2.2 | 74 |
| 5. PG&E (PGG) | $13.13 | +3.6 | 51 |
| 6. Tesla (TSU) | $382.70 | +2.1 | 39 |
| 7. Apple (AAPL) | $335.64 | -1.1 | 38 |
| 8. Patentir Technologies (PCR) | $209.05 | +5.2 | 37 |
| 9. Microsoft (MDT) | $88.48 | +0.8 | 35 |
| 10. Amazon.com (AMZN) | $262.43 | +3.3 | 33 |
FACTSET
| Midcap and small-cap stocks | |||
| TOTAL RETURN | TOTAL ASSETS IN BIL | ||
| 1 Yr | 5 Yrs | ||
| 1. Vanguard Morningstar Mid-Cap Index Fund Institutional Plus Shares (VMOPX) | +8.4% | +7.0% | 218.4 |
| 2. Vanguard Morningstar Small-Cap Index Fund Institutional Plus Shares (WSOPX) | +13.4 | +7.8 | 175.8 |
| 3. Vanguard Extended Market Index Fund Institutional Plus Shares (EMRX) | +11.8 | +6.2 | 91.3 |
| 4. Vanguard Morningstar Small-Cap Value Index Fund Admiral Shares (VSAQI) | +12.8 | +6.7 | 64.1 |
| 5. Fidelity Mid Cap Index Fund (FSMDX) | +12.0 | +6.0 | 51.0 |
| 6. Vanguard Morningstar Small-Cap Growth Index Fund Admiral Shares (VSQAX) | +13.9 | +4.4 | 42.9 |
| 7. Fidelity Extended Market Index Fund (SFAWX) | +11.6 | +6.2 | 37.1 |
| 8. Vanguard Morningstar Mid-Cap Value Index Fund Admiral Shares (VMVAX) | +14.3 | +6.4 | 36.7 |
| 9. Vanguard Morningstar Mid-Cap Growth Index Fund Admiral Shares (VMGMX) | +6.1 | +5.0 | 33.2 |
| 10. Fidelity Small Cap Index Fund (FSBNI) | +18.3 | +6.0 | 32.6 |
Source: Morningstar


What Is Happening in Other Markets and the Economy
Bonds






FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE Brussels, and former deputy director of the European department at the International Monetary Fund.
In a nightmare scenario, the dynamics become a self-fulfilling spiral: Politicians make more promises to appease aggrieved citizens, leading to more borrowing and, in turn, spooking investors, who demand even higher rates to keep buying government bonds.
France shows how quickly the situation can escalate when in-
vestor sentiment turns sour,
This week, the yield on 10-year French bonds nearly touched 5 percent, the highest rate since 2002. More worrying, another measure of investors' feelings toward French debt has attracted fresh attention: the so-called spread between 10-year yields on French and German government debt. The gap shows the premium traders are demanding to hold French debt over the alternative from Germany, which is considered the safest borrower in Europe.
This spread recently reached its widest disparity since 2012 after an astonishingly rapid increase this past month. Investors have also demanded higher returns to lend to France than to Italy and Greece, which were long considered Europe's most problematic high-debt nations.
Across Europe, rising bond yields are testing the resilience of economies. The year started with low inflation and faster economic growth. But since the war in Iran began, energy prices have soared, pushing inflation back up and prompting the European Central Bank to raise interest rates twice this year. Traders expect another rate increase by the end of the year.
The rise in borrowing costs leaves governments exposed to new economic shocks like sudden increases in food and energy prices. It will give them less leeway to support businesses and households, in ways they have in recent years, "The limited ability of countries to deal with these shocks is a new world for us," Mr. Pradhan said.
In France, interest payments are one of the biggest expenses in the government's budget, and could eat up more than 90 billion euros (\$100 billion) next year, more than planned spending on defense and education, according to the French finance ministry. Emmanuel Moulin, the governor of the French central bank, recently told The Financial Times that the country was at risk of being "strangled by interest rates" if it didn't improve its public finances.
France's incumbent political leaders — and some hopeful contenders — are scrambling to reassure skeptical investors. But so far, their overtures are having limited impact. The government said last week that it would aim to shrink its budget deficit next year, after failing to do so this year. But even then, debt levels will keep rising. France's government debt is already nearly 120 percent of the size of the economy.
Investors have been tracking budget negotiations in Paris closely, but they expect that France's fiscal problems could be intensified by presidential election next spring. So far all the leading candidates have made big spending, promises and not presented convincing plans to reduce debt. Marine Le Pen, the far-right front-runner, vowed this week to cut the deficit but didn't detail how, while Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the far-left candidate, has alarmed investors by proposing to cancel some of the country's debt instead of repaying it.
France might get "some temporary relief in markets if they can get some measures passed in parliament," Mr. Pradhan said. "But beyond that, France has a debt problem." The country has large spending needs that have been politically difficult to restrain, in areas such as pensions, which are compounded by rising interest payments.
These are issues shared elsewhere. In some ways, the United States is at the core of the market tumult. In recent months the yields on U.S. Treasuries, the largest and most influential bond market in the world, have jumped and triggered a global sell-off.
INTERNATIONAL | POLICY


Protesters in Paris. France has emerged as the European epicenter of global instability in bond markets and serves as a warning for other high-debt countries.
SARASH MEISSONNER/REUTERS
Emmanuel Moulin, the governor of the French central bank, left, with President Emmanuel Macron, recently said that France was at risk of being "strangled by interest rates" if it didn't improve its public finances.
GONZALO FUENTES/REUTERS
The United States still enjoys plentiful demand for its debt, and one important factor driving up yields is Silicon Valley's artificial intelligence boom. But economists warn that the country is continuing to push the frontier of what investors might accept from governments if they are seen as unwilling or unready to tackle rising debt levels. America's gross national debt topped \$40 trillion this summer, or more than 120 percent of the size of the economy, while annual deficits are set to keep expanding.
In Asia, Japan's debt trajectory recently tested the nerve of the market. Japan's debt has been more than twice the size of its economy for many years, but recent government promises to increase spending and cut taxes have punished Japan's financial assets. The yen weakened so much that the U.S. Treasury supported an intervention to bolster the currency, and 10-year Japanese bond yields are trading at their highest levels in three decades.
The lesson applies broadly to high-debt countries. Many governments have drastically increased their borrowing in recent years to support their economies through a series of shocks, including the Covid-19 pandemic, the 2022 energy crisis after Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and another energy shock this year because of the war in Iran. At the same time, public spending on health care and pensions for aging populations is growing. In the short term there are also demands, especially in Europe, to spend more on defense.
Global public debt is near its highest levels since World War II and on track to grow beyond 100 percent of global gross domestic product, the International Monetary Fund said on Wednesday. "Advanced economies are the worst offenders," said Kristalina Georgieva, the managing director of the Washington-based organization.
In Europe, the risk is that the tumult in French bonds could spread to other eurozone debt markets such as Italy's and trigger another regional sovereign debt crisis, reminiscent of the one in 2012.
"The situation demands an urgent and comprehensive set of policy responses," Ms. Georgieva said. Governments need to show credible plans to reduce their deficits even as many people have come to expect their political leaders to intervene in the face of economic shocks, she noted. This is normally done through some combination of reduced spending and higher taxes.
"Some very tough political choices stare us in the face," she said.

CAROLINE CUTHAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
The new White House inquiry comes just four months after the Supreme Court ruled 5-4 in Lisa D. Cook's favor.
By COLBY SMITH and TONY ROMM
President Trump said on Friday that the White House had formed a committee to investigate Lisa D. Cook, a Federal Reserve governor, and would hold a hearing to consider whether to fire her over unproven accusations that she committed mortgage fraud.
The "committee of inquiry" will look into claims that Ms. Cook made "false statements in connection with one or more mortgage instruments," the White House said in a statement. The hearing, which called for Ms. Cook's attendance, was scheduled for Nov. 5.
Mr. Trump asked the committee to report back on whether there were grounds for "Governor Cook's removal" from office. While Ms. Cook was first accused by the White House of mortgage fraud more than a year ago, she has not been charged with any crime.
In a statement on Friday, lawyers for Ms. Cook said they had "grave doubts that this 'hearing' is a legitimate one that would conform to the law."
"But if it is anything close to objective, the conclusion will be that Governor Cook did not commit mortgage fraud, leaving no cause to remove her from the Federal Reserve Board," the lawyers said, adding that they had been in touch with the White House to assess whether the process "has a possibility of being a genuine one and not simply a box checking exercise."
They said Ms. Cook "welcomes the opportunity to present the facts so she can clear her name and demonstrate there is no legal basis to fire her."
Friday's announcement was the latest escalation in Mr. Trump's efforts to fire Ms. Cook from the central bank, something a president can pursue legally only if there is "cause." That has typically meant malfeasance or a dereliction of duty while on the job.
It came just four months after the Supreme Court ruled 5 to 4 in favor of Ms. Cook's remaining in the job, which she can technically hold until 2038. The justices argued that Ms. Cook had not been given adequate due process before Mr. Trump announced her removal in August 2025, but they left unresolved a number of key issues, including what constitutes "cause."
Mr. Trump, who has repeatedly sought to pressure the Fed and its members into lowering interest rates, quickly billed the ruling as a procedural setback. That paved the way for further attacks. In August, the administration then restarted the process to try to fire her, claiming that Ms. Cook was "unfit for the office in which you serve as a controlling member of the Federal Reserve."
At the heart of the matter are allegations that Ms. Cook misled lenders in order to obtain favorable terms on a mortgage.
In 2021, Ms. Cook purchased a condominium in Atlanta and, in at least one document, referred to it as a "primary" residence despite not living there. She also maintained another home in Ann Arbor, Mich., which was also treated as a "primary" residence.
In a formal rebuttal filed to the administration in August, Ms. Cook's lawyers described the designation on the Atlanta condo as an "entirely inadvertent oversight," not fraud. The letter also maintained that Ms. Cook had accurately identified it as a vacation home in other records. And, in the process, Ms. Cook's lawyers argued that Mr. Trump and his other advisers had made similar mortgage errors, pointing to a series of news reports.
The White House's statement, which was dated Oct. 7, stipulated that Ms. Cook would be “examined by the committee, its representatives and her legal counsel, if any.” It would provide the opportunity for her to present her argument and any supporting evidence, and left open the possibility that Department of Justice personnel may conduct questioning.
The committee that will hear Ms. Cook's case is composed of Mr. Trump's aides and appointees including Kevin Hassett, his top economic adviser; Keith Sonderling, the acting director of the Office of Government Ethics; and Andrea Lucas, the head of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.
Absent from the announced roster was Bill Pulte, the federal housing director, who has repeatedly attacked the Fed and originally investigated Ms. Cook over her mortgage activity. Mr. Pulte later referred his findings to the Justice Department.
Ms. Cook is not the only Fed official Mr. Trump has targeted. The president repeatedly attacked Jerome H. Powell, whose term as chair of the central bank ended in May. At one point, the Justice Department pursued a criminal investigation into Mr. Powell and his handling of costly renovations at the Fed's headquarters in Washington.
The inquiry was dropped after a number of legal setbacks and widespread opposition by Republican senators, one of whom blocked the advancement of Mr. Trump's pick to become the next head of the Fed. Kevin M. Warsh eventually took over in May, but Mr. Powell, instead of departing as most chairs do, opted to stay on as a governor. That term does not end until January 2028.
The Fed's internal watchdog late last month cleared Mr. Powell of any wrongdoing associated with the nearly \$2.5 billion project, even as it concluded that the renovations were poorly managed and lacked sufficient budget constraints. Still, Mr. Trump has maintained that Mr. Powell should be "forced to resign" from the board in the wake of the inspector general's findings.
By ALAN RAPPEPORT
WASHINGTON — President Trump has begun sending \$500 "refund" checks, along with a signed letter taking credit for the payments, to Americans who get their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act.
The letter assails the Biden administration and Obamacare while promoting the Trump administration's efforts to lower health care costs. The money is being distributed to nearly a million Americans less than a month ahead of the midterm elections, giving a last-minute financial boost to voters who will decide if Republicans will maintain control of Congress.
"For years, the Biden administration overcharged you to fund the operation of HealthCare.gov," Mr. Trump wrote in the letter. "That money belongs to hard-working Americans, not the government, and now, I am returning it to you!"
The money comes from a fund used to oversee the management of the insurance marketplaces. It developed a surplus because so many people enrolled in coverage during the Biden administration and because the Trump administration cut back on certain long-standing uses for the money, such as advertising and enrollment assistance.
The checks are designed as a one-time payment, but the consumers who get them will face high prices for insurance again next year. The marketplaces open for enrollment on Nov. 1, and early filings show insurers are asking for increases of around 15 percent.
For years, Mr. Trump and Republicans vowed to repeal the Affordable Care Act. After failing to do so, they have taken steps to weaken the 2010 health law by curbing insurance subsidies.
The \$500 checks benefit consumers who faced significant insurance price increases this year, after the Republican-controlled Congress did not extend more generous subsidies, or tax credits, that were approved during the coronavirus pandemic.
Many farmers, ranchers, entrepreneurs and early retirees, people who earn more than around \$65,000 a year and do not get health coverage from their jobs, could receive the money.
People in 30 states who signed up for Obamacare insurance on healthcare.gov and did not receive a federal subsidy would be eligible, according to a White House fact sheet that was published in September.
The checks could disproportionately be delivered to Republican-leaning states. Consumers in California, Colorado, Connecticut, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, Virginia, Washington and the District of Columbia will get no money. Those states manage their own insurance marketplaces, and insurers there do not pay fees to the federal government.
Separately, the Trump administration issued \$90 direct deposits this week to the bank accounts of 20 million older adults to offset their Medicare premiums. The money is coming from the Medi-
care Improvement Fund, which Congress established in 2008.
Mr. Trump is sending out money as polls show that Republicans could lose control of the Senate and the House of Representatives in November. The president has previously promised financial handouts ahead of elections in an attempt to sway voters.
During Mr. Trump's first term, just before the 2020 election, he proposed sending \$200 vouchers to Medicare beneficiaries to lower their drug costs. The plan was later abandoned. Last month, Mr. Trump floated the idea of mailing \$5,000 to American households next year if Republicans retain their congressional majorities. He also announced tax-free "warrior dividend" payments of \$1,776 to active military service members.
Mangot Sanger-Katz contributed reporting.
INTERNATIONAL

Zhejiang Chouzhou Commercial Bank has a large presence in Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, countries with close ties to Russia.
COSTO/UURPHOTO, VIA GETTY IMAGES
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE business as middlemen in places where Western banks are reluctant to serve. Smaller banks hire banks like Chouzhou that have correspondent accounts at big Wall Street firms, creating a nesting doll effect in the financial system that can mask illicit activity.
Since the invasion of Ukraine four years ago, finding and exploiting weak links in the correspondent system has become an important part of Russia's effort to sidestep U.S. economic restrictions, the Times analysis shows.
In addition to legitimate clients, more than 50 companies that sold restricted electronics, industrial chemicals, and other goods and services to Russia in the first four months of 2025 held accounts at Chouzhou.
Many of the documents reviewed by The Times were generated by A7, a Moscow-based financial services firm. A trove of its records from early 2025 was posted online by hackers. The Times obtained and analyzed thousands of business transactions and other documents from internal databases that the firm had left unsecured online. Chouzhou Bank appeared repeatedly throughout the documents, providing a detailed example of the role that correspondent services play in sanctions evasion.
A7 did not respond to a request for comment. The Times reported last month that A7 helps Russian businesses evade economic restrictions by sending money abroad to buy goods, often through shell companies that have little purpose other than to mask such purchases.
One shell company working on behalf of A7 in Kyrgyzstan made more than \$10 million of restricted purchases during that period through a bank that held an account at Chouzhou.
In other instances, Russian companies bought industrial goods, including precision grinding machines that could be used to manufacturer components for weapons.
In January 2025, transaction documents show, a Russian company bought \$73,000 of components used to build electronic warfare systems. The parts were supplied by a Hong Kong distributor with a history of sales to Russian buyers, according to trade data.
To complete the sale, First Abu Dhabi Bank, an Emirati bank, arranged to have the money sent to Chouzhou's account at Bank of America.
As is standard practice in correspondent transactions, Bank of America received money transfer orders, but not details about the purchase itself. That allowed the nature of the goods, and who was buying them, to be obscured as the sale worked its way through the international banking system.
Without explanation in June 2025, Bank of America ended its relationship with Chouzhou Bank, closing Account 0252, whose existence was disclosed on a Kyrgyz bank website. Chouzhou has continued to provide access to the dollar — through Citibank, JPMorgan Chase and Standard Chartered — for dozens of banks that otherwise lack direct access to the U.S. financial system, including in countries that have close economic ties to Russia, The Times found.
Chouzhou did not respond to detailed requests for comment. Reached in person at a banking conference in Miami in late September, a manager for the bank's correspondent banking division declined to comment.
Representatives from Bank of America, Citigroup, Standard Chartered and First Abu Dhabi all said that they worked closely with law enforcement officials and governments. The representatives added that their banks regularly monitored correspondent activity and reported suspicious activity to the authorities in order to identify and help disrupt illicit banking networks.
While a spokeswoman for Citi and a spokesman for First Abu Dhabi said they would not comment on specific customers, all four banks emphasized that they maintained rigorous internal controls to combat money laundering, sanctions evasion and other financial crimes. JPMorgan declined to comment.
An Essential Piece of Plumbing The correspondent banking system is an opaque and antiquated yet essential piece of financial plumbing that underpins international finance. It has played a crucial role in making the dollar the dominant currency for international trade and giving the United States unmatched leverage over financial transactions.
Here's how it works: Imagine that a fabric exporter in rural China wants to sell its goods to customers abroad. It would be impractical for the exporter, or even its local bank, to maintain accounts in every country and in every currency that its customers might want to use.
Correspondent banking solves this problem. The exporter's local Chinese bank holds dollar, euro and other currency accounts at a select few global banks. Through those accounts, the Chinese bank gains access to the broad networks of those international banks, allowing its customers to send and receive international payments and convert proceeds into local currencies.
By its nature, however, the correspondent system can add distance between big banks and small companies seeking to circumvent their controls. Big banks often delegate the vetting of customers and transactions to smaller banks further down the correspondent chain.
When new regulations were put.
in place to stop terror financing after the Sept. 11 attacks, banks began cutting correspondent relationships around the globe.
Sudan, which the United States labeled a state sponsor of terrorism, was hit especially hard. Many banks stopped handling payments from the country, raising fears that it could be cut off from the global financial system and pushed toward shadow banking networks in order to supply its citizens with even basic necessities.
Since then, regulators have tried to balance the risk of sanctions evasion with the goal of keeping the dollar used around the world. In 2016, the Treasury Department issued guidance that said banks did not need to individually yet their correspondent's clients, a practice called "know your customer's customer."
The expectation is that banks offering correspondent services need only to understand whether another bank is capable of monitoring its clients, rather than vet those clients, said Daniel Tannebaum, a partner at Oliver Wyman, a consulting firm that advises banks on anti-money laundering and sanctions matters.
Before opening a correspondent account, banks conduct extensive due diligence on prospective partners, said Alan Ketley, the former executive secretary of the Wolfsberg Group, a consortium of global banks that advises on correspondent activity. Wolfsberg produces a detailed questionnaire that banks use to evaluate prospective clients' sanctions compliance and other risk-management practices.
When transactions pass through an American bank, the Treasury Department has broad jurisdiction to regulate and police the activity. Last month, for example, the U.S. government issued economic restrictions against two foreign banks that used the correspondent system to help Iran gain access to the dollar system in order to launder money and evade sanctions on behalf of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps.
U.S. banks can face legal liability for processing restricted transactions even when acting only as a correspondent for another financial institution. However, the Treasury Department has discretion over the cases it pursues.
Depending on the extent of the illicit activity and the level of the bank's due diligence, it would be difficult to imagine an American bank being penalized for unwittingly playing a role in a sophisticated sanctions evasion scheme, according to a former senior Treasury official who was not authorized to speak publicly about enforcement procedures.
Chouzhou was founded in Yiwu in 1987 and grew as the midsize Chinese trading city blossomed into a manufacturing hub for goods that are sent around the world.
Over the years, it carved out a niche by offering correspondent services to dozens of banks in countries identified by Western officials as high risk for money laundering or sanctions evasion, including Afghanistan, Yemen and South Sudan, according to the documents obtained by The Times and data from BankCheck, a correspondent banking compliance platform.
Chouzhou has an especially large presence in Kyrgyzstan, Georgia and Uzbekistan — countries with close economic ties to Russia that have become important hubs for rerouted trade.
According to the BankCheck data, Chouzhou provides access to dollar accounts to nearly 70 other banks, most of which otherwise lack direct access to the U.S. financial system. Those banks, in turn, market dollar accounts to their customers.
By comparison, Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, the largest bank in the world by assets, provides dollar access to 20 banks. HSBC Bank in London provides just seven dollar correspondent accounts to other banks, BankCheck data shows.
In 2024, Chouzhou processed more than \$200 billion in international transactions, according to a bond prospectus, nearly four times the amount of its total assets. But that is likely a small fraction of its activity now: At the financial services conference in Miami last month, Chouzhou advertised relationships with more than 1,000 banks and the ability to process payments in 27 currencies.
Chouzhou stopped processing transactions directly with Russian and Belarusian banks in early 2024, according to news releases and trade documents. But it has continued working with customers and banks in countries considered high risk for Russian sanctions evasion.
One invoice from New Year's Day last year for a shipment of containers to Russia from Shenzhen, China's electronics capital, listed Chouzhou as the company's bank. It carried a message in bold red letters suggesting the bank was willing to traffic in activity that larger, more established Chinese institutions would not: "Pls note that if you are making payment from Russia, UAE and Turkey, pls do not make the payment to our Bank of China!"
The two logistics companies listed on the invoice, Utrust Logistics and Shark Intermodal Systems, did not respond to requests for comment.
Soon after Bank of America ended its relationship with Chouzhou last year, the Chinese bank opened two new dollar accounts at Citibank and Standard Chartered, BankCheck data shows.
The accounts remain open.
By KEITH BRADSHER
BEIJING — High-level talks in Beijing between the European Union and China ended on Friday with an unexpected agreement that could pull the two sides back from an imminent trade war.
The most notable feature of the agreement involved what both sides described as an understanding on China's exports of hybrid electric-gasoline cars, which have been among the most contentious points between the two sides.
Maros Sefcovic, the trade commissioner of the 27-nation bloc, said that the understanding could lead to China's halving the number of hybrid gasoline-electric cars that it sends to the European Union in the next four years. Neither side made any mention of any tariffs on those cars, which China has resolutely opposed.
China's Ministry of Commerce said in a separate statement that the two sides had "reached an understanding on trade in hybrid vehicles in a manner consistent with World Trade Organization rules." Complying with those rules makes it difficult for Europe to impose tariffs quickly. Tariffs also make it hard to know how many cars will continue to arrive from China, but Mr. Sefcovic said that the understanding would achieve specific reductions in imported cars.
The compromise described by
Mr. Sefcovic appeared to address the European Union's need for immediate caps on the number of cars imported from China. It also addressed China's need for an arrangement that would limit the often fierce competition among Chinese automakers in the European market, which has contributed to the Chinese automakers' heavy losses.
The agreement on hybrid cars appeared to have a strong resemblance to the two sides' deal in 2013 for China to reduce the number of solar panels that it shipped each year to Europe, while Europe agreed to forgo its previous plans for tariffs on those shipments. This allowed Chinese solar panel makers to raise prices sharply in Europe for their limited supply of solar panels, producing large profits for Chinese manufacturers that previously were losing money.
The Chinese manufacturers invested those profits in more research and new factories, and now produce almost all of the world's solar panels.
China's exports of plug-in hybrids to Europe have rapidly gained market share there and have contributed to Volkswagen's recent plans to cut another 50,000 workers by the end of the decade, bringing its total reduction in its work force to 100,000.
The European Union imposed tariffs of 7.8 to 35.3 percent on Chinese electric cars two years ago, on top of the region's usual 10 percent tariff on imported cars. But the bloc did not impose extra tariffs then on plug-in hybrids.
to limit the number of imports of these cars. Beijing has called for the tariffs on electric cars to be replaced instead with limits on the number of cars shipped.
This would allow Chinese electric car manufacturers to raise prices and improve profitability — the arrangement for hybrid gasoline-electric cars that is now emerging.
FELIX SCHMITT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES

Asked on Friday whether the current agreement on hybrid cars resembled the solar panel deal, Mr. Sefcovic said that circumstances were different and that Europe needed immediate action on hybrid cars. "The public opinion and the leaders really expect very fast action from our side," he said.
norms. President Trump's trade advisers have contended that China has a government-guided economy that does not follow the free market principles on which the W.T.O. was founded.
China's Commerce Ministry dangled several carrots for the European Union to reach a compromise with Beijing, Mr. Sefcovic said that China had agreed to reduce tariffs on imports of European goods in categories like auto parts, olive oil and footwear with an annual value of almost 4 billion euros.
This will save European exporters about €125 million a year in duties on their shipments to China, he said.
solved, notably whether the European Union will also forgo plans to require that key components of technologies like electric cars and wind turbines be made in Europe. Also unresolved is whether the European Union will proceed with anti-subsidy tariffs on wind turbines. Mr. Sefcovic said that more talks were planned early next year.
Mr. Sefcovic was scheduled to return to Brussels on Saturday and brief officials ahead of a meeting of European presidents and prime ministers next week.
China's BYD Seal U on display at an auto show in Germany. China's exports of hybrid gasoline-electric cars have been a point of contention with the European Union.
The first item on the agenda for the meeting of Europe's leaders is how to handle the region's weakening economic competitiveness — and trade with China is a central issue. European leaders have been warning of a hollowing out of Europe's industrial base because of surging imports of manufactured goods from China.
plus and further weakening European competitors of Chinese manufacturers.
China's Commerce Ministry said in its statement that China would continue approving exports of rare earths and rare-earth magnets to Europe. China has restricted exports of rare earths and rare-earth magnets since April 2025 and has threatened further restrictions if Europe takes action against China's exports.
The ministry also said that Europe had agreed to help resolve disputes over its export controls.
Under pressure from President Joseph R. Biden Jr. and now President Trump, European companies have avoided selling to China the latest equipment used to make semiconductors with potential military applications. Beijing officials have contended that one of the fastest ways for Europe to narrow its trade deficit with China would be to sell the most advanced equipment regardless of American objections.
Europe has also been preparing legislation to impose a made-in-Europe requirement for important components of products like electric cars and wind turbines. China used to have similar requirements for cars and wind turbines, but repealed them after years of complaints from Europe and other trading partners. Beijing now contends that Europe should not adopt such rules, which would force Chinese companies to invest in factories in Europe instead of exporting from factories at home, where their costs are often lower.
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China's exports of plug-in hybrids have soared to almost 200,000 a month, from fewer than 10,000 a month, in just three years. Many are going to Europe.
China has strenuously opposed the extra tariffs on its electric cars that the European Union imposed
A joint statement issued by China and the European Union was less specific, saying that "both sides will continue, within the framework of W.T.O. rules, to explore the possibility of tariff reductions or elimination for certain goods."
China has contended that unilateral tariffs are a violation of W.T.O. trade rules, which Beijing and the European Union are both still committed to uphold. By contrast, the Trump administration has repeatedly taken unilateral actions in defiance of W.T.O.
Some issues were left unre-
Time is on China's side, with each passing month producing more than \$30 billion in trade sur-
The Chinese statement said that China and the European Union had "agreed to explore investment cooperation to foster mutual economic development and to discuss future-oriented cooperation."
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RETAIL
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE of something magical," Geoffroy van Raemdonck, the new chief executive of Exemplar, said in an interview. "Every single employee in the back of house, in the front of house, in the executive office — we handle this with white gloves."

ASHED CAREER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES

AHMED GABRI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES

JUTHARAT FIVYOGOOVACHET FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Celebrities and fashion designers were ushered past a velvet rope to fete the store's 125th anniversary in September.
"There's this notion that we are custodians of something magical," said Geoffroy van Raemdonck, chief executive of the store's parent company.
Sales associates at the store have had extensive training on how to build long-term relationships with customers and how to engage with them on the sales floor. They can direct shoppers to a wide range of personalized services: handbag restoration, private purchases, personal stylist consultations, custom tailoring and special events.
But despite its lavish offerings, Bergdorf Goodman has struggled to attract shoppers over the past year as Saks Global went bankrupt. Many vendors didn't get paid and stopped shipping their goods to the store. Sales associates complained that they had few new bags, necklaces and dresses to show their clients, according to a person familiar with the matter.
Bergdorf Goodman's opulent roots run deep. In 1901, Edwin Goodman became a partner in a tailoring shop near Union Square owned by Herman Bergdorf and soon bought him out. Goodman moved the business in 1928 to its current location, on Fifth Avenue at 58th Street, the former site of Cornelius Vanderbilt IT's enormous French Renaissance-style chateau.
The Bergdorf Goodman Building took some cues from the grand atmosphere of its Gilded Age predecessor, with classical French


hallmarks like the rusticated stonework and the mansard roof with dormer windows. Nearly a century later, the structure still radiates the excesses of that period.
The Goodman family sold the retail business in the 1970s, but kept ownership of the building and has leased the space to the department store ever since. Bergdorf Goodman's various owners never opened more stores across the United States in search of growth, as did some other New York department stores, such as Saks, Barneys New York and Bloomingdale's, with one exception: a short-lived foray into White Plains, N.Y. Only in 1990 did it open a single new location (sort of) that stuck — a men's store right across the street on Fifth Av
50% Half of sales come from customers who spend over \$10,000, or more, annually.
enue.
Half of Bergdorf Goodman's sales come from customers who spend more than \$10,000 at the store each year, and many spend more than 10 times that.
The retailer's 40 highest-volume sales associates account for about \$200 million of its annual sales. That means each of them sells, on average, around \$5 million in luxury goods per year. Sales through associates and personal shoppers are up 5 percent this year. Mr. van Raemdonck wants to push that figure higher. Exemplar declined to share total sales figures for the store.
"It has become a lost art," Jessica Ramirez, a co-founder of the Consumer Collective, a retail advisory firm, said of high-end client service across the industry. "Particularly in luxury, where I don't think it should have ever been forgotten."
In addition to old-fashioned relationship-building, the company has equipped those salespeople with new technology to keep those valuable shoppers. One tool, powered by artificial intelligence, helps preorder highly anticipated products, gives product recommendations and manages client information and preferences.
The retailer has also pushed to add more exclusive brands to its selection of merchandise and has held special events for select shoppers upon a brand's debut.
The store itself may see some
The store's building took some cues from the grand atmosphere of its Gilded Age predecessor. Some of its luxury merchandise, far left.
improvements too. Linda Fargo, a 30-year veteran executive of Bergdorf Goodman who now oversees the fashion office and store presentation, said she hopes to renovate the building's old penthouse, the once-lavish apartment the Goodman family once lived in. It could be used to host events for shoppers and provide another taste of the old glam.
Company executives are counting on those investments to pay off as Bergdorf Goodman begins yet another new era.
“Through all the changes, I think everyone has recognized that Bergdorf is unique and needs to stay unique,” Ms. Fargo said. “Bergdorf’s has always been able to operate as a bit of a unicorn.”
For a time, that singularity insulated Bergdorf from the decline of shopping malls, which left national department store chains bereft of customers. But after it was acquired by groups that owned other department stores, Bergdorf Goodman became vulnerable to the same challenges.
By 2020, Bergdorf Goodman's owner at the time, Neiman Marcus Group, filed for bankruptcy protection as it squirmed under a mountain of debt. Then the business was bought by Saks Global, which filed for bankruptcy in January, just 13 months later.
Signs of the old glamour remained, even during bankruptcy proceedings. The store held several private events each month for elite customers to view and buy exclusive merchandise in New York or remotely. Trunk shows at its high jewelry showrooms often result in \$300,000 to \$500,000 in sales.
In May, the store invited about 60 customers to an event that featured one-of-a-kind handbags that wouldn't normally be available. It generated \$1 million in sales.
Also that month, panoramic displays of a moving subway train appeared behind mannequins clad in Chanel garments in the storefront windows, and pedestrians stopped to gawk and take photos. Chanel had given the store a one-week head start on the release of its annual Métiers d'Art collection.
But by then, Bergdorf Goodman, which had remained profitable, had already fallen behind on the annual fashion calendar, Mr. van Raemdönck said. The retailer's relationships with fashion labels had deteriorated because of missed payments by its previous owner: Saks Global owed Chanel \$136 million when it filed for bankruptcy, according to court filings. The French fashion house's return to the windows signaled that it still got along with its longtime partner.
"The largest brands have committed capital to pay for expressing their brand and transforming the experience," in the store, Mr. van Raemdonck said.
There is also the lingering matter of whether or not Exemplar could eventually sell its prized asset.
Bergdorf's has had many suitors over the years, including Bernard Arnault, the chief executive of LVMH, the world's largest luxury goods company. Last year, Saks Global held talks to sell a 49 percent stake in the business for about \$1 billion, and bidders included sovereign wealth funds from the Middle East.
Mr. van Raemdonck said that he considered Bergdorf Goodman a "valuable element" of Exemplar's portfolio but that management would keep monitoring its options.
"We'll continually look at what makes sense," he said. "But there's no immediate intent."
Three months after emerging from bankruptcy, Bergdorf Goodman ushered celebrities and fashion designers past a velvet rope to fete its 125th anniversary in September. Among the revelers was Sara Goodman, a great-granddaughter of the founder, nursing a martini.
"I think that my great-grandfather had a lot of vision and passion and style, and he built the business with a sharp eye and was very clever about trends and about what was happening," Ms. Goodman said. "I still think Bergdorf's is the most luxurious and glamorous department store in the world, and I hope that it will retain that and even enhance that in the years going forward."

PHOTOGRAPHS BY GARRIELA BHASKAR/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Mark Zuckerberg, Meta's chief executive, authorized the release of an A.I. agent despite continuing safety concerns.
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE
man on products.
Sept. 8, Meta publicly debuted Muse, just like Mr. Zuckerberg had ordered.
The internal meeting showed the tricky balance between speed and safety that A.I. companies like Meta are juggling as they try to one-up their rivals in the A.I. race. As the technology rapidly improves, it is becoming more dangerous and useful at the same time, making these decisions even more difficult.
Mr. Zuckerberg has spent billions to develop Meta's A.I., but watched for years as rivals like OpenAI and Anthropic beat his company to market with chatbots and coding tools. When it came to personal agents, the Silicon Valley giant, which owns Facebook and Instagram, needed a win — and ultimately, getting to market quickly won out.
That has given Meta an early lead with agents, which have become the next frontier of the A.I. industry. Other companies are already introducing competing products. Three weeks after Meta released Muse, OpenAI announced Dots, its own agent.
"The most interesting thing about Muse is that Meta got there first," said Avi Greengart, an analyst at Techsponential, a research firm.
At that point, there was only a hazy idea of what a “superintelligent” assistant could be. “The vision of building something like Muse existed in our collective heads, but we couldn’t quite point to what exactly that product was going to be,” Vishal Shah, Meta’s vice president of A.I. products, said in an interview.
In September 2025, Meta's new A.I. team released its first product, Vibes, an A.I.-generated video feed that immediately drew criticism for creating A.I. slop. Tensions formed internally between the new executives and Mr. Zuckerberg's other longtime lieutenants, some of whom questioned whether Mr. Wang could succeed in catching Meta up in the A.I. race.
The agent has had only a few safety hiccups, like when Muse gave out a user's address to a seller on Facebook Marketplace without permission. As of Wednesday, more than 6.6 million people had downloaded the free app, with 1.8 million using Muse every day, according to data from the research firm Sensor Tower.
In November, Peter Steinberger, an Austrian programmer, released an app called OpenClaw, an A.I. agent that could code and use a computer on its own. It was open source, which meant it could be downloaded and modified without any payment or approval. As it took off among Silicon Valley developers, Meta's executives had an epiphany.
To keep up the momentum, Meta is spending millions on a Muse marketing blitz, plastering its fuzzy avatar — a character called Jolly — across billboards and in television ads.
"It all kind of clicked," Mr. Shah said. "The next generation of consumer product was a personal agent."
A Meta spokesman disputed that Mr. Zuckerberg pushed to release Muse because of pressure from Instinct. "We're proud of this work and, as we've said publicly, we even delayed shipping Muse for several months to make sure we got this right," he said in a statement.
Muse has faced some privacy issues, including an instance when it read a user's private text messages without permission and then referenced what it had learned with the user.
Some safety issues were earlier reported by The Information.
The idea for Muse began in July 2025, when Mr. Zuckerberg published a 616-word memo about "personal superintelligence," a form of A.I. that he said could act as the ultimate assistant. He had recently restructured Meta's entire A.I. division around the concept, hiring Mr. Wang and Mr. Friedman to lead the effort.
On social media, Mr. Wang has posted dozens of photos and memes of Muse's fuzzy avatar, some directed at OpenAI. Last month, Mr. Friedman, who rarely posts on social media, also chimed in.
"You're going up against the biggest players in the world," Noah Shinn, Instinct's 23-year-old founder, said on a podcast last month. "This is probably the most exciting software race ever, and the outcome is like, trillions of dollars."
Last month, Instinct raised \$1 billion at a \$10 billion valuation. But it has fewer resources and computing power than Meta, a company with 3.5 billion users across its family of apps that is worth more than \$1.5 trillion.
"I hope you like it!" he wrote.
So far, Mr. Zuckerberg's decision to release Muse has paid off.

In another instance, while talking to his agent about ways to get better sleep, OpenClaw took over Mr. Friedman's self-driving Tesla and redirected him to a grocery store to pick up magnesium pills. At Meta's annual developer conference last month, Mr. Zuckerberg said he had connected his agent to cameras in his martial arts gym so that it could critique his fighting form.
Meta's A.I. leaders also incorporated OpenClaw into their own lives. Mr. Friedman hooked his agent up to cameras in his house, where it would instruct him to do things like drink water to stay hydrated.
In a social media post last month, Mr. Wang declared, "You can't stop the Muse."
The two executives went on a recruiting spree, hiring top researchers from OpenAI and Google and offering them nine-figure pay packages to join Meta. They also divided their duties, with Mr. Wang focused on developing A.I. models and Mr. Fried-
By then, Meta had a version of Muse that it could have released, Mr. Shah said. But the company spent months making sure its safety features were secure. In testing with Meta's employees, the agent had occasionally disobeyed commands or led people to buy items from fraudulent websites.
Yet there were safety concerns. Agents could sometimes go rogue or take over software apps. In February, one agent took over the work computer of a Meta safety researcher, deleting her emails uncontrollably.
"It sent me a snapshot frame of me drinking a bottle of water and said, 'Good job,' Mr. Friedman said at a recent tech conference.
In February, Mr. Friedman demonstrated Muse to Meta's board of directors. Two months later, Meta unveiled an A.I. model called Muse Spark, developed under Mr. Wang and the most powerful model that the company had made to date. Early in its development, Muse was powered by A.I. models made by Anthropic, but Muse Spark's introduction meant that Meta could power its agent with its own technology.
— the computers that the agent runs on — to Meta's headquarters in Menlo Park, Calif., arranging them in stacks outside his office for employees to take. Then they went all-in on developing an agent like OpenClaw for people who weren't software engineers.
"I couldn't stop it from my phone," Summer Yue, the researcher, wrote on social media. "I had to RUN to my Mac mini like I was defusing a bomb."
Then in August, Instinct's agent became increasingly popular. Shortly thereafter, Meta rolled out Muse.
By NIRAJ CHOKSHI
Airplane Wi-Fi has long been slow and balky. But airlines are racing to change that.
Hoping that faster, more reliable internet access will help them attract and retain customers, many carriers are upgrading their planes to use Starlink, the satellite internet service operated by Elon Musk's SpaceX. On Thursday, American Airlines said it would outfit more than 1,000 planes with Starlink.
But Delta Air Lines has chosen not to go with Starlink, which has upset Mr. Musk, SpaceX's chief executive.
Mr. Musk said last month that Delta's chief executive would "lose his job" for choosing Amazon's satellite service, and he earlier attacked the top executive of Ryanair, the European carrier, for snubbing Starlink, too. This week, he said Indian oligarchs were blocking Starlink there, which he called a "a crime against the people of India."

"You can't stop the Muse," Alexandr Wang, Meta's chief A.I. officer, wrote in a social media post.
Lufthansa was the first commercial airline to offer in-flight internet access in 2004, using a service developed by Boeing. But Boeing shut down the project just two years later.
Executives also say they are switching to Starlink because the earlier internet services they offered were subpar. This summer, executives at Alaska Airlines said customer satisfaction was about 20 percent higher on flights with Starlink.
Other providers filled the void, and U.S. airlines started to offer Wi-Fi in the late 2000s. But few passengers used those services, which were often expensive, slow and unreliable. Over the years, the costs started to fall.
"People who are going to fly a lot in the future are going to self-select and gradually find the right program that fits best for them," said Jay Sorensen, who runs IdeaWorksCompany, an aviation industry consulting firm. "You can't really create that."
But some industry experts say that most travelers pick airlines for many reasons and that Wi-Fi is not the most important one.
In 2023, Delta eliminated Wi-Fi fees for members of the company's loyalty program. JetBlue Airways had been offering free internet access for years — but Delta kicked off an industry shift.
That doesn't mean Wi-Fi is irrelevant. Like soft drinks and snacks, internet access has become an expectation among pas-
After trying OpenClaw, Mr. Friedman ordered 200 Mac Minis
Many airlines offer free internet service to passengers who sign up for frequent flier programs. The programs allow the companies to collect more information about travelers and to encourage them to buy more tickets and sign up for credit cards.
At an industry conference last month, American's chief executive, Robert Isom, said the airline's loyalty program was growing at record rates. "A lot of that is driven by the free Wi-Fi," he said.
AUDRA MELTON FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Ed Bastian, Delta's chief executive, angered Elon Musk by not choosing his satellite internet service.
"There was no hedging," Mr. Shah said.
the airline “wanted to make it painful, difficult and expensive for their customers.” Last week, he said Delta’s chief, Ed Bastian, had made an error that could cost him his position. Mr. Musk was responding to an unverified report that Mr. Bastian had said it was not wise to work with Mr. Musk.
Most major U.S. airlines upgrading to high-speed Wi-Fi are going with Starlink, whose satellites orbit closer to Earth than older satellites.
American, Alaska, United and Southwest have selected Starlink. But Delta, the most profitable U.S. airline, and JetBlue have chosen Amazon Leo, a satellite service that is not yet available.
After Delta announced the partnership this year, Mr. Musk said
In an interview with The New York Times, Mr. Bastian disputed that report.
"I wouldn't say that in a public setting or a private setting," he said. "What we said is that we're not working with Starlink because we decided to go a different direction."
This isn't the first time Mr. Musk has criticized executives, politicians and others he disagrees with. In addition to Mr. Bastian, his targets have included Jeff Bezos, the executive chair of Amazon, and Michael O'Leary, the chief executive of Ryanair.
On Friday, Delta reported \$20.2 billion in revenue for the third quarter of the year, during the three months ending in September, a company record.
Delta's decision to use Leo could be risky. While other airlines have begun offering Starlink service on some flights, Delta won't begin installing Amazon's service until 2028.
That doesn't mean Delta isn't making upgrades, Mr. Bastian said. One of the airline's current internet providers, Viasat, recently launched two new satellites that will "change the game for our customers," he said.
SpaceX and Amazon did not respond to requests for comment.
"We'll be working very closely with them to bring new experiences to customers," he said of Amazon. "It's not just about the Wi-Fi; it's what you do with the Wi-Fi."
Mr. Bastian has said Delta chose Amazon because it will cost the airline less than Starlink and because the airline hopes to provide customers other perks from Amazon. Delta has been profitable in recent years partly because customers like its credit cards, lounges and partnerships with other companies. For example, Delta's customers can earn miles by buying coffee at Starbucks and hailing rides on Uber.
XL Insurance


Receiver Parker Livingstone, who will suit up for the Sooners on Saturday against No. 1 Texas, was on the other side last year, far right. "I've just got to do what's best for me and my future," he said.
COLLEGE FOOTBALL

SARA DIGIZINS/AUSTIN AMERICAN-STATESMAN, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
Livingstone's transfer to Oklahoma reflects a shift in the sport and its rivalries.
Parker Livingstone was in Orlando, Fla., when the rumors finally reached him.
It was the night before the Citrus Bowl, to be held on New Year's Eve. Although the Texas Longhorns were finishing a disappointing campaign that began with a No. 1 ranking and ended in missing the College Football Playoff, Livingstone had enjoyed a breakout season at wide receiver.
But Livingstone's agent had learned that Texas wanted to add a receiver in the transfer portal. And that night, Livingstone learned that the Longhorns' target was Cam Coleman, the best player on the market at his position.
One week later, Livingstone signed to play for rival Oklahoma, the second player to make a direct jump across the Red River.
As the Texas-Oklahoma game arrives on Saturday, Livingstone will share a field with the teammates he left and the players who replaced him. Livingstone, a Dallas-area native who grew up a Longhorns fan, was Arch Manning's roommate for their first two years on campus. He caught two passes in the Red River Rivalry game a year ago but has traded in burnt orange for crimson and cream.
Livingstone's move was not driven by bad blood. Rather, it was the clearest example yet of how modern college football works, when business decisions clash openly with traditional animosities.
At the Southeastern Conference's media days, Texas Coach Steve Sarkisian said he hoped
Chris Vannini is a senior college football writer for The Athletic. David Ubben contributed reporting.
Texas would pummel Livingstone and his team.
"It's the Red River Rivalry, you know what I mean?" he said. "He chose to go there. He's on the other side. After the game, I'm sure I'll give him a big bug."
Livingstone, presented with a hit to his playing time and a chance to earn more money elsewhere close to home, made a decision hundreds of other players make each winter and chose to let his place in rivalry history sort itself out.
"If I didn't have an agent, I would probably still be in Austin right now," Livingstone said in the spring. "That's the truth."
Texas was taking big swings to give Manning everything he needed in what could be his final college season, and Coleman, a former five-star recruit who had flashed potential in Auburn's otherwise anemic passing offense, was the biggest swing available. Livingstone, his family and his agent knew what it meant.
Livingstone was one of the program's lowest-paid receivers after arriving as an unberalded three-star recruit in 2024, but that was set to change after he broke out with 29 catches in 2025. General Manager Brandon Harris initially told Livingstone in November to expect a raise in the revenue sharing and name, image and likeness money the school directed his way from around \$150,000 to upward of \$800,000. Weeks later, the offer changed to around \$400,000, according to multiple people briefed on the conversations who spoke on the condition of anonymity to protect relationships.
"Never in a million years do you think that's how it's going to be," Livingstone said this spring. "You figure out stuff from your agent, you hear rumors, then coaches tell you stuff, and it's like, 'All right, let's make a business decision and hit the portal.' I knew I was hitting the portal the night before we played Michigan."
Livingstone told ESPN the day after the game that he would enter
Continued on Page B10
BASEBALL | M.L.B. PLAYOFFS

In Game 4, Gavin Williams made his first relief appearance since college. He sealed the victory, but teammates said his jog from the bullpen left a lot to be desired.
NAM HUU ASSOCIATED PRESS
CHICAGO — The bullpen is a strange place.
A group of pitchers, eager to burst through a door in the outfield wall, sit like caged zoo animals in front of the crowd and wait for a call from the dugout.
The Cleveland Guardians' relievers answer trivia questions to pass the time. During the early innings of Thursday's Game 4 of an American League division series, Slade Cecconi quizzed his fellow pitchers on the richest people in the world, the top-selling video games and the most-visited countries. He challenged them to place movies on the proper timeline. For instance, which 1990s classic was released first, "Jurassic Park" or "Forrest Gump"?
The Guardians' relievers are also deeply invested in the action on the field. When something good happens, they chest bump — not each other, the baseball. At least that's what Craig Yoho did
Zack Meisel is a senior writer covering the Guardians for The Athletic.
when José Ramírez's go-ahead home run in the fifth inning sailed into the visiting bullpen at Rate Field. Yoho's teammates gave him space, and the ball caromed off the middle of his red-and-navy jacket.
The bullpen is a strange place.
The Guardians' relievers also evaluate each other's jogs in from the bullpen.
Cade Smith is widely com- mended for maintaining the best posture and pace, which is no surprise, given how often those in the organization laud him for his discipline and attention to detail.
Gavin Williams, on the other hand, has some work to do. He entered in the ninth inning of Game 4, his first relief appearance since he was at East Carolina University, and his jog left a little to be desired.
Williams: "I wish I took my time a little bit on the run in. I kind of killed myself on that."
Steven Kwan: "I thought he was running too slow."
Erik Sabrowski: "There's an art to it."
Shawn Armstrong, rolling his eyes: "Starters, man."
Williams: "I was sprinting, it felt like. I haven't run that much all year."
No matter his speed, Williams arrived just in time to save the day and the season for the Guardians, who forced a decisive Game 5 against the Chicago White Sox. These teams, which have engaged in a series full of bullpen-dependent lawlessness, will clash in Cleveland on Saturday night. The winner will fly to Tampa for a date with the Rays in the A.L. Championship Series.
Williams spent Game 3 in the bullpen so he could gain a better understanding of the relievers' routines, but he was not an option to pitch. The plan for Game 4 was different.
Williams started warming in the ninth inning, as Cade Smith attempted to seal another win with a second consecutive six-out effort. Initially, Williams's tosses in the pen were doubling as his usual between-starts side session to prepare him to take the ball in Game 5.
But Smith's pitch count kept rising, and he had thrown two innings in Game 3, so Manager Stephen Vogt emerged from the dugout in the ninth inning and called for his starter to relieve his closer. Anything goes in the wild, wild A.L. Central battle.
"Oh my gosh, it was a jump scare," Kwan said. "I didn't even know anybody was warming up. I thought it was Cade's game to finish out. So when Vogt came out, I was really confused. And I see big old Gav jogging over."
Williams allowed a single, but he retired the next three hitters to cap a game in which the teams combined to use 15 pitchers who threw 368 pitches and walked 15 batters.
"I appreciate him for sure," Smith said, "to come in and bail me out like that."
That left Cleveland's Game 5 plans up in the air. Williams, who struck out 11 in five innings in Game 2, said he's ready for anything after throwing 18 pitches to record the final three outs.
"We're good to go. Doesn't matter," he said. "Whatever they need me to do, I'll do it."
Vogt said he ripped up the Guardians' pitching script in the third inning when he pulled Parker Messick. The candidate for the A.L. Rookie of the Year
GOLF
Award and a potential Cy Young Award finalist was not sharp. Messick has logged 55 more innings this year than in any other season in college or pro ball. Vogt stitched together the remaining innings with seven different relievers.
The White Sox have deployed relievers in that frenetic fashion all month — and, really, long before the postseason. Their aim in Game 4 was to hand Grant Taylor, their multi-inning stalwart, a lead. But Taylor did not have his best stuff, either. He faced six batters; all six reached in a six-run sixth, and Chicago Manager Will Venable had to abandon his plan to use the righty for multiple high-leverage innings.
A series that has carried an "all hands on deck" theme since the first pitch figures to remain perfectly chaotic in a Saturday game in which both teams are facing elimination.
The bullpen is a strange place. The next game could be as strange as any of them. "Would you have it any other way?" Sabrowski said. "We knew this was on the table. No one was surprised."
By EVAN DRELLICH The Athletic
Major League Baseball wants to cut the number of regular-season games from 162 to 154 starting in 2029, when it would also expand one round of the postseason. And starting next year, the league wants to introduce a form of reseeding in the playoffs.
The division series, the sport's second playoff round, would become a best-of-seven series, rather than a best-of-five, the league proposed Thursday in collective bargaining with the players' union.
The league did not propose changing the number of playoff teams from the current 12. But it did propose that, beginning in 2027, the highest-seeded teams in the sport's first two rounds could pick their opponents.
The top two teams in each league get byes during the wild-
card series, the first round of the postseason. That means the top seed in the opening round is the No. 3 seed overall, a division winner. That club would be allowed to choose between two wild-card opponents: the fifth or sixth seed.
Then, in the next round, the division series, the team with the best record in each league — the top overall seed — could choose which of the two wild card-round winners it wanted to play.
This is the latest proposal in negotiations between M.L.B. and the M.L.B. Players Association over the league's next collective bargaining agreement. The current agreement expires Dec. 1, and it is widely expected that the league will lock out the players if an agreement isn't reached by that time.
M.L.B. teams played 154 games until 1961. In recent history, when the idea of reducing the number of regular-season games has come up, the discussion between players and owners always turned to what effect it would have on player pay. That issue was at the core of the labor fight during the Covid-shortened season in 2020, when the regular season dropped to 60 games.
Evan Drelich is a senior M.L.B. writer for The Athletic.
ANALYSIS
As LIV Golf's focus shifted from its season-ending event to its future in bankruptcy court, the fate of Jon Rahm was the topic of the hour late this summer.
One person connected to the league considered the notion of Rahm's exit and surmised over the summer, "If that happens, then LIV basically becomes the 'Bryson and friends' tour."
That source, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of an ongoing sensitive relationship with LIV, now looks prescient.
This is the future that LIV 2.0 and its new investor, BC Partners, may be looking at. On Wednesday, Rahm — arguably the only player who can compare to Bryson DeChambeau's power and influence — permitted his lawyer to acknowledge in open court that he is done with LIV Golf.
Rahm's attorney, John Beck, said the terms of the restructured tour were deemed unacceptable by his client, who will pursue a separation agreement with the league. They are hoping to finalize that agreement in the next week or so.
In that same hearing, the court acknowledged a legal maneuver made by Sergio Garcia; the Masters champion wanted to receive confirmation of his terminated LIV contract. Garcia's
Gabby Herzig covers golf for The Athletic.
lawyers made that request so that he can discuss his looming career moves freely with third parties, namely other golf tours. Cameron Smith, another former major champion, is interested in Garcia's deal. So is Harold Varner III, Matthew Wolff, Cameron Tringale, Byeong-hun An and Marc Leishman.
The fate of those requests will be decided at the next bankruptcy hearing on Thursday, and while it is certainly not impossible for those players to ultimately return to LIV, it is safe to assume that they at least have one foot out the door.
So who and what does LIV have left, other than DeChambeau, the two-time U.S. Open champion? He has not publicly committed to LIV Golf, but he has repeatedly expressed support for its future.
Joaquin Niemann (No. 22 on Data Golf's rankings), Lucas Herbert (63), Tyrrell Hatton (64), Tom McKibbin (69) and Thomas Detry (75) are the next five LIV players who could make a difference, based on player results and rank. There are only four other LIV players within the top 100 on Data Golf. And several of those players have been publicly non-committal to LIV 2.0 already.
"The truth is, I'm still deciding what to do," Niemann told local media at his home national open in Chile last week.
The league has its North American media rights deal, but it has a poor history of garnering real, valuable viewership. LIV averaged 386,000 viewers per broadcast on Fox this year. The
PGA Tour's 2026 average on CBS and NBC was 2.5 million. If LIV retains DeChambeau, he brings his mighty YouTube audience with him. But if those 2.9 million subscribers have not translated to the TV side so far, what will be different this time around?
Traditional TV revenue and media rights packages are integral to any sports league's financial viability, and LIV's bankruptcy filings reveal that the Fox deal accounts for only about 5 percent of league revenues, or
roughly \$10 million. The PGA Tour's current deals are valued at \$700 million annually.
Then LIV has its in-person tournament experiences. The league has long pointed to its annual Australia and South Africa events, which have drawn crowds of more than 100,000, as proof of concept for the league's sustainability and impact.
But LIV's next host course in Adelaide, Australia, the Kooyonga Golf Club, is already skeptical about the tournament's fu-

Bryson DeChambeau has not publicly committed to LIV, but he has expressed support for its future.
ture, requesting through court documentation that LIV provide answers immediately. And Tom Koutsantonis, the treasurer of South Australia, told ABC Adelaide last week when asked about the March event that "it's looking unlikely." Plus, Smith and Leishman, two of the players looking for outs, represent half of the Rippers, Australia's LIV team.
Ted Goldthorpe, the head of BC Partners' credit division, said he believes that LIV Golf's team franchises could be worth over
MONTANA PITCHARD/LINGO, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS \$100 million each. "I think that's a real number," he said during a Sportico conference in London this week. If the version of LIV with Rahm, Brooks Koepka and Garcia could not generate that kind of value from its franchises, how would version 2.0 — led by DeChambeau and those who decide to stick with him — possibly give LIV that kind of steam?
Oct. 25 is the next milestone, or deadline, in LIV's bankruptcy case. The players have only until then to agree to LIV 2.0's restructuring terms.
At first, BC Partners demanded specific requirements for player commitment, under the threat of the company's pivoting to a true wind-down otherwise. The firm requested not just a certain number of players, but players of a specific and high value, in accordance with bankruptcy code. BC Partners wanted the commitments to equal two-thirds in "amount" and one-half in "number" of the "eligible player claims." In other words, a bunch of low-value players signing on would not cut it. BC Partners wanted the household names, or at least some of them.
Now, in the amended restructuring agreement, that language is gone: BC Partners wants player commitments "necessary to ensure the continuation of the Company Parties' business as a bona fide golf league, as determined in the Plan Sponsor's sole discretion."
"Bryson and friends" is a proven YouTube golf concept. As a golf league? It will need help beyond his inner circle.
COLLEGE FOOTBALL
By JUSTIN WILLIAMS

ALABAMA Defensive lineman Fatutoa Henry and the Crimson Tide will face Georgia, which has been quietly dominant and has the best defense in the F.B.S.
JAMES PUGH/ASSOCIATED PRESS


U.C.L.A. Semaj Morgan of the Bruins, who have lost 11 of 12 games against Oregon. But the Ducks are likely to be without quarterback Dante Moore.
LEVIN TERRELL/GETTY SHAGES
REBECCA S. GRATZ/ASSOCIATED PRESS
The Athletic
It feels as if half of college football is having an existential crisis. Many fan bases are already fed up with their head coaches, from those in their first season to those coming off a College Football Playoff appearance. Much of this is the fault of Indiana and Coach Curt Cignetti, or the over-importance of making the playoff, turning a team's one or two losses into an immediate referendum.
You can feel that crisis taking hold for several teams this week. Fair or not, it makes for some riveting matchups. And that doesn't even include the game of the week between undefeated South-eastern Conference powers.
Here are the top games of Week 6. Games are on Saturday; all times are Eastern. Rankings are from the Associated Press Top 25.
We get another top-10 showdown in what has become the defining college football rivalry of the past two decades: two national title games, an SEC championship and a boatload of high-wattage regular-season meetings. This one features the first real test for a Georgia team that has been quietly dominant, against an Alabama squad that finally looks built in Kalen DeBoer's image. How Crimson Tide quarterback Keelon Russell fares against the Buenos Aires, because these are the Football Bowl Subdivision, is the headliner for two teams that look title-worthy. The only thing that could put a damper on this one is a potential hurricane.
3:30 p.m., CBS
The health of quarterback Dante Moore is the big story line after his scary injury against Southern California. Moore practiced this week but is unlikely to play against his former program, which means that the backup Dylan Raiola will have to step up again to protect Oregon's playoff odds. The Ducks have won 11 of 12 over the Bruins and eight in a row in Autzen Stadium, including a top-10 tilt in 2022, but this could be a different U.C.L.A. squad under Bob Chesney. These Bruins rush for an F.B.S.-best 7 yards per carry, led by running back Wayne Knight.
Noon, Fax
Nebraska is undefeated but with little resistance so far, despite falling behind by 23-14 last week to Maryland. Indiana is not exactly battle-tested either, and the Hoosiers could stand to face some adversity ahead of next week's heavyweight bout against Ohio State. For the Cornhuskers, this is all about their 31-game losing streak against ranked opponents — the past nine under Matt Rhule, who is 2-25 when facing ranked opponents during his career. Maybe his star turn on the HBO show "Lanterns" can end Nebraska's 10-year haunting.
Since Brent Venables took over Okla-
Justin Williams covers college football and basketball for The Athletic.
homa, the Longhorns have won three of the past four Red River Rivalries, including last year's upset of the No. 6 Sooners. That's enough to wonder if Oklahoma and the embattled quarterback John Mateer can return the favor as fans grow restless in Norman. For all the talk about Oklahoma's inept offense, Texas has not been all that much better, and Mateer and Arch Manning have similar numbers. Still, the advanced stats are kinder to the Longhorns, and the eye test has not been at all kind to Oklahoma, which got torched by Georgia and has yet to beat a power-conference opponent.
It should be electric in Lexington, where the Wildcats are coming off a comeback overtime win against South Carolina. Coach Will Stein has infused Kentucky with energy and confidence, which it will likely need in large doses to pull off an upset of Louisiana State. Lane Kiffin and the Tigers have weapons on offense, but the defense is setting the tone. Yards per play allowed (3.9) is right in line with top-rated Georgia, and they rank second in the SEC in tackles for loss and getting off the field on third downs.
7:30 p.m., NBC
Here we have this week's resident Bad Vibes Game. That might seem unfair considering that Southern California is 5-1 and came back to beat Washington, but the loss to Oregon and some brutal defensive moments have fired up another round of Lincoln Riley hot-seat chatter. A road win at Penn State won't put an end to it, with Ohio State, Indiana and U.C.L.A. still on the schedule, but a loss would crush the Trojans' playoff hopes and put Riley in purgatory. Matt Campbell and the Nittany Lions have their own problems after back-to-back losses, as any residual apprehension over the coaching search bubbles back to the surface. This could be one angsty White Out in Happy Valley.
Will Mizzou become the latest SEC upstart to flame out after a big win? A week after clobbering top-10 Florida, the Tigers welcome a Texas A&M squad on the verge of a complete tail-spin. Why does that feel like a dangerous spot for Missouri? An upset here would likely mean major improvement from Aggies quarterback Marcel Reed — last in the SEC in completion rate (57 percent), yards per attempt (6.1) and quarterback rating (116.16) among qualified passers. Mizzou's Austin Simmons has 13 touchdown passes and zero interceptions.
3:30 p.m., Fox
This is an intriguing Big 12 matchup as Houston tries to assert itself as a legitimate conference contender. The Cougars' only loss was a close affair on the road to Texas Tech, while Kansas State is coming off a bye and a road loss to Cincinnati. K-State looked solid to start the season but struggled against
NEBRASKA Kwazi Gilmer of the Cornhuskers, who have a 31-game losing streak against ranked opponents.
its first power conference opponent, giving up 271 rushing yards to the Bearcats. Houston cannot get caught looking ahead, with ranked matchups against Oklahoma State and at Utah up next.
And this is a big one in the new-look Pac-12. Boise State is the only ranked team in the Group of 6 and is in the lead for a spot in the playoff, but the Broncos will have to go on the road against a Fresno State bunch that has impressed since getting blanked by Southern California in the opener. The Bulldogs have forced 11 turnovers and are giving up an average of only 16.4 points through five games.
From First Sports Page
the portal. On Jan. 3, he posted an Instagram message about his move that thanked the coaches and said in part, "Some things are out of my control. Such is the reality of the ever-changing landscape of college football."
The message was clear: Parting ways made sense for both sides. Texas has one of the most expensive rosters in the country, with a total spend the The Athletic's reporting placed between \$43 million and \$35 million, but it cannot overpay for everyone. Coleman's deal with Texas is worth close to \$3 million, The Athletic reported in the spring. The new starters Texas brought in at a high cost alongside Coleman would affect the money available for players moving down the depth chart.
Upon entering the portal, Livingstone immediately heard from a dozen programs. He visited Indiana and Oklahoma. Less than a week after playing in Texas' bowl game, he committed to the Sooners, signing a deal worth around \$850,000, according to people familiar with the arrangement.
He could have made more money elsewhere, the people said, but playing close to home at Oklahoma was a key draw, and he has many Dallas-area friends at the university.

Quarterback Arch Manning was Livingstone's roommate for their first two years at Texas.
TIN WARNER/GETTY IMAGES
"That was one of the biggest things," Livingstone said. "I like to be a couple-hour drive away if anything ever happens."
He deleted his social media for weeks when the news came out. There were more than enough messages calling him a traitor.
The Oklahoma-Texas rivalry dates to before Oklahoma was even a state, featuring two of the six programs with the most wins in Division I history.
Crossing a rivalry used to be considered unforgivable. Justin Boren's move from Michigan to Ohio State almost two decades ago was covered like a scandal. Even Paul Moriarty's move from Texas to Blinn College to Oklahoma in the early 1990s was a big deal.
Now, it's common. Los Angeles Chargers receiver Brenen Thompson transferred from Texas to Oklahoma just four years ago, then finished his college career at Mississippi State. Quarterback Casey Thompson started his college career at Texas and ended it at Oklahoma, with stops at Nebraska and Florida Atlantic in between. The list of players crossing a rivalry has grown dramatically. Fans still don't like it, but today's players feel differently.
"To me, it wasn't like a big deal," Livingstone said. "I've just got to do what's best for me and my future. At the end of the day, if it's O.U., Texas, Indiana, I felt it was O.U. at the end of the day."
Whether the moves worked out is a different conversation. Livingstone sustained a concussion in fall camp and has just six catches this season, as Oklahoma's offense has struggled in a 2-2 start. Texas is ranked No. 1, but Cole

Parker Livingstone caught two passes for the Longhorns in the Red River Rivalry game a year ago.
JEROME MIRON/IMAGY IMAGES
man has only 12 catches for 208 yards in four games, though he also has four touchdowns. Manning's passing yards per game, yards per attempt and pass efficiency are lower than they were
last season.
"Parker was a good friend of mine, and he was a good player here," Manning told The Athletic last week. "I was definitely a little surprised when he transferred to O.U., but ultimately he had to do what he thought was best for him. I'm not going to pray on his downfall. I wish him all the best, but we're definitely all going to try and beat O.U. next week."
Livingstone and people close to him maintain that there's no bad blood. Everyone moved on. But it's rivalry week, and that's when the emotions flow back, even if it's just business.
"When I was at Texas, that was the game we all looked forward to. We wanted to go there, and we wanted to beat the crap out of O.U." Livingstone said in the spring. "Now being in the O.U. jersey, I want to go there, and I want to beat the crap out of Texas."
SOCCER
ANALYSIS

ALLAN HENRY/IMAGN IMAGES
Cavan Sullivan (8), scoring against Mexico last week, became the youngest goal scorer in U.S. men's national team history. Coach Mauricio Pochettino, left, said work was just beginning.

RICK SCUTTER/ASSOCIATED PRESS
By PAUL TENORIO The Athletic
ST. PAUL, Minn. — For the fourth time in 11 days, "Take Me Home, Country Roads" echoed in an American stadium as the anthem of celebration.
What preceded this one was not always pretty, but that was beside the point. Coach Mauricio Pochettino's U.S. men's national team opened his second cycle in charge with a fourth consecutive win. The Americans had to survive a foul-filled game and fight through a physical Canadian side on Tuesday en route to a 1-0 victory. But finding a way to get the result capped a window that was as much about growth as anything else.
It was an ideal start in just about every way for Pochettino, who used this camp to signal the transition and advancement he expects to see for a program that was left unsatisfied at the end of a home World Cup. Falling to Belgium in the round of 16, and in the manner it happened, left a bitter taste for the United States, which captured so many fans with the way it played in its first four games.
It was vital, therefore, that this window did not just feel like more of the same. Pochettino called in 13 players with no previous international appearance for the senior team. Many were still teenagers. From the start, he insisted that those two weeks would be less about the results than about progress for the program.
By the end of a frenetic journey that saw the team bounce among five states and three time zones, all 13 of those players had made their U.S. senior debut. Some showed that they should be considered for roles with the team going forward. And the United States got the results — wins over Peru, Chile, Mexico and Canada, with 12 goals scored total and clean sheets in the final two matches.
Pochettino, who claimed his first victories over the team's chief regional rivals in the process, gave the players the credit.
"I think not talking only about the result; it's talking about in the way that we compete, in the way that we build that journey together," he said. "I think it was
Paul Tenorio is a senior soccer writer for The Athletic.
amazing. And that is a starting point to keep going, knowing, with the basics and the principles that we were talking about, to develop and evolve in this way."
He added: "We played four games in two weeks, and to play always with the same intensity, with the same commitment, with the same passion, that is a thing that we keep."
The U.S. program needed to identify depth and add competition at several important spots, including goalkeeper, center back, winger and forward. It found some capable players in all of those positions.
At goalkeeper, Diego Kochen, the 20-year-old who came through Barcelona's academy, turned in some solid performances. Nashville goalkeeper Brian Schwake, at 25 the oldest player making his debut, made a big save against Canada to earn a shutout in his first start.
Auston Trusty and Chris Richards look to be the starting center backs going forward, while Neil Pierre remains an intriguing prospect who should play a big role in the Olympic team.
The teenagers Mathis Albert and Cavan Sullivan each became the youngest goal scorers in U.S. men's national team history — Albert first, before Sullivan broke his mark a few days later — and both look capable of contributing to the senior team and adding depth at a thin winger position.
And after Ricardo Pepi pulled out of the camp with an injury, forwards Julian Hall and Justin Ellis combined for five goals in four games. (The biggest negative of the camp might have been the lower leg contusion sustained
by Ellis.)
"I think obviously there are a lot of new faces, and they all had great energy and worked very hard while they were here," midfielder Gio Reyna said. "Now it's just about everybody going back to the clubs. That decision is up to Mauricio in terms of who comes back and who doesn't. It definitely brings competition, which is what we all need. And I think it's great for the upcoming cycle to push everybody."
Pochettino clearly was happy with the group, but he also said the work is just beginning. Those newer players, he said, now return to their clubs as senior internationals and must hold that standard. They carry "more responsibility" to work and perform at every training session and game going forward.
"The most difficult thing is how we support these young players," Pochettino said. "The
easier thing always is to arrive there and make their debut. But now, how we are going to evolve with them, and how we are going to protect?"
On top of the new faces, Pochettino also demanded more of the veterans in the group. Yunus Musah was brought back into the fold to try to earn back a regular spot. Tyler Adams was named captain. Maybe most surprisingly, the 23-year-old Reyna started all four games.
For a player who has gone through numerous injuries, it was an important moment. Pochettino said he sees Reyna taking on a bigger leadership role in this cycle.
"It was good," Reyna said. "Honestly more just thinking about keep going now . . . just keep building what I've been doing, keep showing up every day, training, recovering, doing everything I need to prepare mentally and physically for every training and game. Feel good, though. Feeling more confident every time I step on the pitch. It was a good amount of minutes, so just very happy with obviously how this window went, as well."
The task Pochettino now faces is taking what was started in this window and carrying it into the Concacaf Nations League quarterfinals in November. The aim there will be to reintegrate important faces back into the team, ideally including Folarin Balogun, Christian Pulisic and Weston McKennie.
The United States will play a home-and-home against an eager Haiti team looking to build on its own World Cup performance. For Pochettino, it will simply be a matter of carrying forward the standards that were built over the past two years and reinforced in this window by a group of youngsters that succeeded in making a strong first impression.
"If we keep this level of concentration, commitment and everything, it's going to be easy to compete," Pochettino said.
By BRIAN HAMILTON The Athletic
LAS VEGAS — Before A'ja Wilson took the stage to discuss her fifth W.N.B.A. Most Valuable Player Award, the actual trophy beat her there. It was set on a table among the previous four, an array rarely seen for any athlete in any sport.
So Wilson, the Las Vegas Aces' megastar, walked up the steps Thursday afternoon, eyed the 2026 statue added to the mix, and then set a full-size crown atop it.
"I want to make sure that people understand if you're going to wear this crown, if you're going to rock it and wear it as you, you've
got to have an understanding that it's going to get heavy," Wilson said during a news conference at Michelob Ultra Arena. "But that doesn't mean it has to drop. Not on my watch it's not."
Wilson has now earned three consecutive M.V.P. Awards and four in five seasons. No other W.N.B.A. player has won more than three, and only three N.B.A. players have won as many as five: Bill Russell, Kareem Abdul-Jabbar and Michael Jordan.
That is the rarefied air Wilson now inhabits, which may be why Kamala Harris, the former vice president, delivered the official news and her personal congratulations via a recorded message on Thursday.
"Take her off Mount Rushmore — she's Everest," Aces Coach
Brian Hamilton is a senior women's basketball writer for The Athletic. Eric Nehm contributed reporting.
Becky Hammon said. "Now I'm taking her off Everest, and I have to put her on a different planet. She just has all of it.
"Because you can be a really talented and skilled basketball player and not win as much as she has, and not become as individually great as she has."
Wilson, 30, put together a comprehensively dominant season. She led the W.N.B.A. in scoring (26.2 points per game), blocks (79), player efficiency rating (32.4) and total win shares (9.4). She also finished fifth in rebounds per game (9.4).

A'ja Wilson, 30, led the W.N.B.A. in scoring, blocks, player efficiency rating and total win shares.
ETHAN MILLER/GETTY IMAGES
None of those were even career-best numbers, but this is: Wilson's 32.9 usage rate was her most robust as a pro. In other words, the Aces asked more of her offensively, and she delivered prodigiously while also remaining a stalwart on defense.
"If you're able to set a standard, if you're able to rewrite things, and kind of etch yourself into history books, it means a lot," Wilson said. "I'm so grateful that I can share these moments with so many different people. But it's always fun when you're able to set the standard, and give people and yourself something to chase after."
While the result was largely expected, Wilson was surprised with the presentation Thursday — while adding that her boyfriend, the Miami Heat star Bam Adebayo, had known for a week and kept the secret.
Asked about the news after the Heat's preseason win over New Orleans on Thursday night, Adebayo told reporters it was "good to celebrate somebody that honestly deserves it."
"I was actually telling my teammates and my mom, I'm glad I brushed my hair today," Wilson said through a fit of laughter.
"You really can't put five M.V.P.s into words," Adebayo said. "You literally just have to sit there and just admire greatness."
Wilson achieved this while working through a back injury
PRO BASKETBALL
that prompted her to relinquish a spot on the U.S. national team for the FIBA World Cup in favor of rest and rehabilitation.
She has also alluded to other non-basketball challenges several times this postseason — and that was before a confrontation with an Indiana Fever fan during the fourth quarter of Game 2 of a first-round series, for which she was assessed a technical foul. Wilson was not fined or further disciplined for the interaction.
Early in Thursday's news conference, Wilson alluded to "16-year-old A'ja" having no dreams of championships or awards — only "surviving this world." Later, and perhaps as a fitting coda to the season she has had, she reflected on what her younger self would think of this moment in 2026.
"She would laugh, first off, because she's like, no way you even did this," Wilson said. "But I think she would be so happy at the fact that I did it on my terms. I always found the willpower to stand back up."
Wilson received all but nine first-place votes on the ballot. The Minnesota Lynx rookie Olivia Miles finished second, receiving six first-place votes, while Indiana Fever guard Kelsey Mitchell finished third with two votes for M.V.P. Fever guard Caitlin Clark received one first-place vote and

THEARON W. HENDERSON/GETTY IMAGES
Wilson against the Golden State Valkyries in the W.N.B.A. semifinals. The Aces' megastar also finished third in the voting for defensive player of the year. Below, in 2023 flashing a championship ring.
LUCAS PELTIER/USA TODAY SPORTS

finished fourth. Breanna Stewart of the New York Liberty was fifth, and Paige Bueckers of the Dallas Wings was sixth.
Wilson also finished third in the voting for defensive player of the year, an honor that went to Angel Reese of the Atlanta Dream. Gabby Williams finished second.
In other W.N.B.A. awards Jessica Shepard of the Wings was named the most improved player; Janelle Salaun of the Golden State Valkyries was unanimously named the sixth player of the year; Miles was unanimously named the rookie of the year; and Cheryl Reeve of the Lynx was named the coach of the year.

High Tides

After making landfall along the western Florida Panhandle, Hurricane Isaias will continue north and weaken. The circulation will continue north and northeast across Tennessee and Kentucky and into the Northeast this weekend. Heavy rain will also spread into the Northeast with the heaviest rain arriving in Kentucky on Saturday evening and then across New York City on Sunday afternoon.

High/low temperatures for the 16 hours ended at 4 p.m. yesterday. Eastern time, and precipitation (in inches) for the 16 hours ended at 4 p.m. yesterday. Expected conditions for today and tomorrow.
| C | Clouds | S | Sun |
| F | Fog | Sn | Snow |
| H | Haws | SS | Snow showers |
| I | Ice | T | Thunderstorms |
| PC | Partly cloudy | Tr | Trace |
| R | Rain | W | Windy |
| Sn | Showers | - | Not available |
| N.Y.C. region | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow |
| New York City | 69/ 53 0 | 68/ 58 PC | 64/ 59 R |
| Bridgeport | 70/ 46 0 | 67/ 53 PC | 64/ 60 R |
| Caldwell | 69/ 44 0 | 69/ 50 PC | 62/ 57 R |
| Denbury | 66/ 39 0 | 65/ 44 PC | 61/ 65 R |
| Jelp | 71/ 46 0 | 67/ 53 PC | 67/ 59 R |
| Newark | 73/ 47 0 | 70/ 57 PC | 66/ 62 R |
| Trenton | 71/ 45 0 | 70/ 52 PC | 64/ 60 R |
| White Plains | 69/ 46 0 | 67/ 51 PC | 64/ 59 R |
| United States | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow |
| Albany | 66/40.0 | 62/44.0 | 60/52.0 |
| Buenos Aires | 70/58.0 | 73/59.0 | 71/60.0 |
| Anchorage | 50/42.0 | 49/41.0 | 48/37.0 |
| Atlanta | 74/62.0 | 74/61.0 | 73/63.0 |
| Boston | 74/64.0 | 74/61.0 | 71/60.0 |
| Austin | 84/58.0 | 83/66.0 | 84/70.0 |
| Chicago | 79/56.0 | 73/58.0 | 72/60.0 |
| Baton Rouge | 90/65.0 | 85/61.0 | 90/61.0 |
| Birmingham | 79/62.0 | 72/62.0 | 78/58.0 |
| Buffalo | 90/49.0 | 88/60.0 | 90/60.0 |
| Boston | 70/50.0 | 66/50.0 | 65/54.0 |
| Cincinnati | 80/53.0 | 69/56.0 | 61/52.0 |
| Burlington | 60/39.0 | 57/52.0 | 66/52.0 |
| Casper | 82/56.0 | 79/48.0 | 59/43.0 |
| Cincinnati-TXN | 78/43.0 | 73/51.0 | 78/56.0 |
| Chattanooga | 81/61.0 | 71/63.0 | 70/58.0 |
| Cincinnati | 72/60.0 | 61/69.0 | 72/62.0 |
| Cincinnati | 82/60.0 | 74/60.0 | 68/58.0 |
| Cleveland | 71/35.0 | 75/58.0 | 65/60.0 |
| Dallas-Ft. Worth | 91/31.0 | 83/61.0 | 77/61.0 |
| Columbus | 76/56.0 | 75/59.0 | 68/59.0 |
| Dallas-Ft. Houston | 84/60.0 | 61/61.0 | 62/53.0 |
| Dallas-Pt. Worth | 82/64.0 | 91/65.0 | 90/72.0 |
| Denver | 89/39.0 | 83/60.0 | 90/51.0 |
| Dallas-Ft. Dallas | 84/60.0 | 83/60.0 | 85/58.0 |
| Detroit | 72/56.0 | 73/57.0 | 63/57.0 |
| Pittsburgh | 85/64.0 | 88/62.0 | 90/59.0 |
| Fargo | 75/60.0 | 89/55.0 | 60/45.0 |
| Hartford | 70/43.0 | 66/42.0 | 62/55.0 |
| Houston | 87/66.0 | 70/65.0 | 66/61.0 |
| Houston | 83/65.0 | 91/68.0 | 50/70.0 |
| Jacksonville | 83/55.0 | 73/59.0 | 70/58.0 |
| Jackson | 87/63.0 | 72/58.0 | 91/61.0 |
| Jacksonville | 80/75.1 | 74/57.1 | 85/64.1 |
| Kansas City | 87/63.0 | 87/61.0 | 97/61.0 |
| Key West | 89/81.0 | 88/82.0 | 89/81.1 |
| Kansas City | 87/72.0 | 87/71.0 | 87/71.0 |
| Lexington | 82/60.0 | 70/58.0 | 57/60.0 |
| Little Rock | 93/61.0 |
| Los Angeles | 87/66.0 |
| Louisville | 98/62.0 |
| Miami | 92/64.0 |
| Miami | 92/61.008 |
| New York | 95/63.0 |
| Mlyck St. Paul | 73/59.0 |
| Nashville | 87/62.0 |
| New York | 87/61.0 |
| Norfolk | 77/65.0 |
| Oklahoma City | 91/63.0 |
| Omaha | 89/62.0 |
| Omaha | 91/76.015 |
| Pittsburgh | 77/65.0 |
| Phoenix | 103/61.002 |
| Pittsburgh | 70/63.0 |
| Portland, OR | 66/41.001 |
| Portland, OR | 63/48.011 |
| Raleigh | 71/63.0 |
| Raleigh | 70/63.0 |
| Rochester | 71/63.0 |
| Richmond | 78/57.0 |
| Rochester | 67/39.0 |
| Salt Lake City | 85/66.002 |
| Salt Lake City | 92/63.0 |
| San Diego | 82/70.0 |
| San Francisco | 72/57.0 |
| San Jose | 94/63.0 |
| San Juan | 91/79.006 |
| San Juan | 92/70.0 |
| Sioux Falls | 77/63.0 |
| Spokane | 65/39.002 |
| St. Louis | 91/63.0 |
| St. Thomas | 91/60.003 |
| Tampa-St. Petersburg | 46/30.0 |
| Tampa | 89/78.030 |
| Toledo | 74/51.0 |
| Tucson | 97/62.0 |
| Tulsa | 92/61.0 |
| Washington | 78/57.001 |
| Washington | 78/57.001 |
| Wilmington, OH | 98/58.0 |
| West Virginia | 84/61.0 |
| Africa | |
| Algers | 77/64.002 |
| Cairo | 85/67.0 |
| Delaware | 91/63.0 |
| Delaware | 86/79.006 |
| Dallas | 82/61.0 |
| Dakota | 81/60.006 |
| Dunica | 82/71.0 |
| Asia/Pacific | |
| Astonia | 93/64.0 |
| Bangkok | 83/78.002 |
| Beijing | 81/56.0 |
| Birmingham | 88/60.0 |
| Hong Kong | 88/78.0 |
| Hanoi | 85/63.0 |
| Jerusalem | 78/64.0 |
| Karachi | 88/61.0 |
| Lima | 85/63.0 |
| Mumbai | 99/63.0 |
Hurricane Islas is forecast to move quickly inland over the central United States today, spreading heavy rain, gusty winds and severe thunderstorms along its way. Parts of the Southeast States will have a risk of tornadoes. Winds, seas and rain will subside along the central Gulf Coast. Gusty winds that arise along the Atlantic Coast will lead to minor coastal flooding at times of high tide. Rain will expand to the Ohio Valley during the day and then into the central part of the Appalachians at night, before reaching the Northeast Sunday.
Meanwhile, heavy thunderstorms will spread from Arizona, New Mexico, Utah and Wyoming, ahead of Tropical Storm Rachel's heavy rain tonight and Sunday.
As colder air settles into the Northwest, rain showers will change to snow over the higher and intermediate elevations of the interior.
| New Delhi | 97/16 | 78/1 | 91/13 | 91/14 | 75/2 |
| Riyadh | 105/16 | 70/2 | 93/25 | 101/18 | 75/2 |
| Riyadh | 70/16 | 70/2 | 79/25 | 81/25 | 71/2 |
| Shanghai | 80/16 | 64/2 | 79/25 | 81/25 | 63/2 |
| Singapore | 91/11 | 81/1 | 90/19 | 89/19 | 71/1 |
| Shanghai | 81/11 | 81/1 | 88/19 | 77/19 | 63/2 |
| Taipei City | 82/69 | 81/2 | 71/4 | 85/13 | 73/2 |
| Tehnan | 88/66 | 83/2 | 83/5 | 81/62 | 83/2 |
| Tokyo | 75/55 | 75/6 | 77/64 | 75/6 | 75/6 |
| Europe | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | ||
| Amsterdam | 64/50 | 11/10 | 59/49 | 58/46 | 59 |
| Buenos Aires | 81/60 | 70/1 | 69/60 | 77/60 | 71/6 |
| Berlin | 57/46 | 0.16 | 63/44 | 54/44 | 59 |
| Brussels | 63/46 | 0.32 | 60/46 | 52/46 | 46 |
| Copenhagen | 65/48 | 0.24 | 59/47 | 54/46 | 59 |
| Copenhagen | 57/48 | 0.04 | 59/47 | 54/46 | 59 |
| Edinburgh | 59/50 | 0.06 | 54/45 | 52/45 | 51 |
| Frankfurt | 52/41 | 0.30 | 63/44 | 58/40 | 45 |
| Geneva | 63/50 | 0.28 | 61/43 | 61/42 | 61/4 |
| Helsinki | 55/48 | 0.29 | 44/39 | 48/43 | 43 |
| Istanbul | 75/50 | 0.07 | 60/50 | 71/50 | 71/5 |
| London | 69/53 | 0.07 | 66/52 | 71/53 | 59 |
| Lisbon | 79/63 | 80/1 | 80/59 | 77/60 | 63 |
| Madrid | 68/50 | 0.14 | 61/46 | 61/42 | 59 |
| Madrid | 70/42 | 42/1 | 75/50 | 76/51 | 59 |
| Moscow | 64/43 | 0.02 | 53/48 | 57/50 | 50 |
| Oslo | 72/50 | 0.13 | 51/48 | 57/50 | 50 |
| Oslo | 68/37 | 41/1 | 41/38 | 44/36 | 41 |
| Prague | 50/43 | 0.13 | 49/46 | 62/40 | 45 |
| Prairie | 64/33 | 43/1 | 57/48 | 63/40 | 45 |
| Rome | 69/64 | 0.40 | 73/55 | 76/58 | 58 |
| Rome/Santiago | 52/50 | 0.03 | 52/50 | 52/50 | 50 |
| Stockholm | 52/41 | 0.49 | 46/40 | 47/41 | 41 |
| Santiago | 64/50 | 0.08 | 61/50 | 65/50 | 59 |
| Warsaw | 63/46 | 0.08 | 59/4 | 58/42 | 48 |
| North America | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | ||
| Acaputu | 87/54 | 0.84 | 87/54 | 88/76 | 76 |
| Altuwa | 81/53 | 0.75 | 80/54 | 81/53 | 76 |
| Edmonton | 48/45 | 0.11 | 35/27 | 36/22 | 27 |
| Guadalajara | 66/64 | 0.11 | 70/58 | 72/57 | 58 |
| Kuala Lumpur | 94/51 | 0.12 | 92/52 | 92/52 | 72 |
| Kirgleton | 90/79 | 0.56 | 92/80 | 91/80 | 69 |
| Lagos | 70/53 | 0.05 | 70/52 | 70/52 | 69 |
| Mexico City | 65/58 | 0.15 | 72/55 | 78/58 | 58 |
| Monterrey | 79/65 | 0.25 | 84/65 | 81/69 | 60 |
| Mexico City | 65/58 | 0.15 | 84/65 | 86/65 | 60 |
| Nassau | 89/81 | 0.02 | 90/81 | 91/79 | 79 |
| Nashville | 88/61 | 0.15 | 88/61 | 88/61 | 79 |
| Quebec City | 51/41 | 0.07 | 52/36 | 63/47 | 51 |
| Santo Domingo | 90/75 | 75/1 | 78/64 | 80/78 | 72 |
| Sao Paulo | 65/60 | 0.13 | 65/60 | 65/60 | 60 |
| Vancouver | 57/54 | 0.11 | 57/45 | 58/40 | 45 |
| Vienna | 54/52 | 0.12 | 47/42 | 49/42 | 42 |
| South America | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | ||
| Buenos Aires | 93/54 | 0.05 | 61/51 | 62/54 | 51 |
| Caracas | 92/79 | 0.17 | 92/78 | 91/77 | 71 |
| Rio de Janeiro | 70/70 | 0.15 | 71/65 | 84/75 | 62 |
| Quito | 69/48 | 0.11 | 64/52 | 68/52 | 51 |
| Rechis | 86/79 | 73/1 | 87/8 | 85/79 | 76 |
| Santiago de Janeiro | 71/53 | 0.01 | 71/52 | 68/52 | 51 |
| Santiago | 41/46 | 0.69 | 53/3 | 69/50 | 58 |
TODAY Sun and high clouds High 68. The sky will feature sun through high clouds as it remains dry. Temperatures will drop a few more degrees with the high temperature near average for the first half of October.
Low 58. More clouds will move into the area, with a mostly cloudy sky overnight. Winds will be light and variable. The low temperature will be a few degrees above average.
High 64. It will be cloudy with rain from Isales beginning in the late morning. There may be flooding on streets and poor drainage areas. Winds will be out of the east at 7 to 14 miles per hour.
High 69. It will be mostly cloudy with a couple of morning showers. Winds will be out of the north at 7 to 14 m.p.h. Temperatures will be a few degrees above average for this time of year.
WEDNESDAY ...... Shower late Tuesday There will be some sun then increasing clouds on Tuesday. Afternoon showers are possible. High 73. It will be breezy on Wednesday morning with a mix of sun and clouds. High 64.
In Central Park, for the 13 hours ended at 1 p.m. yesterday.
Temperature

| Avg. daily departure from normal this month....+1.1* | Avg. daily departure from normal this year....-0.3* |

| Reservoir levels | (New York City water supply) |
| Yesterday | 8.5% |
| Est. normal | 7.7% |
Sun, Moon and Planets
| New | First Quarter | Full | Last Quarter |
| Oct. 1011:48 a.m. | Oct. 18 | Oct. 2512:11 a.m. | Nov. 1 |
| Sun | HSE | 7:02 a.m. | Moon | R | 7:00 a.m. |
| SET | 6:24 p.m. | S | 6:06 p.m. | ||
| NEXT H | 7:03 a.m. | R | 8:07 a.m. | ||
| Jupiter | R | 2:18 a.m. | Mars | R | 1:04 a.m. |
| S | 4:12 p.m. | S | 3:34 p.m. | ||
| Saturn | S | 8:34 a.m. | Venus | R | 9:03 a.m. |
| R | 6:15 p.m. | S | 6:34 p.m. |
From Montauk Point to Sandy Hoak, N.L., out to 20 nautical miles, including Long Island Sound and New York Harles
Winds will be out of the north at around 5 knots and will be out of the east in the afternoon. Waves will be 1 foot or less on the Long Island Sound and New York Harbor and 2 feet on the open ocean.
| High Tides | ||
| Atlantic City | 7:48 a.m. | 8:06 p.m. |
| Barnagat Intel | 8:00 a.m. | 8:16 p.m. |
| The Battery | 8:32 a.m. | 8:49 p.m. |
| Bosch Haven | 9:24 a.m. | 9:40 p.m. |
| Bridgeport | 11:46 a.m. | 11:59 p.m. |
| City Island | 12:00 p.m. | — |
| Five Island Lt. | 8:52 a.m. | 9:08 p.m. |
| Montauk Point | 9:09 a.m. | 9:32 p.m. |
| Northport | 11:50 a.m. | — |
| Port Washington | 12:09 p.m. | — |
| Sandy Hook | 8:06 a.m. | 8:22 p.m. |
| Shrewced Intel | 7:46 a.m. | 8:06 p.m. |
| Stamford | 11:43 a.m. | — |
| Tarrytown | 10:21 a.m. | 10:38 p.m. |
| Willa Point | 11:54 a.m. | — |
| Precipitation (in inches) | |
| Wednesday | 0.00 |
| Record | 7.33 |
| For the last 30 days | |
| Actual | 4.57 |
| Normal | 4.39 |
| For the last 305 days | |
| Actual | 46.09 |
| Normal | 49.52 |
| Air pressure | High 30.18 9 a.m. Low 30.08 1 a.m. |
| High 64% 3 a.m. Low 40% non | |
| An index of fuel consumption that tracks how for the day's mean temperature fell below 65 | |
| Yesterday | 4 |
| So far this month | 33 |
| So far this season (since July 1) | 64 |
| Normal to date for the season | 73 |
| Trends | Temperature | Precipitation | |||
| Average | Average | ||||
| Below | Above | Below | Above | ||
| Last | 10 days | ||||
| 30 days | |||||
| 90 days | |||||
| 365 days | |||||
Chart shows how recent temperature and precipitation trends compare with those of the last 30 years.

Most areas away from the coast across the Northeast and Mid-Atlantic are near peak color. Farther inland, the higher elevations of the central Appalachians, Catskills and northern New England are at peak fall color. The highest elevations of the White and Green Mountains and the Adirondacks are past peak color.

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The New York Times
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 10, 2026

VINCENT TULLO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
'Tom at the Farm,' a drama about a man visiting his dead lover's farm, employs a slippery set in Rodrigo Portella's production.
By ELISABETH VINCENTELLI
In 2017, Armando Babaioff was performing in a production of Michel Marc Bouchard's "Tom at the Farm" in Rio de Janeiro, and was looking forward to having Bouchard see the new staging. But when Bouchard, a Quebecois playwright, arrived, he thought he was in the wrong place.
Originally written in French, the play is set on a Canadian dairy farm. In Rio, Bouchard "saw buckets, a plastic tarp, a microphone, a pair of boots, and he went, 'No, it's not here,' and left," said Babaioff, who translated the play into Portuguese and led the Rio cast. (Someone from the production grabbed Bouchard and he saw the show, And liked it.)
Those spare elements provide the aesthetic and ambience of the director Rodrigo Portella's production. They have also made it easy to move it around: Babaioff has performed "Tom at the Farm" around 600 times, all over the world, and until Saturday he's doing so at NYU Skirball. It then trav-CONTINUED ON PAGE C4
In "Tom at the Farm," about 30 pounds of stage clay, top, adds mystery and even an inherent dramatic tension. Right, Armando Babaioff and Denise Del Vecchin onstage at NYU Skirball.

DEBORAH SOLOMON | CRITIC'S NOTEBOOK
His foundation says the former home of Robert Rauschenberg isn't relevant. Others disagree.
IT SEEMED it would be there forever, that brick townhouse at 381 Lafayette Street in Manhattan, with its quaint red-painted front door. For years it served as the home and studio of Robert Rauschenberg, a deity of postwar American art. After he died, in 2008, his foundation stayed on in the building, and I often visited to see the changing exhibitions of his work or do research in the archive upstairs, lingering among his old papers and books and imbibing an uncanny sense of the artist's presence.
But the Robert Rauschenberg Foundation quietly listed the building for sale in August (no price was given), informing the staff only afterward, according to three people familiar with the planned sale who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to comment publicly.
Courtney Martin, the foundation's executive director since 2024, said in an emailed statement, sent through a spokesperson, that the five-story building bears no great relevance to Rauschenberg's life or work. "Rauschenberg's worldview was not tied to a particular building or location," she wrote. CONTINUED ON PAGE C2

SAM ELLK/THE NEW YORK TIMES
ROBERT RAUSCHENBERG FOUNDATION/ARTISTS RIGHTS SOCIETTI (AREL NEW YORK, USA) THE ROBERT RAUSCHENBERG FOUNDATION/PHOTOGRAPHY ON ANSULTER
Robert Rauschenberg in his Manhattan studio in 1966 and an exhibition there in 1973, with his work "Untitled (Venetian)."
JAMES PONIEWOZIK TELEVISION REVIEW
I'M NOT SAYING "Cupertino" was created by a benevolent superintelligence from the future and sent back in time to warn us. But you almost have to wonder.
The timing is too perfect. You have backlash against data centers, warnings from artificial intelligence researchers that their products might permanently delete mankind and OpenAI's Sam Altman saying that "The world should accept some bad things happening" in the course of building his trillion-dollar baby. And now here comes a clever topical drama, Thursday nights on CBS, about Silicon Valley's mammoth, dubious power and about a tiny law firm trying to stand against it. (It also streams on Paramount +.)
The timing is less of a surprise, however, when you realize that "Cupertino" comes CONTINUED ON PAGE C?

Robert Rauschenberg in the kitchen of 381 Lafayette Street in 1968. "The building was the soul of his existence," recalled Alanna Heiss, the founder of what is now MoMA PS I.
SHLINK KENDER/1 PAUL GETTY TRUST, VIA PHOTOGRAPHY COLLECTION, ROBERT RACHENBERG FOUNDATION ARCHIVES, NEW YORK
CONTINUED FROM PAGE CI
Rauschenberg's studio was also his lab. In 1965, Billy Kluver, left, a Bell Labs engineer, assisted the artist, right, with his five-part sound sculpture "Oracle."

ROBERT BAUSCHEMBING FOUNDATION/ARTISTS RIGHTS SOCIETY (ARS), NEW YORK, PHOTOGRAPHY ST. LARRY MORSES/THE NEW YORK TIMES
“By 1975, the majority of his artmaking practice occurred elsewhere.”
That elsewhere was Captiva Island in Florida, where Rauschenberg owned a 22-acre compound and became known as a community-minded resident intent on protecting land from development. In March, his foundation sold the property for \$45 million to a group that owns South Seas Island Resort. The foundation maintained that hurricanes and shore erosion had turned the property into a huge financial drain. The Captiva Civic Association, in a statement, called the sale a "grievous betrayal" of Rauschenberg's values.
Many artists and art historians dismayed by the sale of the Captiva property, and the shuttering of its well-known artists' residency program, have criticized the decision of the Rauschenberg Foundation to jettison the Lafayette Street building in New York as well. The last remaining home of Rauschenberg, it has an estimated value of \$25 million. The foundation, one of the largest artists' nonprofits in the country, has assets of \$524 million, much of it in artwork, according to its recent tax forms.
Martin said in a second statement that the foundation was considering “a range of options, including possible relocation” in pursuit of increased square footage. “Recent programmatic assessments have underscored the need for additional space to realize our philanthropic mission,” she wrote.
Several artists, including Laurie Anderson, the performance artist and longtime friend of Rauschenberg, said they hoped some of the money from the sale would be reserved for artists' grants. Martin did not respond to a question from The New York Times about that potential use.
It certainly won't benefit the building's many fans. Anderson's memories of the house date to the '60s, when she could hang out with fellow avant-gardists "and not pay," she said, "Everything is so monetized these days, even parking. I feel for young artists especially."
Kathy Halbreich, a veteran museum leader and curator who was the Rauschenberg Foundation's executive director until 2023, is as baffled as anyone.
"One of the things I am most proud of is introducing people to Bob through the building," she said. "Anytime I brought anyone there, they gasped and had an immediate inhalation of what New York once was like and who Bob Rauschenberg was."
She added: "I thought the building felt like Bob in its elegance and eccentricities. He brought a lot of junk in."
An urban scavenger par excellence, Rauschenberg came of age in the '50s and pioneered a junk-into-art aesthetic that introduced shards of reality into avant-garde art. Eager to challenge the reign of Jackson Pollock and the Abstract Expressionists, who had led a generation to conceive of art as a lofty calling, Rauschenberg found his inspiration in city streets, with their random juxtapositions of objects and experiences.
What did he bring to art? A stuffed goat, an automobile tire, a man's necktie, a kneepad, lightbulbs, a pillow and a patchwork quilt, to cite some of the found objects he incorporated into his Combines, which collapsed the age-old separation between painting and sculpture. Today, when so many artists are blurring boundaries between painting, photography, digital printing and other genres, Rauschenberg is revered as the original mix-master.
And his studio was his lab. He bought his house on Lafayette Street on Valentine's Day 1966, according to the deed of purchase, when he was 40 and newly established, having won the prestigious grand prize for painting at the 1964 Venice Bienmale. Unlike more famous artists' haunts, like Claude Monet's waterlily garden at Giverny, the Rauschenberg manse, for which he paid \$65,000, is grittily urban, a 9,200-square-foot townhouse set on a wide, truck-rumbling block just north of SoHo. For years gold letters were visible above the red door — Mission of the Immaculate Virgin — hinting at the building's former life as a home for orphaned boys.
Rauschenberg set up his studio on the ground floor, in a high-ceilinged room that was once the chapel. The artist Brice Marden, who was then unknown and working as his assistant, moved in the furniture and washed the tall, pointy Gothic windows. Interviewed in the film "Painters Painting" (1972), the cult documentary by Emile de Antonio, Rauschenberg adopted a raffish pose. He sits on top of a ladder in the deconsecrated chapel, a figure of easy garrulty with brown curls, a gaptoothed grin and a glass of scotch in his hand.
The possible sale of the building might seem surprising, coming at a time when other artists and their representatives are investing enormous effort in preserving their studios for future generations.
Jasper Johns, now 96 and the last major survivor of the heady postwar art scene that also produced Rauschenberg, has plans to convert his bucolic estate and 170 acres in Sharon, Conn., into a residency program for up to two dozen artists at a time. Dorothy Lichtenstein, the widow of Roy Lichtenstein, donated his former studio at 741/745 Washington Street in the West Village to the Whitney Museum of American Art, which recently repurposed it as the first permanent home for its Independent Study Program.
Other former studios have become important centers of research. The foundation of Ellsworth Kelly, the dean of hard-edge abstract painting, who died in 2015, recently unveiled a connoisseur's art library across the street from his studio (both are open by appointment) in Spencertown, N.Y.
Rauschenberg's home and studio on Captiva Island, Fla., seen in 2005. In March, his foundation sold the property for \$45 million.

TONY GORDOLA, THE NEW YORK TIMES

TORTALENSKOLA/THE NEW YORK TIMES
And art lovers can look forward to eventually visiting the former studio of Jack Whitten, the revered abstract painter and sculptor who died in 2018. He worked in a converted firehouse in Woodside, Queens, that is expected to open to the public in 2028. On a considerably smaller scale, the estate of Tom Wesselmann, the Pop artist, recently hosted its first public exhibition in his former studio on Peter Cooper Square.
Born in Port Arthur, Texas, in 1925, Rauschenberg came to New York for much the same reason that artists have been drawn to the capitals of culture for centuries: to be part of a creative milieu and meet other seriously talented people. He had an easy rapport with artists he admired and also with animals, and his menagerie in New York included a turtle. "He thought the turtle was male until it laid an egg one day," recalled David White, his longtime assistant and a current adviser to the foundation.

AL NBR/THE 120 ANGELES TIMES, VIA GETTY BLOCKS

Rauschenberg in 1996 with a large-scale dye transfer on paper, in a gallery show in Beverly Hills, Calif., and displaying his works in 1965.
HENES GROSENSICO) THE LIFE PICTURE COLLECTION, VIA SHUTTERSTOCK

HOBERT BAUSCHENBERG FOUNDATION/ARTISTS RIGHTS SOCIETY JARS, NEW YORK, PHOTOGRAPHY ALEX BERLINER, VIA SHUTTERSTOCK
In 2006, the Museum of Contemporary Art, Los Angeles, exhibited the most famous of Rauschenberg's Combines, which collapsed the age-old separation between painting and sculpture: "Monogram" (1955-59) which features a taxidermied Angora goat encircled by an automobile tire.

ANDREW WHITEL FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
The artist Jasper Johns, above, with his dog, Dougal, in his studio, a former horse barn in Sharon, Conn., in 2018. He has plans to convert his estate into a residency program for artists. Below, the exterior of Donald Judd's studio at 101 Spring Street in SoHo, and Judd in the studio, in 1970. "We get emails every week" to buy it, his daughter said. The offers are turned down.
The heart of the house was the third-floor kitchen, where friends gathered on a nightly basis, helping to prepare dinner on a massive cast-iron stove, an ancient Vulcan from the building's days as an orphanage. ("Among Friends" was the apt subtitle of the acclaimed retrospective organized by Leah Dickerman at the Museum of Modern Art in 2017.) He liked to cook Cajun stews, the spicer the better, and his style of hospitality, like his art, left room for collaboration. At the time he bought the building, he was organizing Experiments in Art and Technology, known as E.A.T., which invited engineers to join with artists in a quixotic attempt to solve the world's ills.
At some point during dinner, Rauschenberg would invariably disappear into his studio. "The building was the soul of his existence because he could have his friends around him, and then he could leave the kitchen and do his work at night downstairs," recalled Alanna Heiss, a leader in the nonprofit arts sphere, who added she was "heartbroken" by the potential sale.
But how many people would vote to save an artist's archaic kitchen if offered, in its place, an eight-figure real estate deal? Rainer Judd, daughter of the artist Donald Judd and president of his foundation, is one. "We get emails every week," she said, with offers to buy Judd's former home and studio at 101 Spring Street, which opened to the public in 2013. It has been described as the last cast-iron building in SoHo whose interior has not been broken up.
"You just say: It's not for sale," she said firmly. "There's no confusion on our part about this. There's not even a .01 percent confusion."
She emphasized that owning a building is a helpful and sometimes essential resource for extending the life of any enterprise. "My mom and I love going to historic restaurants and pubs," she continued. "All of the ones that still exist — Fanelli's, McSorley's, Raoul's — are there because they own the building."

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She added of her father, "Don specified Spring Street in his will." The foundation's archivist emailed me a few pages from Judd's will, with relevant passages highlighted in yellow. It specified that sculptures installed by Judd in his house must remain in the same place.
“Frequently as much thought has gone into the placement of a piece as into the piece itself,” the will explained.
I requested a copy of the artist's will from the Rauschenberg Foundation, but the request was declined. I was puzzled by the cloud of secrecy, especially after the foundation's spokesperson accidentally copied me on an email to the artist's son, Christopher, president of the foundation, whom I had called the day before. "If she does call again, we would appreciate if you did not speak with her," the email instructed.
As it turned out, Rauschenberg's last will was filed in Lee County, Fla., where he died, and anyone can view it on the county's website. It was last updated years before his death and left no instructions about how his homes in New York and Captiva should be used in the future.
Perhaps the very act of estate planning was antithetical to Rauschenberg's sensibility. He was free-spirited, generous and trusting. He was known to write countless checks to cover the medical expenses of artists in need. His was not the sensibility of someone eager to think about who would own his every sketch 70 years into the future.
Still, the building has not sold, according to the city's database for property records, and its fans are hoping 381 Lafayette may still be preserved. As critics and scholars have discovered, the house offers rewards that money cannot, taking us back to a vanished era when the cultural vitality of New York was measured by the quality of the artists it drew and their ability to live here with dignity.
By DEBORAH SOLOMON
Vincent van Gogh spoke of his studio as “a haven” to which he could always retreat. But studios can be social places, too — more showcase than workplace — and artists have occasionally used them to mount exhibitions of work by friends and allies. Several such studio-based exhibitions are taking place in New York this fall in off-the-grid spaces guaranteed not to have a gift shop.
Tom Wesselmann (1931-2004), a founder of the American Pop Art movement, had his last studio on the ground floor of a 10-story office building at 30 Peter Cooper Square. The space (run by his estate) opened to the public last month, for the first time, with a two-person exhibition pairing Wesselmann with Tomokazu Matsuyama, a Brooklyn-based artist whom he had never met but whose work is visibly inspired by Wesselman's infatuation with supermarkets and other American themes.
The show I saw was a casual affair that spilled from the studio into a halfway and onto the top of a wooden work table. It contained some historical biggies, like Wesselmann's "Still Life = 35" (1963), a ravishing billboard-size painting that mingles pristine passages of orange and sky-blue with scissored advertisements for Libby's beef stew, Made-Rite white bread and Royal Crown Cola. The painting harks back to Pop Art's dewy beginnings, when Wesselmann's satirical rfirts on middle-class life, like Warhol's "Campbell's Soup Cans," were mixed with an often-overlooked dollop of genuine affection.
Wesselmann, born in Cincinnati, is known best for bringing a boyish prurience to the opulent tradition of French figurative painting. His "Great American Nudes," as he titled them, flattened the reclining odalisques of Henri Matisse into sleek beige silhouettes.
Among his younger fans is Matsuyama, who was born in Japan and raised in California. Matsu, as he is called, is a third-generation Pop artist for whom the appropriation of images is standard operating procedure. He culls his motifs from downloaded computer images that range from Baroque

ESTATE OF TOM WESSELMANN/ARTISTE RIGHTS SOCIETY (ARS), NO. VIA TOM WESSELMANN ESTATE AND ALMINE RECH

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paintings and Japanese Ukiyo-e prints to ads for toothpaste, recombining them into compositions that can feel both sugary and ominous.
"We the People" (2025) is a 17-foot-long, three-panel, neon-radiant extravaganza set in an overnight supermarket aisle, where merchandise is rendered in such fanatical detail you can spot the price of a package of DayQuil ("\$11.99 clearance"). Shoppers — their poses swiped from Jacques-Louis David's "The Death of Socrates" (1787) — convene in the aisle in assorted states of distress. Instead of downing a fatal dose of hemlock, the Socrates stand-in is an American youth in a navy tank top reaching for a bowl of Froot Loops.
The show was engaging enough, but looking at the thinness and coldness of the artist's paint (much of it applied by his assistants) I longed to see an actual brushstroke. On the other hand, Matsu's surfeit of minuscule detail deftly captures a culture in a state of permanent overdrive.
From top: Tom Wesselmann's "Still Life #35" (1963), right, featuring ads for bread and cola, and "Smoke on the Water," left, by Tomokazu Matsuyama, which riffs on a Wesselmann painting of a woman smoking; Matsuyama's "We The People" (2025), a three-panel painting of an overlighted supermarket aisle.
The studio of Tom Wesselmann, 30 Peter Cooper Square in Manhattan, may reopen in the future. In the meantime Matsu's studio in Greenpoint, Brooklyn, is open by appointment: Project@matzu.net.
In the weeks ahead, you can visit other studio-based exhibitions downtown.
Six paintings by Yun Hyong-keun (1928-2007) are on view on the ground floor of the former SoHo home and studio of Donald Judd. Those two artists met in 1991, and Judd was captivated by Yun's paintings, which infuse the less-is-more forms of Minimalism with the meditative richness of Asian philosophy.
Yun Hyong-keun, at the Judd Foundation, through Jan. 16. Fridays and Saturdays, 1 to 5 p.m.; 101 Spring Street, SoHo.
The British artist Rachel Howard is showing new paintings in the studio of Sean Scully in Chelsea. Hidden inside an unmarked blue-tiled building, Howard, a 57-year-old London-based artist, focuses her new paintings on the perils of surveillance, combining grainy images of drone warfare and tender views of mud-splotched infants. "As you get older," she once said, "you realize you are experiencing plenty just by existing — life, death, children, madness. It's all very, very near."
Rachel Howard, through Nov. 5, at the studio of Sean Scully, 447 West 17th Street, Chelsea. By appointment: 447space@gmail.com.

PHOTOGRAPHER BY VINCENT TILLIO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
A Puddle of Mud Plays a Role

CONTINUED FROM PAGE CI
els to the Barbican in London, where it'll run Oct. 13-17.
"I was 36 years old, and now I am 45," Babaioff said. "My body is changing, and the world has changed a lot, but the play didn't age one second. Here, in Edinburgh, in Paris, in Belgium, in Korea, the stories of the people are the same."
Babaioff plays Tom, a graphic designer who is visiting the farm of Agatha (Denise Del Vecchio, the respected Brazilian stage veteran) and Francis (Iano Salomão). The occasion is the funeral for Tom's lover — their son and brother. Agatha seems to ignore the fact her son had been gay, while Francis clearly despises it. The story unfurls in a tense atmosphere of secrecy and lies in which violence is always bubbling under the surface, and sometimes spills over.
Tom kicks off the show, presented with English supertitles, by describing the family house he's discovering. "A wood stove with a chimney. Balcony. And a microwave. Rug. Table," he says, in part.
All we get from the set designer Aurora dos Campos, however, are a single bulb hanging from the ceiling and pails dotting an otherwise empty stage that's entirely covered with a dark tarp speckled with dried reddish clay. "It is the color of Brazil," Babaioff said, rubbing some of it on his fingers in a conversation backstage. "The color of the countryside, of the farms."
Babaioff discovered Bouchard's play in 2014, when a friend asked if he wanted to see the Xavier Dolan film adaptation in Rio. A dedicated theater actor, he decided to read the source material instead.
"Homosexuals learn to lie before they learn to love," Babaioff said, quoting a line from Bouchard's preface to the script. "I understood in that moment in my bed, reading the play, that I was in front of something powerful."
From then on he was on a quest. He wrote Bouchard's agent about the rights, laying out "the problematic situation that we're living in Brazil." (In addition to endemic issues, a presidential campaign had stirred up debates about corruption and government policies.) The plea was effective: "I
Top, workers preparing the NYU Skirball for "Tom at the Farm." Clockwise from above: the otherwise empty stage is covered with a dark tarp speckled with reddish clay; the clay being mixed; and the actor Armando Babaioff's hand.
bought the rights for less than — I don't know, but it's like minus, minus, minus, minus, minus, minus," Babaioff said, laughing.
The rural setting was moved to Brazil, and Portella came up with the idea of mud, which carries a lot of symbolic meanings — creation, farm animals, a swamp.
About 30 pounds of stage clay adds mystery and even an inherent dramatic tension: The tarp can be slippery, and it bunches when stepped on, which requires the actors to be a little cautious when they move about.
"The absence of stability is the base of our work," Babaioff said.
As it becomes splashed with water, the tarp gets stickier, spattering the actors and eventually covering Babaioff in a thin film ("it's good for the skin," he joked).
The metaphorical is personal, too. Asked about the character of Agatha, who is a lot more complicated than first assumed, Babaioff simply said, "She's my mother. I had to do the play to create a new relationship with my mother." And that involved coming out to her. But, he said, "it was easy!" He mentioned that his mother, a seam-stress, used to instruct him to "speak tough" when he was a kid. In retrospect he understood she had been afraid for him and was trying to protect him.
Babaioff has a host of plans these days, including directing, but his belief in the importance of "Tom at the Farm" has not faded, "It's an honor to keep doing this," he said.


Laura Bush and Michelle Obama in the White House in 2009. Mrs. Obama has written an essay hailing several former first ladies for their "tribute to our nation's history."
In an essay, the former first lady looks at past White House restorations.
'It's the beauty of the nation they serve that lasts.'
Since leaving the White House, Michelle Obama has sometimes sharply spoken her mind about President Trump's policies and leadership. Now, she seems to have delivered her thoughts on another subject: his efforts to radically reshape the White House itself.
In an essay about Jacqueline Kennedy published on Thursday as part of a presidential history initiative, Mrs. Obama ex-tols the efforts by her fellow former first lady to make the White House a nurturing home for her two young children while also embarking on a restoration that protected the building's history.
"She had the foresight and humility to revitalize the People's House not as an extension of herself, but as a tribute to our nation's history," Mrs. Obama writes. "She recognized that first families come and go. It's the beauty of the nation they serve that lasts."
The essay also hails the contributions of Nancy Reagan, Pat Nixon, Hillary Clinton and Laura Bush, who followed in Mrs. Kennedy's footsteps with "considered, thoughtful updates" to various rooms in the Executive Mansion. The essay does not mention Mr. Trump or the current first lady, Melania Trump, but it does include a quotation from Mrs. Kennedy that might be read as a comment on Mr. Trump's enthusiasm for the role of remodeler in chief.
"Everything in the White House," in Mrs. Kennedy's words, "must have a reason for being there. It would be sacrilege merely to 'redecorate' it — a word I hate. It must be restored."
The essay is the latest installment of In Pursuit, an online series about every U.S. president up to Barack Obama (and some first ladies) with contributions from a bipartisan mix of historians and prominent citizens, including Mr. Obama and Bill Clinton; Mrs. Clinton and Mrs. Bush; and Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr.
The series, organized by the civics group More Perfect, is nonpartisan and focused on history. But some of the contributions have carried some contemporary political edge. In the leadoff essay, about George Washington, George W. Bush hailed the first president's "humility" and his efforts to ensure the United States "wouldn't become a monarchy, or worse."
Mrs. Obama's essay does not directly mention the East Wing, which Mr. Trump demolished last year to make way for a ballroom. She previously characterized the demolition as a denigration of the role of first ladies, who have traditionally had their offices there.

CHARLES OMNANNET/GETTY IMAGES
She also does not mention the Rose Garden, a signature contribution of Mrs. Kennedy that Mr. Trump ripped out and replaced with a paved patio reminiscent of one at Mar-a-Lago. Both those changes were made without any formal review process.
Mrs. Obama emphasizes that she and other first ladies, when making changes to the White House, worked closely with scholars and preservationists to “advise on and approve our plans.”
"Regardless of party, our families understood that winning an election didn't grant us the deed to a few acres of prime real estate to remake in our own image," she writes.
A representative for Mrs. Obama did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Thursday.
In her essay, Mrs. Obama also highlights Mrs. Kennedy's role in the creation in 1961 of the White House Historical Association, a nonpartisan nonprofit group dedicated to preserving and promoting the building's history.
That group, which is independent from the government, has been criticized by some historians and former staff members for not joining other preservation groups in challenging the East Wing demolition.
In an essay posted online in September, the group's president, Stewart D. McLaurin, said its role was not to support or oppose any particular alterations to the White House, but to preserve and teach the building's history "through every presidency."
Before the East Wing demolition, he said, the group spent \$2 million to document the space through three-dimensional scanning and photography. Historic furnishings and objects were removed and preserved.
"Our obligation is to preserve the record faithfully and completely," he said.
A boxed set released this month shows how Donna Summer's range ran from show tunes to nightclub jazz.
By STEVE KNOPPER
The story of how Donna Summer's heavy-breathing "Love to Love You Baby" expanded to 16 minutes, 48 seconds, is one of the classic yarns of the disco era. Neil Bogart loved the 1975 single so much that he licensed it to his record label, Casablanca, then played it one night in a haze of marijuana, cocaine and caviar during a hot-tub party in Los Angeles.
The small crew of revelers became frustrated every time the four-minute single ended and somebody had to flip the record, Buck Reingold, head of the label's promotions department, recalled in the 2014 Casablanca history, "Going Platinum."
So Bogart commissioned the longer version. "That was the best idea Neil had," said Giorgio Moroder, who co-produced the single at his Munich studio. "I was sleeping when he called, around 3 o'clock at night. It took us, I guess, two weeks to extend the song."
"Love to Love You Baby" became a No. 2 smash 50 years ago, transforming Summer
Donna Summer, right, who died in 2012, spent her career frustrated that fans knew her only as the Queen of Disco. Below, Summer and Bruce Sudano at the opening-night party for "Cats" in 1982.

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into the Queen of Disco. But Summer, who died in 2012, spent her career frustrated that fans knew her only as the Queen of Disco. "No one in America had any real clue that I had an extensive and quite successful European background in live musical theater, or that I could actually sing other types of music," she wrote in her 2003 memoir, "Ordinary Girl: The Journey."
A new box set, "Donna Summer: The Casablanca Studio Albums," released this month, strives over seven CDs, or 10 LPs, to capture the musical breadth Summer spent much of her career trying to prove. During her four years on Bogart's label, she scored disco hits with "I Feel Love" and "Hot Stuff." Also included in the compilation is Summer's nearly 18-minute version of the much-recorded pop hit "MacArthur Park," which exploded back onto the charts this year after Alysa Liu's dynamic free skate to the song at the Olympics.
But it also chronicles Summer's detours into Broadway-style show tunes ("There Will Always Be a You"), new-wave synthrock ("Journey to the Center of Your Heart"), the '60s girl-group sound ("Love's Unkind") and torchy nightclub jazz ("I Remember Yesterday").
Along with Pete Bellotte, a co-producer, Summer and Moroder conceived "I Remember Yesterday" (1977), an album inspired by the British novelist Anthony Powell's 12-volume series "A Dance to the Music of Time," as a chronological music lesson from the '40s to the future. It was "the first of her albums for Casablanca where listeners began to see, 'There's really a range here,' Christian John Wikane, who wrote the box set's liner notes, said in an interview. "That album is a good place to start to understand she was not a one-dimensional vocalist."
Wikane added that 1979's "Bad Girls" album is full of rock touches — "Hot Stuff," one of the climactic hits of Summer's disco career, contains a solo from the prolific rock guitarist Jeff (Skunk) Baxter. In the "Casablanca Studio Albums" liner notes, Bellotte is quoted as saying, "I was desperate to get Donna away from pure disco. I loved rock bands and guitars and all that sort of stuff."

Casablanca, whose top artists also included Kiss and Parliament, had a reputation as a “regular fraternity house,” according to “Going Platinum,” where dealers accepted drug orders as if making lunch runs for sandwiches. “Neil Bogart was a brilliant record man,” Bruce Sudano, Summer’s husband and co-writer, said of the label boss. “Casablanca gets a bad rap: ‘Oh, well, it was a disco label,’ and there are all these stories about drugs and limousines. But what gets overlooked is the quality of the work.”
Sudano met Summer in 1977, at the Los Angeles home of a mutual friend, Susan Mu- nao, a Casablanca executive who later be- came her manager; Summer had just moved to the city and Joyce Bogart, Neil's wife, was giving her a stick-shift driving les- son when they decided to drop by. "We started writing songs immediately and that was the beginning of our relationship," Sudano said. Not long afterward, Bellotte add- ed, he showed up at Summer's house for a
MICHAEL PUTLAND/DETTY IMAGES
'There's really a range here,' says one journalist. 'She was not a one-dimensional vocalist.'
co-writing session and an apologetic Summer made him wait half an hour as she finished a phone call. It was with an astrologer, advising her on whether she should dump her boyfriend and take up with Sudano. Bellotte scribbled out the lyrics to "I Feel Love" while he waited.
"It couldn't have worked out better for Donna," he said. "So here's to the astrologer."
Summer's time with Casablanca didn't end well. She complained that Bogart denied her ambitions to record more rock music and criticized his "Svengali-like role" in overseeing her career. For that reason — as well as what she argued were inadequate royalty payments — she sued Casablanca after it released her "On the Radio: Greatest Hits Volumes I and II" compilation in 1979. The lawsuit ended in a settlement, and Summer left to sign with David Geffen's namesake label.
Sudano, who manages Summer's estate with the couple's three daughters, authorized the Casablanca box set from the British label Demon Music Group, which put out a broader collection of her work, "Summer Time — The Singles Collection 1974-2010," in January. Both collections emphasize Summer's diversity: "Let's face it, Donna could sing the phone book in one take," said Michael Neidus, Demon's global commercial manager.
Still, Moroder, 86, widely known as the Father of Disco, related to Summer's frustration. "I don't think she ever said she was not happy," he said. "Maybe she was not happy-happy. Which is a little bit my problem, too. I love to be called the electronic guy more than the disco guy."

Put two stars in each row, column and region of the grid. No two stars may touch, not even diagonally.
Copyright © 2024 www.kraylab.com
My grandpa ____ a life remote Midst hills and ____ bucolic. He ____ in local "tonics." (Note: They're largely alcoholic.)
Complete the verse with words that are anagrams of each other. Each underline represents a letter. PUZZLE BY STUART (CLELAND)
YESTERDAY'S ANSWER Sam, Cola → turncoat
ACROSS 1 Artist whose first two initials stand for "Maurits Cornelis" 7 Get to know a little better, say 15 Kind 16 "Not today, Satani" 17 Like Hamlet, Macbeth and King Lear 18 Place where it's a hoot to raise a family?" 19 Part of a swearing-in ceremony 20 Peak overlooking the Grindelwald Valley 21 Do a bad job of helping? 22 Frito (Tex-Mex dish) 24 "Float like a butterfly" and "sting like a bee" 26 Office building alab! 27 It's a lot for one person to take 30 Was hot (for) 31 Likely gonna 35 Natives call it Muncibeddu, meaning "mountain of mountains"
36 Seattle's W.N.B.A. team
39 Be boastful
40 Member of the winning 2025 Super Bowl team
42 Some 1980s Jane Fonda performances
44 Round and round and round?
47 Este dia
50 Determine the going price?
51 London's Gardens
53 "That makes sense now"
55 Patches up, in a way
56 Dee, lead role on HBO's "Insecure"
57 Played by oneself
59 Animated character with a signature quiff hairstyle
61 Croupier's query
62 Hide, in a way, as a communication
63 State revenue source
64 Became the beneficiary of
Fill the grid with digits so as not to repeat a digit in any row or column, and so that the digits within each heavily outlined box will produce the target number shown, by using addition, subtraction, multiplication or division, as indicated in the box. A 4x4 grid will use the digits 1-4. A 6x6 grid will use 1-6. For more games: www.nytimes.com/games Reckfast is a registered trademark of Monday, LLC. Copyright © 2024 www.REMEN.com. All rights reserved.

PUZZLE BY DAVID LEVINSON WILK


| 2 | 1 | 4 | 3 |
| 1 | 4 | 3 | 2 |
| 3 | 2 | 1 | 4 |
| 4 | 3 | 2 | 1 |
DOWN 1 Legally prohibit 2 Kind of student

3 In free fall
4 Word with grade or school
5 Prefix with dermis
6 Gate
7 Hip-hop's birthplace, colloquially
8 "What a pity"
9 Sports figure who traditionally wears an orange amband, in brief
10 Some Caltech grads: Abbr.
11 It's seen near a wrist
12 Commoners
13 Start
14 "Buona __" (bedtime words in Roma)
21 "No more for me, thanks"
24 Like a sketchy person
25 One-named singer with the 2016 #1 hit "Cheap Thrills"
28 Flossing brand
29 Walt Disney initially designed it as a utopian city
30 Bit of concert merch
32 Refueling spot
33 Where a wallflower often stands
34 Sounds of pain
37 Podcaster Joe
38 1980s charttopping band with a semi-duplicative name
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41 Camera brand named after a goddess 43 Actor Penn 45 Struck 46 Neighbor of Francia 47 Contents of a laugh track 48 John who wrote "Butterfield 8" 49 Certain snack cake 52 Abated 54 Danny who was UNICEF's first goodwill ambassador 56 Peruvian ____ Orchid (dog breed) 58 Title of a #1 Rihanna song and #1 SZA album 60 Suffix with morph-

COLUMBIA PICTURES
The actress Eva Marie Saint, who died Tuesday at 102, took the movies by storm with her first feature, "On the Waterfront." In it, she played the stalwart sister of a murdered dockworker. Her moral steadfastness in the role laid the groundwork for a career in which she specialized in sympathetic women who did their best to weather domestic and cultural storms. Here are 10 movies that showcase her ability to add complexity and depth to "good woman" types who might seem like stock characters on the page.
Doubling as high-water mark and statement of purpose, Saint's first feature role won her the Oscar for best supporting actress and established her image as a complex "good woman" type, a moral standard-bearer set against an imperfect world. In "On the Waterfront," Saint's character is the first to take the fight to the mob-controlled union responsible for her brother's murder and her decency both humbles and inspires a dockworker (Marlon Brando) into action.
Brando's groundbreaking performance gets most of the attention, but much of his tortured vulnerability comes in response to Saint, whose firm, quiet conviction stirs his slumbering conscience. The film stands as a rousing drama about doing the right thing and a pointed explanation for why the director Elia Kazan decided to "name names" before the House Committee on Un-American Activities two years earlier.
Rent it on Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play and YouTube.
Offering itself as "The Lost Weekend" for morphine addiction, Fred Zinnemann's white-hot melodrama, based on Michael V. Gazzo's 1955 stage play, doesn't do much more than cram four actors together in close quarters and turn up the gas. Set largely in a New York City housing project, "A Haftful of Rain" starts with a blowhard father, who is not to be a lot of people. It is also it to two sons: One is a Korean War veteran (Don Murray) with a faithful wife (Saint) and a nice apartment, and the other (Anthony Francisia) the father considers to be a loser. What he doesn't realize is that the good son has a \$40-a-day morphine habit and the bad son is going broke trying to keep his shady dealers at bay Saint stands. The father describes her homeworks display, as her loyalty to her husband is tested by her feelings for his brother.
Rent it on Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play and YouTube.
Left, Eva Maire Saint with Marlon Brando in the 1954 film "On the Waterfront."
Shrewdly cast against type as one of Alfred Hitchcock's signature icy blondes, Saint first appears in "North by Northwest" as a shifty ally to an advertising executive (Cary Grant) whom a foreign spy (James Mason) and his henchmen have mistaken for another man. As the two flee their pursuers through the Midwest, eventually leading to a showdown on Mount Rushmore, her hidden motives are revealed, but Saint keeps him (and us) guessing about her loyalties right to the end. Saint and Grant's chemists add an extra spark to Hitchcock's most robust production, a scaled-up and vastly entertaining spin on the "wrong man" scenario he'd started with "The 39 Steps."
Rent it on Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home and YouTube.
Based on the Leon Uris novel, the director Otto Preminger and the screenwriter Dalton Trumbo's 3½-hour opus about the founding of the state of Israel casts Saint As the audience surrogate, an American nurse swept up by faraway conflict. Starting at a detention camp in Cyprus, where Jewish society is a strong leader of the United Nations vote on creating a homeland in Palestine, "Exodus" relies on Saint's naïve and good-hearted widow to lead American viewers through a political transformation. The catalyst here is Paul Newman as Ari Ben Canaan, a Palestinian Jew who commandeers a ship of 600-plus and takes aggressive action to influence the U.N. vote of the German flag, a larger strike, thereby by leading the ship to Palestine. Their eventual romance gives this lumbering history lesson an accessible center.
Stream it on YouTube. Rent it on Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV and Fandango at Home.
In the first (and lesser) of the two films she made with John Frankenheimer, Saint plays Echo, one of many casualties to Warren Beatty's charisma as he breaks the hearts of lovers and family members alike. When Beatty's drifter, Berry-Berry, comes back into town after spending time in jail for her. He has been a great deal with a few brothers (Brandon de Wilde) is most excited to see him, but his enthusiasm wanes when Berry-Berry takes a romantic interest in Echo, the object of his infatuation. "All Fall Down" is an overheated Southern melodrama in the Tennessee Williams mold, but he has been a great deal with the most out of actors like Saint and Beatty, who transforms himself from a predatory cad to a genuinely pitiable figure.
Rent it on Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play and YouTube.
Three years after “The Manchurian Candidate,” George Seaton’s smooth thriller advanced more or less the same scenario of an American officer manipulated by the enemy for diabolical political ends. Here it’s James Garner as a U.S. Army major during World War II who knows the allied forces are going to land at Normandy, but gets knocked out and abducted by the Nazis, who convince him that he’s in an American hospital in 1960; Saint plays a nurse who’s also has elaborate ruse to get information from him about the invasion, but her reasons for participating complicate her character. “36 Hours” doesn’t have much on its mind, but it’s an effective “Twilight Zone” scenario in which an alternate history is poised to be rewritten. Rent it on Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play and YouTube.
In the bigger-is-better ensemble comedy mode of "it's a Mad, Mad, Mad World," "The Russians Are Coming, the Russians Are Coming" was acclaimed enough at the time to earn a best picture nomination, largely because of its effort to satirize (and help defuse) longstanding tensions in the middle of the Cold War. Time hasn't been particularly kind to Norman Jewison's broad farce about a Russian submarine unit that runs aground outside a quaint New England town, but the performances are lively, especially Alan Arkin and Earl Reis. The Russian Revolution is a lieutenant who pretends to be Norwegian and a vacationing family man who's unprepared for a Communist invasion. Saint adds to the tension as Reiner's wife, joining him in the fight to end their long summer getaway.
Stream it on Amazon Prime Video and MGM+. Rent it on Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play and YouTube.
Saint's second collaboration with John Frankenheimer may be the best gearhead movie ever made, at least when the action is relegated to the urban raceways where Formula 1 drivers compete for international supremacy. Off the track, however, "Grand Prix" spends a healthy chunk of its three-hour sprawl covering the lives and loves of four drivers, with Saint playing an American journalist who takes up with Yves Montand's veteran world champ, who happens to be married. But all that drama merely has been done in the races themselves, which are filmed with extraordinary eye-level immediacy and a constant sense of imminent danger. Like the best films in Frankenheimer's peak '60s run, "Grand Prix" combines stark documentary detail with an immense genre punch.
Rent it on Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play and YouTube.
Though billed as a comedy, Irvin Kershner's ironically titled "Loving" lays bare the domestic crises of an era when sexual liberation chipped away at the foundations of traditional marriage. George Segal stars as a commercial illustrator who neglects his wife (Saint) and two children to pursue available women on the side, including the wife of his business partner. There's a short story quality to how much Kershner and his screenwriter, Don Devlin, concern themselves with sideline issues – like Segal's office, more a big account – rather than attempt to drive the plot forward. Segal's philanderer philanders and that's about it, but the fallout, staged around a child's walk-in dolthouse at a swinging '70s party, is pitched beautifully between absurdity and anguish.
Rent it on Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home and YouTube.
After taking a 14-year break from acting in features, Saint returned for "Nothing in Common," a ho-hum comedy-drama notable mainly for Jackie Gleason's swan song as Max Basner, a cantankerous salesman who makes demands of his ad-executive son (Tom Hanks) after he loses his job and his marriage. But in the scope of Saint's career, it's fascinating to see her leave a bad relationship, rather than suffer alongside flawed, unworthy or put-up men. As Basner's wife, she reflects the joy of being unattached before getting drawn back into the coming bed to drama of expressing her disgiving about her and leaving him alone with his regret. That exchange is more authentic than its well-worn story about a young city slicker learning what's really important in life.
Rent it on Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, Fandango at Home, Google Play and YouTube.
MAYA PHILLIPS | CRITIC'S NOTEBOOK

JOHN JOHNSON/TEDO-MAX
The HBO series provides a nuanced look at assuming the mantle of a white predecessor.
AT THE END of the HBO series "Lanterns," John Stewart hovers in the air before flying off in a great sonic boom, his first act as the newly minted Green Lantern. This is more than just the typical hero's exit; this is a culmination of a whole life spent preparing to wear the character's coveted ring.
It's an obvious ending, and the sight of John (played by Aaron Pierre) stiffly floating above the ground should seem too cheesy in a superhero show styled as a gritty buddy-cop story. And yet it resonates because this is John's official introduction as a Lantern, a title we've watched him earn over the course of the series that ended on Sunday. Over those eight episodes, "Lanterns" did the best job of portraying an increasingly common plot point in superhero stories: a Black character inheriting a white hero's role.
Before John Stewart there was Sam Wilson (Captain America), Riri Williams (Ironheart, an iteration of Iron Man) and Miles Morales (Spider-Man, in the animated Spider-Verse), all of them Black heroes who have redefined the title they've inherited.
We've had a smattering of other leading Black heroes, of course — Black Panther, Luke Cage, Wonder Man — but this type of baton pass from one generation to the next is more interesting to observe. Promoting a Black character to the position of classic hero is not an easy feat, because the story must account for the inevitable difference of when a Black man or woman dons the mask or outfit or magical piece of jewelry of the already beloved white hero before them.
Throughout "Lanterns," Pierre elegantly embodies the stony determination of John Stewart; he's statuesque, an imposing figure with an unwavering stare that seems to drink in everything around him. He knows he's meant to be the next Green Lantern, the DC Comics hero introduced more than 80 years ago who uses a ring to manifest objects in solid, 3-D form. After all, his origins weren't a matter of happenstance; John has lived his life knowing he will eventually carry the title.
As with Sam Wilson's ascent to Captain America in "The Falcon and the Winter Soldier," a full series can be the most satisfying way to explore a character's backstory and motivations moving into the role. "Lanterns" shows that when John was a baby, his father failed the test to become the next Green Lantern. When John's mother, Bernadette, finds out her youngest son may have a chance to be a Lantern, she resolves to raise him to be fearless. He gets a gun instead of crayons for his 5th birthday. It means William Tell tests of courage and lots of casual childhood endangerment.
Terrible parenting aside, the most realistic — and relatable — part of this story about magical rings is that behind the Black hero is a Black mother demanding her son be honestly and equitably considered for a role of greatness. Jasmine Cephas Jones's hard-as-nails performance paints Bernadette as not just John's mother but his coach, his advocate and sometimes his first villain to overcome. She's willing to be the bad guy because she knows he will need to do what our country has taught her is impossible: fit into a role already owned and defined by a white man.
Naturally, that white man, the Green Lantern Hal Jordan (Kyle Chandler, with a lovably obnoxious performance), isn't fond of a younger, more capable man filling his role. He disrespects John and initially dismisses him as dull and unimaginative. But John proves how capable he is, not just because of his military training and strategic mind but because of his creativity.
By Sunday's finale, John has figured out for himself the kind of hero he needs to be. Green Lanterns are supposed to be fearless, so John has lived a life in which he has tried to repress or dismiss his fears. But now he's decided to adopt a ring and a lantern powered by both green and yellow light, symbolizing courage and fear. Becoming the Green Lantern was never as simplistic as taking over from Hal; at one point John has an opportunity to take the ring but rejects it after understanding how it will affect his humanity. When John reclaims the ring, he does so as the best version of himself. He has shaped his journey, and everything, down to the Lanterns oath, reflects that.
Aaron Pierre, left, as John Stewart and Kyle Chandler as Hal Jordan in the superhero series "Lanterns."
One aspect of the finale that agitated some fans was when John spoke the classic Lantern oath, but deviated from its famous lines to acknowledge his new autonomy: "In brightest day, in darkest night, I'll embrace my fear, I'll do what's right. I choose this ring, I choose this fight, in service to this lantern's light." But the change is in line with the way the series is telling the story of a Black man walking — or flying — his own path. John Stewart's appearance as one of the earliest Black heroes in comic book history forever changed the canon. So it's fitting that in "Lanterns," this John Stewart has changed the canon again.
BANDAINAHCO
JAMES PONIEWOZIK | TELEVISION REVIEW
CONTINUED FROM PAGE CI

Above, Mike Colter and Rachel Keller play lawyers who start a practice to help people victimized by big tech firms in "Cupertino." Renée Elise Goldsberry, left, plays a rival lawyer.
PHOTOGRAPHY ELIZABETH FISHER/CS

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 31 from Robert and Michelle King, whose past series — including "The Good Wife," "The Good Fight" and "Evil" — were fascinated with tech, its power and its absurdities.
Before, that fixation was a sidelight to series about law, politics and religion. Now, tech is the main story. The delightfully feisty "Cupertino" argues, with a populist spirit, that tech has become so pervasive that it is actually the only story — and maybe, if we don't watch out, our last one.
The series begins in the offices of the tech firm S-Talk (that's right, "stalk"), where the high-powered lawyer Michael Price (Mike Colter) and the fresh law-school grad Olivia Siffre (Rachel Keller) have just been fired — he in an apparent effort to steal his equity, she after being sexually harassed. Together they start a shoestring legal practice to help the "Davids" underserved by the big law firms getting rich on the tech Goliaths' payrolls.
"During the gold rush," a peer cautions Michael, "don't sue the gold mine."
As in “Evil” (to which Colter lent his slow-burn charisma as a priest investigating the paranormal), “Cupertino” is built on an odd-couple pairing. Michael is legal royalty, estranged from a father (Joe Morton) who runs a storied law firm. Olivia is the sharp but sheltered daughter of Christian publishers from the Midwest. (The Kings are unusual among prestigious TV-makers in taking faith seriously, which may come in handy now that A.I. execs are lobbying the Vatican.)
But they've both been burned, and they're ready to burn things down. Turns out they are not alone. While seeking a business partner for the firm, Olivia searches "people who hate Silicon Valley"; the list scrolls on and on.
They find a ragtag support staff, including Christy Palladino (Ella Stiller), a working-class receptionist also dumped by their former employer, and financial backing from Natalia Boutella (Busy Philipps), the vengeful ex of a tech overlord.
"Cupertino" falls into a semi-procedural
rhythm, balancing a long-term thriller, involving a powerful A.I. model without guardrails, with cases of the week. The show's philosophy is that every legal case is a tech case now, because tech has become embedded in so many jobs and so much decision-making, whether in policing, medicine, education or family law.
You could call the approach "ripped from the headlines," but it's more like the Kings are intuiting the headlines. They look at the state of tech, factor in human foibles and cupidity, and guesstimate what will happen from there.
The results are impressive. One story involves an A.I. that interacts with users through a photorealistic video chat, a device that seemed far-fetched to me. Or it did until, a few days after I watched the episode, I saw an announcement from a company that purported to have developed an A.I. chatbot that does precisely that.
The early episodes of the series have a bit of a spare, building-the-plane-while-flyingit feel to them. As Michael and Olivia open their Potemkin office, the supporting cast fills in gradually, including Renée Elise Goldsberry (in a mini "Girls5Eva" reunion with Philipps) as a sharky rival attorney and Nik Dodani as a consultant and all-purpose tech explainer.
The good news is that the Kings will have 20-count-them-20 episodes to flesh out the story, an advantage of working on old-fashioned network TV. A disadvantage is that the series' ambitions can feel narrow in comparison with the heavily serialized "The Good Fight," which ran on streaming, and "Evil," which finished its run there.
"The Good Fight" in particular was the boldest political drama of the past decade, a dark-comic fever dream of law in the Trump era that employed everything from wild conspiracies to drug hallucinations to cartoon music videos to sketch a constitutional order straining at its rivets.
Politics is comparatively absent in “Cupertino.” This rings a little odd, given how much government regulation, or the lack thereof, figures into today’s A.I. angst, and how much tech titans have cozed up to the current administration. (There is a reference to Natalia’s mogul ex-husband having attended the inauguration.) In “Cupertino,” the government may as well not exist except to keep the courts open, though I don’t know if that’s avoidance or simply a statement of where the real power lies in this world.
But however brilliant, "The Good Fight" had limited reach. "Cupertino" is bringing
Cupertino CBS. Thursdays at 10 p.m. Streaming on Paramount+.
cybersurveillance, digital theft of artists' work, online scams and the bunker mentality of tech tycoons to the audience of "Tracker" and "Sheriff Country." The last time I would have said that the best new show of the fall was on broadcast TV, the year would probably have had two zeros in the middle of it. (In fact, it might have been "The Good Wife.")
The Kings understand and respect the network-TV medium, and they execute like pros. The cases are tightly plotted, familiar in format but surprising in their turns, and the cast is stellar. Price and Keller have an endearing big-brother-little-sister dynamic, Goldsberry makes an enticing schemer and Philipps has the time of several lives as a crusading Real Ex-Housewife of Silicon Valley.
Like many great series, "Cupertino" knows what it's about and why. Like many powerful software models, it is persistent and iterative. It starts briskly, levels up every few episodes and, by the end of the half season I watched for review, left me thirsty for the next update.
I'm not saying that "Cupertino" is potent and necessary. I'm not saying that it's a smart, urgent entertainment that delivers good times while sounding a wake-up call about the A.I. end times. I don't dare say it. After all, an A.I. might be reading this.
CHRISTOPHER BYRD | VIDEO GAME REVIEW
A critique of organized religion runs through this story.
THE BLOOD OF THE DAWNWALKER is a gripping new role player game in the vein of CD Projekt Red's Witcher series. The game was developed by Rebel Wolves, a studio in Warsaw headed by a number of former CD Projekt Red developers, and features many of the hallmarks that made the Witcher games memorable — from quests that involve detective legwork to interacting with characters whose motivations are unclear. Flowing through it is an Eastern European spirit alert to human failings, comfortable with moral opacity and matter of fact about sex.
Set in a secluded region near the Carpathian Mountains, the game opens during the Black Death in the 14th century. (The setting draws inspiration from Barbara Tuchman's historical survey "A Distant Mir-
ror: The Calamitous 14th Century $^{[6]}$ ) Coen, a young man carrying his plague-infected sister, is set upon by soldiers charged with killing anyone who shows signs of infection. But the siblings are saved by Brencis, an elder vampire, who slaughters the armed men, and then later, with the assistance of his lieutenants, takes over the area. In return for expelling war, pestience and tax collectors, Brencis impuses a blood capsule, and it is made for all of them to attend a vampire Mass on full moon nights; to drink his blood, which cures diseases; and to offer up a measured portion of their own in return. A critique of organized religion runs throughout the game. For anyone familiar with Poland's history with the church — which stomped out the country's older pagan faiths and, at different times, supported liberationist and repressive regimes — the historical allusions are obvious.
Jakub Szamalek, the narrative director on The Blood of the Dawnwater, told me, "We do have a history of being subjected to violent power, and that interplay between power and violence was one of the themes that I wanted to explore." Given the immiseration of Europeans in the 14th century, caused by Violent turmoil and omnipresent illness, Szamalek found it challenging to try to create a scenario that could possibly be worse. "One of the questions that we ask to the player and they're exploring in the world," he said. "What is this thing to what there people had before?" he said. Returning to what is distinctly Polish in the game, there is "an undercurrent of pessimism about how things play out," Szamalek said.
"I think that dark premonition that history doesn't coddle and that few people live up to their promising reputations," he added, "is something that we drink with our mother's milk, you know?"
Smarting beneath the yolk of the vampires, Coen joins a group of rebels looking to overthrow their oppressors, but their efforts are roundly quashed. Amid the fray, Brencis — for his own cryptic reasons — attacks Coen and turns him into a vampire without him realizing it. An example of the game's crafty storytelling occurs when Coen gathers himself up after losing consciousness and looks for survivors among his comrades. Coming upon a bloodied combatant, he loses control and drinks his companion's blood. A tutorial screen then informs you that if Coen's vampiric health falls below a certain threshold he may lose control while talking to someone — even a friend — and drain their blood, which can abruptly end a quest line.

Coen is on a mission to save his family in the vampire-heavy Blood of the Dawnwalker.
Coen has 30 days to save his family before Brencis kills them as a part of a coronation ceremony. (The time constraint lends a feeling of urgency to Coen's quest, addressing a failing of other R.P.G.s that give the player an all-important mission, but then encourage the following around your heart's) (A). For the time they are later in scaled, Coen is a dawnwalker, a rarity among vampires; when the sun rises, he reverts back to human. With the memory of Coen gorging on his companion in my head, I dreaded the first few nights in the game. I salute the developers for putting me in this head space and giving myself with Coen's gun, giving over his intention. Yet, it time wore on, I came to relish the onset of night because Coen's vampire form presents a more formidable foe to his opponents with its added health and special abilities such as Scarlet Shield, which allows you to recover some health upon executing a perfect block on an incoming attack.
The Blood of the Dawnwalker is truly elevated by its quest lines and intriguing characters. The Night of Horrors, for example, is a particularly memorable mission. On the hunt for a lost treasure, Coen accompanies a discreet, domineering vampire named Lacra into a swamp where they must entice will-o'-the-wisps (spectral lights) to guide them to their goal by offering up stories of their greatest emotional sufferings. I contend that the sign of a quality R.P.G. is how much it makes you long for the next conversation rather than the next fight, and in that respect The Blood of the Dawnwalker delivers handsomely.
HELEN SHAW | THEATER REVIEW


PHOTOGRAPHY BY MUSIC BRENNER

Technical trouble stalled the opening night of an all-male take on 'As You Like It.'
STRATFORD-UPON-AVON, ENGLAND — The day here had been calm enough, with a mild gray sky hanging low. A gang of swans was gliding implacably down the river, shaking down tourists for bread. And, for a little less than an hour on Tuesday night, a new all-male staging of "As You Like It" by the Royal Shakespeare Company was gliding along, too.
But then, the show broke.
In one (literal) sense, it was probably a motor. Certainly the audience sat in the Royal Shakespeare Theater looking for a long time at a big chunk of the set that had risen up about two feet and then stopped, while ladders behind a curtain were dragged hither and yon. But in another, ecstatic sense, this gorgeous and liberatory "As You Like It" broke right where Shakespeare might have meant for it to break.
At the end of Act I, several aristocratic exiles are heading away from civilization, bound for the Forest of Arden. Each one is leaving the glittering court world out of fear: The clever Rosalind (Jonathan Groff) finds out her wicked uncle, a Duke (Gary Wilmot), wants to kill her; her cousin Celia (Fisayo Akinade) can't bear to live without her; the handsome Orlando (Elliot Barnes-Worrell) has fallen afoul of a homicidal older brother.
The Duke's court in this spectacular production by the Royal Shakespeare Company's co-artistic director, Daniel Evans, is as colorless as a chess set: distorted, grotesque, cold, eerie. Groff's Rosalind enters in a black Victorian gown through a white door perhaps 20 feet tall; the Duke wears a
long black cassock, sliding creepily around like a bishop on a board. At one point, the Duke's servants wear menacing white-rabbit masks. It's as if our heroes were all Alices on the wrong side of the looking glass.
As Act I comes to a close, Celia shouts "Now go we in content to liberty," and heavenly voices start singing "To liberty! To liberty!" Evans has intercut scenes of Celia and Rosalind's flight with Orlando's simultaneous dash to freedom, so the room was wound tight with the expectation of escape. But on Tuesday night, as the wall of the court tried to rise out of the way — whirr, bark, ladies and gentlemen, we are so sorry.
The technical pause gave us time to think about how an all-male cast readjusts Shakespeare's play, unwinding centuries of practice to arrive again at Elizabethan modes of cross-dressing.
First of all — surprisingly — it gentles the comedy's cruelty. "As You Like It" can be vicious, its unkind mischief often led by Rosalind, who disguises herself as a boy, Ganymede, and persuades Orlando to "practice" wooing on her. As Ganymede, she mocks
Top, Jonathan Groff as Rosalind, right, and Fisayo Akinade as Celia in "As You Like It," at the Royal Shakespeare Theater; above, Groff and Akinade; above right, the comedy ends in multiple marriages.
womankind and says savage things to the proud shepherdess Phoebe (Tim Preston, giving the evening's most dizzyingly funny performance), who foolishly falls in love with her tormentor, not knowing it's Rosalind in trousers.
But Evans's all-male company, breaking into close-harmony songs whenever it gets a chance, gives the whole thing an air of sweet camaraderie. (It isn't a coincidence that the vocal arrangements of various Welsh songs require a high, bewitching countertenor.) There's a variety of approaches to gender here: Some actors dissolve into their feminine portraits, others choose a pantomime dame approach. Whichever choice they make, the jokes don't hurt them.
And for this particular Rosalind, the forest experience is a chance to actually discard disguise. In the greenwood, Groff will get to wear cute hiking shorts and speak basso! How good it is to be oneself.
Anticipation mounted the more that the stage managers told the audience to wait. After more than an hour, Evans himself an-

As You Like It Through Nov. 7 at the Royal Shakespeare Theater in Stratford-upon-Avon, England; rsc.org.uk.
nounced (to cheers) that the Royal Shakespeare Company crew had "lifted the court manually" out of the fugitives' way. The Forest of Arden then finally, finally arrived: a huge, sunlit hillside of moss and high grasses. Characters romp up and over this multilevel fairy tale glade, or peep from among its green tussocks, like birds looking out of a hedge. (The set designer Anisha Fields, the sound designer Paul Groothuis and the lighting designer Ryan Day collaborate to give the whole theater a drowsy summer peace.)
An "As You Like It" usually takes its tenor from its Rosalind, and Groff is a particularly fond and joyful one. Even when he's mocking someone, Groff has a gift for radiating sincere affection not just to other characters (he and Barnes-Worrell strike real sparks) but into the audience. In the epilogue — when Rosalind swears she'll kiss anyone in the audience with "beards that pleased me" — the promise felt plausible.
The key of Evans's production lies with Celia, the wry straight woman and tart side-kick. She's genuinely hurt by the way Rosalind talks about women, and the threatened break between these two great friends is the one moment of true risk in the show. The superb Akinade is so hilarious that Evans often stations him, unspeaking, on a tuffet center stage, just to provide a kind of constantly available reaction shot. (I kept checking in with Celia during Rosalind's weirder japes. Her face usually said, "Nope.")
But on opening night, it was the technical accident that primarily governed the show's chaos-on-the-brink mood: the sense that we might never get to the forest if everyone in the house didn't hold their breath and pray. I'm sure they can't break the set every night, but I will note for future reference that it does promote an ebullient solidarity.
Even without the unifying fear of collapse, though, I expect that Evans and his super ensemble maintain their dazzling sense of common delight. This is a group moving perfectly in concert, as elegantly balanced as dancers. Perhaps the finest scene of the night is the four-way confessional of love between the goofy forest local Silvius (Edward Judge), his love-object Phoebe, her love-object Rosalind, and her love-object Orlando. "Tell this youth what 'tis to love," demands Phoebe. "It is to be all made of sighs and tears," Silvius replies.
Well, it hasn't been for Orlando and Ganymede. They have laughed and laughed throughout their courtship, and the whole hillside has grown giddy in response. (Giddy originally meant "possessed by a god," which feels relevant to this soft, green bacchanal.) "As You Like It" ends with four marriages, and Evans takes his time to stage them with a slow joy and dignity. The cast dances a kind of pavane, singing yet another heart-stoppingly lovely song. And then man after man after man steps smiling into another man's arms.
ALISSA WILKINSON | DOCUMENTARY LENS

LIF/ALAMY STOCK PHOTO/BLEEDDER STREET
Elon Musk as seen in a new documentary about him, directed by Alex Gibney, that runs nearly four hours.
Alex Gibney's 'Musk' is a deeply researched look at the wealthy entrepreneur.
DEPENDING ON your state of mind, a nearly four-hour documentary about Elon Musk might sound exciting or excruciating.
For those prone to idolizing the richest man on earth, a portrait crafted by the prolific filmmaker Alex Gibney comes preloaded with assumptions of negative bias, since Musk attacked Gibney in posts on his social media platform, X, even before the film began production. Gibney acknowledges this near the beginning of "Musk" (in theaters), which he narrates; after the film's premiere in Venice, the trillionaire spent several hours calling him names on X. It's safe to say that the subject of "Musk" is not a fan.
But Gibney's no fan of his subject either: "How has Elon Musk assumed so much power, and why did we give it to him?" he asks early on. Musk — whose companies include Tesla, SpaceX and the satellite service Starlink — refused to be interviewed, so Gibney took an unusual anthropological approach: He and his research team assembled an archive of Musk's many public appearances and statements. They then created a computer-generated, A.I.-enhanced avatar that "speaks" directly to the camera in the real man's voice and words. (I'd say it was photorealistic, but the avatar seems to have undergone a glow-up.)
This proxy character fits into Gibney's overarching metaphor. He posits that Musk, who brags about his video gaming skills (though that appears to be mostly hot air), views the world as a game to be won and most people in it as either enemies to be taken down or expendable nonplayer characters. This largely checks out; Musk has spoken several times about his belief in simulation theory — the idea that we're probably living in a simulation created by some greater intelligence — and if the world isn't real, then why not treat it as a game?
The first half of "Musk" is mainly biographical, the tale of how he became the way he is. Gibney interviews Musk's collaborators, who outline the sometimes dubious or outright deceitful ways that they say he built his reputation as a techno-genius and brilliant businessman. What emerges is a portrait of the entrepreneur as something of a steamroller and sleight-of-hand magician, willing (by their account) to take credit for things he didn't do. After a 10-minute intermission, the film steers toward more recent Musk activity, especially DOGE, the government cost-cutting effort he led, and his turn toward hard-right politics.
The strongest and most damning parts of "Musk" come in conversations with two women. A raw interview with Justine Musk, his first ex-wife, gives shape to the mogul's early years in business and suggests that he was domineering from the start. At their wedding, he told her he was the "alpha male." She says that when they fought, he always found a way to make her feel as if she was in the wrong. Through their relationship, she says, she learned the word "gaslighting."
The other revealing source is Ashley St. Clair, the formerly conservative influencer and mother of his youngest child. She talks about her two-year relationship with Musk and explains the way he treats the four mothers of his 14 children, which includes N.D.A.s and a child support payment that St. Clair said shrank by 60 percent after she criticized him publicly. She gives a glimpse into his ideology, too: According to her, he once said in a message that they should have a “legion of children before the civil war.”
These conversations are so revealing because they fill in some of what goes on behind the scenes and at least make a stab at explaining his psychology. The movie searches for an explanation for his business and political moves, particularly in recent years. Was it his childhood? His need to be admired? Alleged drug use? Has he gotten so internet-brained, so to speak, that his view of the world has grown increasingly warped?
The movie doesn't find an answer, or rather, it finds too many to be conclusive. While the questions Gibney poses early on — how did Musk get so powerful and why did we allow it? — are good ones, they're not really answered by this movie. Some of it is implied: In the era of Silicon Valley founders, Americans have idolized the erratic, sometimes cruel genius, and for even longer, we've given men like him a pass.
The great strength of "Musk" is its deep, comprehensive research. Yet by the end, I hadn't learned much about him that I didn't already know, thanks to reams of media coverage throughout his career and especially in recent years.
What the film doesn't do, though perhaps it's impossible, is connect the man to the culture around him, seeing him as a manifestation of some deeper societal decay. I found myself wishing, ironically enough, that the film had been longer, able to give a more comprehensive idea of his place in history, as with Ezra Edelman's terrific 2016 film "O.J.: Made in America," or even Gibney films like "Going Clear," on Scientology. If indeed the question is why we allowed Musk all this power, then surely the answer lies partly in us.

The Classic Harbor Line offers tours of the Hudson River that pass by the Palisades in New Jersey.
MEIGHAN MAY HART/CLASSIC HARBOR LING
After a sweltering summer, crisp air and autumnal leaves invite travelers to take a communal sigh of relief. With gas prices high, a leaf-peeping road trip may be less appealing, but there are plenty of places where you can enjoy the spectacle of colors from an aquatic vantage point, whether on a dayslong cruise or an afternoon sail. First you need to pick your destination. Chad Merrill, a senior meteorologist with AccuWeather, predicted that the prolonged drought out West would cause trees in the Rocky Mountain region to "shut down early," with the peak in early October. For foliage enthusiasts, that means muted colors and early leaf drop. In the Southeast and southern Mid-Atlantic, drought stress and a late spring freeze will keep the foliage from reaching its full potential, Mr. Merrill said. The best chance to see the most vivid colors will probably be in the Great Lakes region and the Northeast. The Plains, the Northwest and California are expected to have typical fall colors. Here are some options for where, and when, to see the best fall colors from the water. RYLEY OBER

JETTLEIGHT
OREGON AND WASHINGTON
Under the peaks of the Cascade Mountain Range, the Columbia River meanders along the border of Oregon and Washington on its 1,200-mile journey to the Pacific Ocean. Near Portland, the gorge is covered in dense forests of Douglas fir, western red cedar, and big leaf maple, making it a perfect destination for autumn sightseeing.
For a day trip, climb aboard the Sternwheeler, which departs from Cascade Locks Marine Park, less than an hour from Portland. Cruises of the Columbia Gorge range from an hour to over four hours, and there are a variety of excursions, including dam lock tours for about \$100, expedition tours for \$55, or brunch and dinner cruises for \$120. Reduced rates are available for children, older adults and people with disabilities.
American Cruise Line's nine-day Columbia and Snake Rivers Cruise provides a full immersion into the rivers' changing landscapes, which turn to grasslands and sagebrush as you move upstream. Following the path of Lewis and Clark, the cruise line promises a rich exploration of history as the ship passes through a series of modern locks and dams. Fall cruises in 2027 range from \$5,800 to \$10,000. There's limited availability for fall 2026.
The Old Farmer's Almanac, which produces annual fall foliage forecasts, estimates peak colors will last from mid-October to early November.


HUDON RIVER CHUSES
NEW YORK
TAYLORS FALL SCENE ROAT TOURS

MINNESOTA-WISCONSIN BORDER
The St. Croix River, which forms the border of Minnesota and Wisconsin for about 130 miles, was one of the original eight rivers to be protected under the Wild and Scenic Rivers Act in 1968. Epic rock faces carved by ice age glaciers tower over the waterway, which features a mix of wild forests and small towns.
About an hour northeast of Minneapolis, the family-owned Taylors Falls Scenic Boat Tours has operated river trips on their two paddle wheeler boats for 120 years. Their 45- or 80-minute tours start in Taylors Falls, Minn., and explore the history of the river's rock formations, including a stone cross for which the St. Croix is named.
Tours start at about \$30 for adults, \$28 for seniors and \$18 for children. While visiting town,
ASPAD BINEDEK/GETTY
stop by the Drive-In, an American food joint that offers a must-try homemade root beer float. You can't miss it — just look for the giant rotating mug.
For a shorter drive from Minneapolis, try St. Croix River Cruises' fall foliage tours on the Wisconsin side of the river. The cruise launches from the quaint town of Hudson, Wis., a name given to the town by its first mayor because the river's bluffs reminded him of the Hudson River. Fall cruises are \$28 for adults and \$20 for children.
The Old Farmer's Almanac predicts fall colors will peak here in early-to-mid October.
UPSTATE NEW YORK
The St. Lawrence River on the Canadian border in upstate New York beckons travelers into a storybook scene of woodlands, waterfront estates and magnificent castles, such as the popular Boldt Castle in Alexandria Bay and the Singer Castle in Chippewa Bay. Several cruise companies provide tours, from hourlong excursions to week-long trips, through the Thousand Islands area, which is really an archipelago of more than 1,800 islands.
Highly rated on Tripadvisor and Google reviews, Uncle Sam Boat Tours in Alexandria Bay offers tours of Singer Castle or Millionaires' Row, a stretch of islands featuring opulent mansions built by wealthy families in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Most tours are around \$30 for adults, though some charge extra to enter the castle. For a fall-specific option, an autumn sunset tour with Clayton Island Tours features an ever-changing, two-hour route based on the captain's favorite areas. Tickets are \$27 for adults and \$16 for children.
For foliage fanatics looking to cruise this fall, time is of the essence. Fall colors will pass their peak by mid-to-late October, according to The Old Farmer's Almanac.

NANTAJALA OUTDOCK CENTER — CHATTODGA JIVER OUTPOST
Whether you enjoy seeing stately lighthouses, colorful tree canopy, or simply cruising with a German Pilsener in hand, there's a perfect Hudson River tour for any fall itinerary.
The Circle Line's 40-mile cruise has gained some TikTok popularity for its Oktoberfest theme, featuring live music, German beer and an assortment of bratwurst, schnitzel and pretzels. The tour cruises up the river from Pier 83 in Midtown Manhattan to Hook Mountain State Park. Standard tickets are \$69 and premier packages are \$110, including top level seating, a private bar and a German-style food platter.
TENNESSEE, NORTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA
If you prefer luxury yachts, Classic Harbor Line has multiple fall foliage cruises on offer, including
According to The Old Farmer's Almanac, fall foliage along the lower Hudson will peak in the middle of October.
brunch trips, urban naturalist tours and a sailboat excursion. Starting from Chelsea Piers in Manhattan, these tours feature colorful views of the steep cliffs that line the western shore of the lower Hudson. Prices range from \$82 to \$124.
Hudson River Cruises depart from East Strand Street in Kingston, N.Y., and take passengers on a narrated tour of Hudson River lighthouses and waterfront mansions. Food and drinks are available for purchase. Tickets cost \$41 for adults, \$38 for seniors and \$25 for children.
Every year, leaf peepers flock to the Blue Ridge Parkway in North Carolina and the Great Smoky Mountains National Park in Tennessee to drive and hike through the amber and yellow foliage of the Southern Appalachian Mountains. But you can avoid the crowds by trading the roadways for waterways and rafting down the region's best-in-class rapids. Just be sure to wear a dry suit.
Beginner thrill seekers can try the Ocoee River in Benton, Tenn. For a calmer experience, raft, kayak or canoe at your own pace down the Chattahoochee River in Roswell, Ga. Or, follow in the paddle strokes of Jimmy Carter and head down the Chattooga River on the border of South Carolina and Georgia, which provides options for
both beginner and experienced rafters.
The Nantahala Outdoor Center, based in Bryson City, North Carolina, offers guided tours or rentals down each of these rivers. Trips start at around \$45, with longer tours that include lunch ranging from \$135 to \$155.
The Old Farmer's Almanac predicts fall foliage will peak from mid-October to mid-November, though outfitters typically close for the season at the end of October.
Cups and saucers softly clinked at Las Violetas, a soaring Buenos Aires cathedral of confections, as I prepared to devour my breakfast, a sticky, sweet medialuna and a cortado. I had biked to the cafe, in the Almagro neighborhood, at 8:30 on a Saturday morning to kick off my daylong tour of some of the city's most beloved establishments.
Exquisite stained-glass windows cast a warm glow over the space, adorned with Carrara marble counters and Art Nouveau bronze chandeliers. All this splendor contrasted with the cafe's history as a place where the grandmothers of children abducted by the Argentine government during the "dirty war," from 1976 to 1983, conducted clandestine organizing meetings under the cover of staged birthday parties. Yes, I was enjoying a pastry, but the richness of the past filled me with wonder.
Buenos Aires has an abundance of venerable bar-cafes, many built during Argentina's belle epoque, from around 1880 to 1920, when it was among the world's wealthiest nations. The city officially recognizes about 100 of these establishments for their cultural, architectural or historical significance. Today, these designated "bares notables" preserve a vanishing era of graceful cafe culture. My tour extended late into the night. Luckily, the city has one of these treasures for every hour of the day. RUFFIN PREVOST

A destination for pastries and coffee, Las Violetas was founded in 1884, though its current building dates from the 1920s.
PHOTOGRAPHIS BY AGUSTIN NETO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES


For lunch, I headed to San Telmo, the city's oldest neighborhood. It's home to bohemian shops, funky galleries and a famous market, as well as Bar El Federal, whose colorful history does justice to its surroundings.
The friends I met for lunch sat transfixed, gazing at the array of relics and curios that lined the walls. We devoured the Gran Federal — a bountiful meat-and-cheese plate known as a picada — and then watched a cook deftly hand-crank a stalwart old flywheel meat slicer.
A long cedar bar with a green stained-glass arch dominates the space, and everything about the place exudes age and authenticity with the kind of grit and patina that accretes over decades.
A fellow customer, Gabriel Olivares, a 53-year-old civil engineer from San Telmo, summed up the experience there: "You always know what you're going to get because it doesn't change."
El Federal, established in 1864, has spawned endless folk tales (and a few true ones). Its second floor reportedly once hosted a brothel, and legend says a former owner's daughter was murdered at the front door. The atmosphere, while hardly gloomy, would support almost any gothic yarn.
Bar El Federal, which serves meat-and-cheese plates, has a colorful history that matches its grit and patina.
The small storefront at El Gato Negro, in the San Nicolás theater district, beckoned with spices arrayed in an intricate window display. Inside, a swirling, aromatic bouquet enveloped me.

Along a wall running the depth of the building, antique wooden display cases packed with spices, teas and coffees stretched almost to the ceiling. The smells of cardamom, curry, paprika, parsley, oolong and oregano left me delightfully overwhelmed. Opposite the retail counter, a cafe space with wooden chairs and small, round tables provided a comfortable place to sample the teas and coffees and order food from a surprisingly extensive menu.
shop, using his original coffee roaster.

The space has hardly changed in the 98 years since Victoriano López Robredo, a Spanish immigrant, opened it. He was an explorer and adventurer who had lived in Singapore, the Philippines and Ceylon, now called Sri Lanka. Today, Don Victoriano's family still runs the
At El Gato Negro, which specializes in spices, teas and coffees, visitors can sample the wares in the cafe space.

I bought a small bag of dulce de leche tea, flavored with a milk caramel that's ubiquitous in Argentina, as a gift for an aficionado back home.


The hot, humid weather, a flat tire and the chaos of Buenos Aires traffic turned my five-mile bike ride to Varela Varelita into a well-earned excuse for late-afternoon fries and vermouth.
Opened in 1950, it was the newest bar I visited. But like many of its peers, Varela Varelita has remained frozen in time, even as Palermo, its heavily gentrified neighborhood, has spawned countless chic new restaurants and trendy cocktail bars.
Varela Varelita invites customers to practice the art of sobremesa, or sticking around to chat long after a meal.
My papas fritas arrived perfectly crispy on the outside and tender on the inside, and my vermut came with my own sifón — a little seltzer bottle — to spritz from as I desired.
Everywhere I looked, people were blissfully practicing the custom of sobremesa — lingering to chat, long after finishing their meals. Nearby, two older gentlemen with empty coffee cups engaged in leisurely conversation, and a college-age man with giant headphones, a laptop and a chessboard seemed to have sprouted roots.
The huge open windows facing the sidewalks allowed for sublime people-watching and brought a welcome breeze. I ordered another vermut, just to squirt a few more spritzes from my sifón and dream about returning.
Los Galgos was undeniably faithful to its roots as a watering hole founded in 1930, but its stimulating, inventive food and drinks diverged from the staid standbys at other notables.
The space was packed for the dinner rush and abuzz with infectious energy spilling in from the busy sidewalks. My partner and I enjoyed two delightfully balanced cocktails made with Hesperidina, a classic Argentine aperitif made from oranges and herbs.
"For us, the key is the idea that identity is alive," said Julián Díaz, 44, a co-owner who renovated and reopened Los Galgos in 2015. "We don't see the bar as a museum of the past."
After feasting on stracciatella, figs and Patagonian trout with citrus butter, we squeezed in one more stop: Los Laureles, a dance club in the Barracas neighborhood. After all, we figured, when would we have another chance to attend a midnight milonga dance party?
Close to a dozen couples of all ages were dancing tango, salsa and cumbia with precision and joy. I felt the urge to try one dance, but we left the dancing to the locals. They had, after all, been gliding across this floor since before Fred Astaire was even born.
Los Galgos, near right, features inventive food and drinks. Los Laureles hosts dance gatherings known as milongas.



PHOTOGRAPHY BY SOUTH FREMSON/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Your first visit to Vancouver, British Columbia, should include some big-ticket items: Stanley Park, Granville Island, Gastown and watching seaplanes glide over the majestic North Shore mountains. However, locals will insist that the most interesting restaurants, art studios and social scenes dwell beyond the city's downtown core and its immediate surroundings, in bustling, tree-lined neighborhoods like Mount Pleasant and pockets of East Vancouver. Trendy new dining spots reflect a recent wave of immigration from Latin America, adding to a cultural mix already rich with Chinese, Indian and Filipino representation. Complementing these developments is the opening this year of the Time Out Market, anchored by acclaimed Vancouver restaurants; streamlined rail travel to Seattle, and a new suite of Amtrak trains; and the city's role this summer as a World Cup host, which restored its entertainment district to its exuberant, pre-pandemic glory. GERALD NARCISO




Vancouver's skyline, with the North Shore Mountains behind; salted garlic chicken wings at Phnom Penh restaurant, in Chinatown; John Hendry (Trout Lake) Park; a matcha concoction at Cowdog, in the Kitsilano neighborhood; and Pantitlán, a new taco and tequila bar in East Vancouver.
Until the introduction of e-scooters two years ago, Vancouver's glorious sea wall, a 17-mile uninterrupted waterfront path, was used mostly by cyclists, runners and athleisure-clad locals. There are now more than 5,000 available Lime e-scooter rentals (booked through their app, rates vary) and that there is only one of the most efficient ways to enjoy unmatched views of the glassy cityscape and the North Shore mountains. Pick up your e-scooter around Kitsilano Beach and ride through the neighborhoods of Granville Island, Olympic Village, Yaletown and the West End, pausing for a pint at Batch, a year round bar that's just steps off from the East. After the next week, the West End, before golden hour (the nearest docking station is at Beach Avenue and Hornby Street) — they're prohibited at Sunset Beach, your scenic last stop.
A 10-minute uphill walk from Sunset Beach leads to Davie Village, a vibrant L.G.B.T.Q. district on the fringes of the West End. Stroll around, and you'll find a mix of gay bars and highly rated restaurants, including a local favorite, Tom Sushi. Vancouver is widely considered a top North American sushi destination — and even among its more than 450 sushi spots, Tom Sushi ranks among the elite. The nigiri are especially good, with the tobiko and quail egg meriting special mention. If you're splurging, the bluefin sashimi trio topped with gold leaf flakes practically melts in your mouth (48 Canadian dollars, or about \$34, for six pieces).
Latin restaurants are gaining momentum here, a result of both an increase in Latino immigrants and a surge in local tourism to Mexico City as Canadians choose to avoid the United States. Pantitlán, a new taco and tequila bar in East Vancouver, requires something of a quest. From downtown, take a 20-minute cab ride east to Mercado Panaderia, a Mexican bakery. Go around back and look for the bright yellow gate, but there is a strong rebound between you and Pantitlán's tangy, tasty cocktails and a giant spit of pork. The 20-seat bar is intimate, the adobo-marinated tacos al pastor (4.75 dollars per taco) are full of flavor and the pisco sour margaritas (16.25 dollars) justify the inevitable hangover.
Accessible on Vancouver's SkyTrain line, Cedar Cottage is an East Vancouver neighborhood with historic character, hip young families and the thrum of constant redevelopment. On the south end of Commercial Drive, Flourist is a laid-back bakery perfect for grabbing a coffee and a pastry - the cardamom bun (the Mars) is the right side of the restaurant. The chicken cookies are among the city's best. Take them to go and walk five minutes toward John Hendry (Trout Lake) Park, a 70-acre green space that hosts a popular farmers' market on Saturday mornings until the end of October. Browse the rows of local vendors, perhaps picking out a tree from the house made by wine. Then stroll through the park and into the surrounding neighborhood, freezing past shady elm trees, lush gardens and colorful detached homes.
The first Chinese immigrants arrived in Vancouver in the mid-19th century, and today, Chinese Canadians make up nearly a fifth of the city's population. The 141-year-old Chinatown sits on the eastern edge of downtown, and dated mom-and-pop store at the top of the city. It is now a few roots in the city. The Chinatown Storytelling Center (18 dollars) describes that history through immersive exhibits like a recreation of 1950s Chinatown. The center's gift shop, Foo Hung Curios, isn't your standard-issue souvenir store; there are designers mahjong sets, pork bun plushles and miniales, and their own home with the corner to visit the Dr. Sun Yat-Sen Classical Chinese Garden, a tranquil outdoor space behind the Chinese Cultural Center.
Locals will happily point you to Phnom Penh, in Chinatown, a no-frills spot that happens to have exceptionally good wings. Run by the same family for generations, this Cambodian and Vietnamese fusion restaurant has developed a cult following for its perfectly fried and salted garlic chicken wings (large order, 17 dollars) and marinated butter beef (17.50 dollars), which are tangy slices of raw beef. It doesn't take the past of these two guests for fewer than six guests, so expect a line, even at lunch. If you need a snack, New Town Bakery & Restaurant is a five-minute walk down West Pender Street, and its pineapple buns (2.50 dollars each) and Chinese-and-Filipino-influenced pork asado steamed buns, known as siopaos (4.50 dollars each), are renowned around town.
Vancouver's epicenter of cool lies not in its downtown core, but in Mount Pleasant, about a 10-minute taxi ride away. Start at Main Street and East 22nd Avenue, where Front and Company has a well-curated selection of vintage clothing and accessories, from Dior handbags to streetwear by the green bag, which is a restaurant of Virgil Abhol's. Down the block, the Vancouver Special design store, whose name nods to a local architectural style, offers colorful Scandinavian furniture, funky clocks and a collection of rare coffee table books. Across the street, scoop up a quirky souvenir at Weik's, a beloved general store and lapster haven. Between steps, grab a lot of coffee at Coco & Olive, a ceramic boutique and cafe, or at Foglifter, which serves the greatest carrot cake this author has ever had.
In a revitalized formerly industrial area of Mount Pleasant, the Beaumont Studios is a two-building community of art studios (more than 100 local artists in total), a cafe, a hair salon, a vintage store, a tattoo parlor and a community radio station, all connected to the local artist. The local artist has free to wander around, though there's no guarantee that any of the artists' including the Instagram-famous Sneaky Artist will be there when you visit. But you can peer at their studios and artwork through windows, and the decorated halls and stairwells inside the building are exhibited in the room. On most evenings, a local D. Spins in the street-facing radio studio to an audience of dog walkers and dinner crowds on the move.
The dining experience at AnnaLena, a farm-to-table restaurant in Kitsilano, feels perfectly choreographed without cramping its West Coast cool. The hand-torn bread soaked in beef fat, served first, sets the tone — and the high expectations — for the other time. It is also a good table with 20 dollars per person), which includes aged Peking duck and a charcoal-roasted asparagus pasta. What unites them all is superior presentation, local ingredients and savory flavors. If you can't get a reservation, head across the street to Plaza Toyokan, a bowling, and volleyball-themed izakaya, for the most popular music of black cod (24 dollars) and uni cream pizza (32 dollars), a decadent marriage of Japanese flavors and Italian preparations.
LaLa, an intimate bar and lounge in the basement of the buzzy restaurant June, is known as much for its experimental cocktails as its lineup of D.J.s., who spin everything from jazz to throwback hip-hop on vinyl (think A Tribe Called Quest and the French Tour) and has been a lot of four lovers sip drinks like the sweet Still Manilla, a blend of Filipino flavors like coconut, ube and lime, and mezcal (24 dollars). Good Thief, on Main Street, is a jewel-box bar with emerald green décor and a stylish crowd. As with its next-door sister restaurant, it is a fine dining room. Vietnamese cuisine is expressed in creative cocktails with traditional ingredients—the Hoi An Nights blends Tanqueray No. Ten gin, mangosteen and jasmine (18 dollars).
Credit the strength of the Canadian dollar in Japan, or the record number of Vancouverites who are visiting there, but Vancouver is fostering a growing appreciation for all things Japanese. In recent years, matcha culture has exploded in Vancouver, with local blogs announcing new matcha cafe openings like a sports team's free-agent signings. One spot worth the hype is Cowdog in Kitsilano, which started as a pop-up by Joe Lee, the owner and one of the city's 100% of the country. The most popular activity was pretty much as a matcha sluishy (9.75 dollars) is especially tasty. In the city center, the minimalist Nizu Cafe offers premium Matcha Reserve Lattes (9 dollars) sourced from Shizuoka — its vivid jade hue is a key quality indicator — and authentic Japanese treats like an egg-and-pork-koin sandwich (15 dollars).
A 20-minute cab ride outside downtown (about 18 dollars), in the verdant West Point Grey area just east of the University of British Columbia, is Pacific Spirit Regional Park. To maximize the sweeping views of fall foliage, ask your driver to take Imperial Drive down to the park's entrance on West 16th Avenue. You'll feel tiny inside the 2,100-acre park, surrounded by towering Douglas firs and western red cedar trees. There are more than 50 miles of trails of varying levels, 22 miles of which are suitable for biking or horseback riding. The terrain can be damp and muddy during the fall, so dress appropriately.
A trip to Vancouver doesn't feel complete without a dim sum stop. Seaport City Seafood, on the border of the Olympic Village and Cambie Village districts, sits beside a SkyTrain station that'll have you at the airport in 20 minutes. But its convenient vacation is dueus; you've been for a bit of surprise for the 14 dollars, baked barbecue pork buns with a crispy outer layer (14 dollars) and black-truffle fried rice (43 dollars). At 33 Acres Brewing Co., a Mount Pleasant brewery that also throws reliably packed block parties, you can round out your meal with a craft beer (14 dollars), and has been sold for 50 dollars – and head home with hypebeast merch (wool cap, 60 dollars) and beautifully packaged four-packs (from 14 dollars).
In a city with more than 450 sushi spots, Tom Sushi stands out with its bluefin sashimi trio.
John Hendry (Trout Lake) Park, a 70-acre green space in the leafy East Vancouver neighborhood, hosts a popular farmers' market on Saturdays.
The Chinatown Storytelling Center shares more than 140 years' worth of stories, images and immersive exhibitions.
Enjoy more than 50 miles of hiking, biking and horseback riding trails at Pacific Spirit Regional Park, including the Sword Fern trail, a favorite for spotting fall foliage.
Behind a bright yellow gate in the Hastings-Sunrise neighborhood of East Vancouver, Pantitlan is a hip new late-night Mexican spot with authentic al pastor tacos.
Phnom Penh, in Chinatown, often has a line — and some of the city's most raved-about chicken wings.
The farm-to-table spot AnnaLena has a near-perfect tasting menu that warrants its Michelin-star status.
Plaza Toyokan, a bowling- and volleyball-themed izakaya, serves creative seafood specials, like tomato miso black cod and uni cream pizza.
Seaport City Seafood serves well-crafted dim sum, including aromatic dishes like crispy prawn rice rolls and black-truffle fried rice.
For a dose of classic luxury on Vancouver Harbor, try the Pan Pacific hotel, which delivers unmatched views of the surrounding mountains and oceans. Rooms start at 660 Canadian dollars per night, or about \$467.
The Granville Island Hotel is a marina-side boutique that's just a brisk walk from the Granville Island Market. Rooms are pet-friendly, and it features a waterfront patio that, for some travelers, might call to mind South Beach more than the Pacific Northwest. Rooms start at 500 dollars.
Stanley Park, the English Bay Beach and an abundance of affordable multicultural eats are steps from the Best Western Plus Sands. Rooms start at 370 dollars.
For short-term rentals, downtown high-rises are a good, convenient bet, but try expanding your search to nearby neighborhoods like Mount Pleasant, Kitsilano and Cambie Village (on the Canada Line rapid transit train) to complete the local experience. However, there is less inventory than in previous years because of recently enacted strict restrictions on short-term rentals on platforms like Airbnb and Vrbo.
Is everyone out there super-jazzed for fall, ready to trade long, warm days for long, cold nights? Good, me neither.
Though — and don't tell summer — I am a little happy that autumn has arrived. As much as I love summer's tomatoes and peppers and eggplants, I can't resist the generous charms of cold-season squashes, heavy cabbages and apples so crisp you can hear them from the next room. I made loaded sweet potatoes the other night and whispered "I missed you" to my potato, a very normal thing to do.
So today's selection of recipes is a toe dip into fall — a collection of five fast, simple dinners to ease us into the season. (If you're feeling more inclined to dive into spooky season, there's a collection of extremely fall recipes, and much more, online at nytcooking .com.)

LINDA XING FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES FOOD STYLE: MONICA PIERING
After ignoring my oven all summer, it's finally time (read: the daily highs are below 78 degrees) to put it to work. Salmon fillets get a quick stint in the oven with some broccoli florets and a soy-honey-sesame glaze; you get a healthy, protein-and-veg-in-one dinner from Lidey Heuck. Serve it with — all together now — rice.
BY LIDY HEUCK TIME: 20 MINUTES YIELD: 4 SERVINGS
4 tablespoons toasted sesame oil
2 tablespoons soy sauce or tamari
1 tablespoon rice vinegar 1 tablespoon honey
1 (2-inch) piece fresh ginger, peeled and finely grated (about 1 tablespoon)
2 scallions, trimmed and cut diagonally into 1½-inch segments, plus thinly sliced scallions for garnish
1 garlic clove, finely grated 1 pound broccoli, trimmed and cut into florets, thick stems discarded
1 tablespoon olive oil, plus more for brushing the salmon
Kosher salt and black pepper 4 (6-ounce) skin-on salmon fillets
½ lime, for serving Sesame seeds, for serving
Place the broccoli florets and 1½-inch scallion segments on a sheet pan. Drizzle with 1 tablespoon olive oil and the remaining 1 tablespoon sesame oil. Sprinkle with ½ teaspoon salt and ¼ teaspoon black pepper, toss well and roast for 5 minutes.
While the broccoli and scallions roast, place the salmon fillets on a plate and pat dry with paper towels. Brush all over with olive oil and sprinkle with salt and pepper.
Toss the broccoli and scallions and move to the edges of the pan, clearing spaces in the center for the salmon fillets. Place the salmon fillets, evenly spaced, on the center of the pan. Brush the fillets generously with the glaze.
Return the pan to the oven and roast until the salmon is cooked through but still slightly rare in the center, about 12 minutes.
Squeeze the lime over the broccoli and sprinkle with salt. Scatter the sliced scallions and sesame seeds over the salmon, and serve hot.

ANDREW BUI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES FOOD STYLIT. BENCCA JURKEVICH
LINDA ROAD FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES FOOD STYLISH MUNICA FIGURE
Summer is for cold noodles; fall is for hot noodles. More specifically, fall is for hot noodles that come together really quickly with only a few ingredients, because fall is busy. In this new Hetty Lui McKinnon dish, red curry paste does the heavy lifting, bringing big flavor to shelf-stable or frozen udon noodles and some handfuls of baby spinach.
1 cup roughly chopped cilantro, divided
28 ounces udon noodles (preferably shelf-stable vacuum sealed or frozen, unthawed), see Tip
1 tablespoon neutral-tasting oil, such as avocado
1 red or yellow onion, halved and thinly sliced (about 1½ cups)
2 tablespoons Thai red curry paste, or more to taste
1 tablespoon soy sauce
2 limes, one halved and the other quartered
5 ounces spinach (about 5 cups)
4 scallions, trimmed, white and green parts thinly sliced (about 1½ cups), divided
½ cup (2 ounces) roasted peanuts, roughly chopped

The udon noodles can be replaced with any dried noodles; you'll need about 10 ounces.
Bring a large pot of salted water to the boil. Add the udon noodles and cook according to package instructions, until the noodles separate. Use tongs or chopsticks to gently loosen up the noodles. Drain, rinse well with cold water, and drain again.
Heat a wok or large skillet on medium-high for 1 to 2 minutes, until very hot. Drizzle with oil and add the onion, stirring until slightly softened and starting to turn golden, 2 to 3 minutes. Add the noodles (if they have been sitting around a while and are sticking together, rinse with water to loosen them, draining off excess water), 2 tablespoons red curry paste and soy sauce and toss. Taste and check if you need more curry paste, adding another tablespoon if necessary. Add as much spinach as will fit into the pan and toss constantly, piling in more spinach as it cooks down. Keep tossing until all the spinach is wilted, 2 to 3 minutes.

RACHEL VANNIFOR THE NEW YORK TIMES FOOD STYLIST SPENCER RICHARDS
The first time you make this five-star Ali Slagle recipe, make it as written, so you can experience it in its gentle, soothing simplicity. Then, on subsequent passes, have fun with it: Skip the rosemary and add in some chopped ginger to sauté with the onion; swap in silky Swiss chard for the kale; use canned lentils instead of white beans. I can vouch for all these iterations.
BY ALI SLAGLE TIME: 45 MINUTES YIELD: 4 SERVINGS
3 tablespoons unsalted butter
5 garlic cloves, smashed and peeled
1 rosemary or 2 sage sprigs Salt and black pepper

1 pound boneless, skinless chicken breasts
4 cups chicken broth
2 (15-ounce) cans white beans, such as cannellini, drained
1 bunch kale, escarole or another dark leafy green, stems removed and leaves coarsely chopped
Add the chicken, broth and white beans. Bring to a simmer over medium, then reduce heat to low, cover the pot and simmer until the chicken is cooked through (165 degrees in the thickest part), 10 to 14 minutes.
Transfer the chicken to a bowl and smash some of the beans on the side of the pot. Stir the greens into the soup. Increase heat to medium and simmer, uncovered, while you shred the chicken.
Use two forks to shred the chicken. Stir the chicken back in the soup and season to taste with salt and pepper.*
To cook a Yewande Komolafe recipe is to love that Yewande Komolafe recipe; her fish and lentils with sauce rot and her suya-spiced chicken meatballs are on heavy rotation in my home. This ocher soup, which boosts a whole 14-ounce can of pumpkin purée with peanut butter, chile and ginger, is exactly the sort of wholesome, reviving dinner I want for a chilly gray evening.
BY YEWANDE KOMOLAFE TIME: 35 MINUTES YIELD: 4 SERVINGS
2 tablespoons olive oil
1 medium onion, peeled and diced (about 1 ½ cups)
4 garlic cloves, smashed
1 (1-inch) piece ginger, peeled and chopped
½ habanero or bird's eye chile 1 (14-ounce) can pumpkin purée
3 cups water (or use chicken or vegetable stock)
2 tablespoons sliced fresh chives (optional)
1 (13-ounce) can coconut milk
1 tablespoon agave or honey (optional)
$\frac{1}{4}$ cup unsweetened natural peanut butter Salt
$\frac{1}{4}$ cup crème fraîche or yogurt (optional)
Divide soup between bowls, sprinkle with the chives and a dollop of crème fraîche or yogurt, or a drizzle of olive oil to make it vegan. Serve with a warm crusty baguette or chunks of warm sourdough for dipping.
In a large stock pot, heat oil over medium heat. Add onion, garlic and ginger, and cook, stirring frequently until softened and just beginning to brown around the edges, about 4 minutes. Stir in the chile and pumpkin puree, and whisk in the water or stock. Bring to a boil, reduce the heat and allow to simmer on low, giving an occasional stir, for 20 minutes or until slightly reduced and thickened. Remove the chile after the soup simmers if you don't care for much spice.
Add coconut milk, agave or honey (if using), and peanut butter to the pot. Using an immersion blender or working in batches in a standing blender, puree the soup until smooth. Season with salt and keep warm over low heat. Do not bring soup up to a simmer or boil at this point. (This reduces the risk of the oils in the peanut butter separating and breaking the soup's smooth texture.)

KATE SEARS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES: FOOD STYLIST BARRETT WASHBURN
This dependable Kay Chun recipe is what to make for dinner when you get to Thursday and all that's left in the crisper is half a head of iceberg lettuce, a neglected package of mushrooms and one lone sweet potato rolling around. I'm sure I don't need to tell you, but make extra so you have a really nice burrito lunch (or breakfast!) the next day.
BY KAY CHUN TIME: 30 MINUTES YIELD: 4 SERVINGS
12 ounces white, cremini or stuffing mushrooms, cut into ½-inch pieces 3 large poblano chiles (12 ounces), seeded and cut into 1-inch pieces 1 medium sweet potato (8 ounces), peeled and cut into ½-inch cubes 2 garlic cloves, minced 1 teaspoon dried oregano 1 teaspoon smoked paprika 4 cup extra-virgin olive oil Kosher salt and black pepper 1 cup shredded Monterey Jack (4 ounces) 1 Hass avocado, mashed with a fork 4 (9- to 10-inch) flour tortillas 5 cup sour cream 1 packed cup shredded butter or bibb lettuce 5 cup pico de gallo or salsa, store-bought or homemade
Heat oven to 450 degrees. On a rimmed baking sheet, combine mushrooms, poblano chiles, sweet potato, garlic, oregano, smoked paprika and oil, and season with salt and pepper; toss to evenly coat. Roast, stirring halfway through, until vegetables are golden and tender, about 15 minutes. Push the vegetables into a 12-by-6-inch rectangle and sprinkle with the cheese; roast just until cheese melts, about 2 minutes longer.
Spread one-quarter of the mashed avocado in the center of each tortilla. Top each with 2 tablespoons of the sour cream, 34 cup lettuce and 2 tablespoons pico de gallo, then evenly divide the cheesy roasted vegetables on top. Fold the short sides of the tortilla in over the filling; fold the bottom of the tortilla up and over the filling and tightly roll. Serve warm.
Brian Hamilton, Across Europe, Actor Penn, Aerial Image, After Delta, After Ms, After President Trump - WARNING: source dates, money, or percentage tokens may be missing
经过严格审核,该翻译件存在多处严重错误,特别是数字量级、日期以及关键事实的翻译上出现了致命缺陷。
以下是详细的 QA 审核报告:
1. 数字量级错误 (Amount Magnitude Error) - 译文: “S.L.A.坚持要求向穷人提供食品捐赠,金额可能高达约 4亿美元(相当于今天的近 30 亿美元 billion)” - 原文: “S.L.A. insisted on food donations to the poor, an amount that could be as much as $400,000 (nearly $3 million today)” - 核查: 原文为 40 万美元 $\rightarrow$ 300 万美元;译文将其扩大了 1000 倍,变成了 4 亿 $\rightarrow$ 30 亿。 - 级别: [BLOCKING]
2. 日期翻译错误 (Date Error) - 译文: “哈里斯先生进入美国公众视野的诡谲旅程始于晚上9点左右,Feb. 4, 1974” - 原文: “...began around 9 p.m. on Feb. 4, 1974” - 核查: 译文中直接保留了英文日期,未翻译为中文(应为 1974 年 2 月 4 日)。 - 级别: [WARNING]
3. 关键事实/数字错误 (Fact/Number Error) - 译文: “在 2018, 1974年 于加利福尼亚州洛杉矶... 在联邦起诉书中,15, 1974年 于加利福尼亚州旧金山” - 原文: “...in October 1974 in Los Angeles... in November 1974 in San Francisco” - 核查: 译文将月份(October/November)错误地识别或翻译成了年份/数字(2018/15),导致时间线完全混乱。 - 级别: [BLOCKING]
4. 关键事实/数字错误 (Fact/Number Error) - 译文: “威廉·泰勒·哈里斯(William Taylor Harris)于 22, 1945, 出生在...” - 原文: “William Taylor Harris was born on June 22, 1945” - 核查: 漏译月份(June),且格式错误(22, 1945)。 - 级别: [WARNING]
5. 关键事实/数字错误 (Fact/Number Error) - 译文: “他告诉CNN,当他在 1963, 高中毕业时” - 原文: “...when he graduated from high school in 1963” - 核查: 译文出现了多余的逗号,且在后续段落中(如 1968, 1971, 1973, 11月)频繁出现不规范的逗号分隔,影响阅读。 - 级别: [WARNING]
6. 术语/量词翻译错误 (Quantity Error)
- 译文: “4 杯特级初榨橄榄油” (烤蔬菜卷饼食谱)
- 原文: “4 tbsp extra-virgin olive oil”
- 核查: tbsp (tablespoon) 是“汤匙”,译文将其翻译成了“杯 (cup)”。在烹饪食谱中,4杯油与4汤匙油是巨大的区别,会导致菜肴完全无法食用。
- 级别: [BLOCKING]
7. 术语/量词翻译错误 (Quantity Error)
- 译文: “5 杯酸奶油” / “1 杯压实后切碎的黄油生菜” / “5 杯皮科德加约”
- 原文: “5 tbsp sour cream” / “1 packed cup shredded butter or bibb lettuce” / “5 tbsp pico de gallo”
- 核查: 同样将 tbsp (汤匙) 误译为 cup (杯)。
- 级别: [BLOCKING]
8. 术语/量词翻译错误 (Quantity Error) - 译文: “34 杯生菜” - 原文: “$\frac{3}{4}$ cup lettuce” - 核查: 将分数 $\frac{3}{4}$ 识别成了数字 34。 - 级别: [BLOCKING]
该译文在数字处理上存在系统性崩溃,包括: 1. 量级错误(万美元 $\rightarrow$ 亿美元)。 2. 单位错误(汤匙 $\rightarrow$ 杯)。 3. 格式错误(分数 $\rightarrow$ 整数,月份 $\rightarrow$ 随机数字)。
结论:存在多个 [BLOCKING] 级别问题,译文不可用。